Mississippi Today
What Gov. Tate Reeves and former Gov. Ronnie Musgrove have in common
Ronnie Musgrove, Mississippi’s last Democratic governor, and incumbent Gov. Tate Reeves, a proud Republican, have something in common — perhaps to the chagrin of both.
They could not agree at point in their tenure with legislative leaders on the amount of money the state would have to budget for the upcoming fiscal year.
When Reeves refused to accept the revenue estimate offered earlier this month by members of the Joint Legislative Budget Committee for the amount of money that would be collected to fund state vital services, he said it was “unchartered territory” for Mississippi government.
Perhaps Reeves, who in 2002 was 28 years old and preparing to run for his first statewide office, does not remember, but then-Gov. Musgrove also refused to agree with legislative leaders on the amount of money that would be available to budget.
State law mandates the governor and legislative budget committee, including the speaker and the lieutenant governor, meet each fall and agree on a revenue estimate. That estimate reflects the amount of money lawmakers can use as a starting point during the next session — beginning in early January — to budget for the upcoming fiscal year that begins July 1.
In 2002, Musgrove and the budget committee — led at the time by Speaker Tim Ford and Lt. Gov. Amy Tuck — could not agree on a revenue estimate.
“I thought the revenue estimate being offered by the committee was unrealistic,” Musgrove said recently during a phone interview from his Oxford home. He let out a hearty chuckle after being told he had something in common with Reeves.
In terms of his unwillingness to agree with the budget committee on the revenue estimate, he chuckled again and added, “As a side note, I was right.”
While Musgrove and Reeves hold the rare distinction of not agreeing with the legislative leadership on the revenue estimate, there is at least one key difference in their disagreements.
In 2002, the budget committee, as is the custom, was ready to accept the recommendation of the five state financial experts about the amount of money the state would collect over those next 12 months.
Musgrove, who was having to enact mid-year budget cuts because revenue was not meeting projections for the current year during a national recession, said he believed the estimate should be lower. He didn’t want to be left with having to make mid-year cuts after the Legislature had adjourned for the year in the middle of his reelection campaign.
By contrast, Reeves was ready to accept the experts’ recommendation. But it was the current budget committee, led by Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who said the recommendation of the experts was too high. The committee wanted to and did adopt an estimate $117.8 million less than the $7.64 billion estimate recommended by the experts.
Time will tell who is right this time.
But what is clear is that while Musgrove was refusing to agree, hoping to avoid mid-year cuts, Reeves is refusing to agree for the sake of his tax cut proposal. Reeves wants the perception — and maybe reality of a rosy financial outlook — as he conducts an all-out push in the 2024 session to eliminate the state income tax, which brings in roughly one-third of Mississippi’s annual general fund revenue.
Despite the jockeying done by Musgrove in the fall of 2002 and by Reeves in the fall of 2023, in reality, legislators have the final word.
The five financial experts — the treasurer, a member of the Legislative Budget Committee staff, state economist, state fiscal officer and commissioner of revenue — offer a consensus recommendation to the governor and the budget committee on the revenue estimate in the fall. But before adopting a final budget, the budget committee can meet late in the spring without the governor and hear an updated estimate from the experts and revise the estimate. That revised estimate is typically what legislators use in budgeting for the upcoming fiscal year.
The only recourse the governor has at that point is his veto.
Earlier in his tenure, Musgrove vetoed dozens of budget bills. Legislators overrode those vetoes with hardly a blink of their collective eye.
But in the 2003 session, after the legislative leaders refused to adopt Musgrove’s revenue estimate, he vetoed one key budget bill. This time the membership of the Legislature did uphold that veto and passed a revised bill that provided more safeguards to prevent Musgrove from having to make mid-year cuts. So, while legislative leaders refused to listen to Musgrove about the revenue estimate in the fall, a majority of the Legislature did heed his warnings in the spring before passing a final budget.
How the disagreement between Reeves and the legislative leadership will impact his tax cut proposal during the 2024 session remains to be seen.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1875
Nov. 2, 1875
The first Mississippi Plan, which included violence against Black Americans to keep them from voting, resulted in huge victories for white Democrats across the state.
A year earlier, the Republican Party had carried a majority of the votes, and many Black Mississippians had been elected to office. In the wake of those victories, white leagues arose to challenge Republican rule and began to use widespread violence and fraud to recapture control of the state.
Over several days in September 1875, about 50 Black Mississippians were killed along with white supporters, including a school teacher who worked with the Black community in Clinton.
The governor asked President Ulysses Grant to intervene, but he decided against intervening, and the violence and fraud continued. Other Southern states soon copied the Mississippi plan.
John R. Lynch, the last Black congressman for Mississippi until the 1986 election of Mike Espy, wrote: “It was a well-known fact that in 1875 nearly every Democratic club in the State was converted into an armed military company.”
A federal grand jury concluded: “Fraud, intimidation, and violence perpetrated at the last election is without a parallel in the annals of history.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Mississippi Today’s NewsMatch Campaign is Here: Support Journalism that Strengthens Mississippi
High-quality journalism like ours depends on reader support; without it, we simply couldn’t exist. That’s why we’re proud to join the NewsMatch movement, a national initiative aimed at raising $50 million for nonprofit newsrooms that serve communities like ours here in Mississippi, where access to reliable information has often been limited.
In a time when trusted journalists and media sources are disappearing, we believe the stakes couldn’t be higher. Without on-the-ground, trustworthy reporting, civic engagement suffers, accountability falters and corruption often goes unaddressed. But it doesn’t have to be this way.
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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Hinds County loses fight over control of jail
The Hinds County sheriff and Board of Supervisors have lost an appeal to prevent control of its jail by a court-appointed receiver and an injunction that orders the county to address unconstitutional conditions in the facility.
Two members from a three-judge panel of the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with decisions by U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves to appoint a receiver to oversee day-to-day jail operations and keep parts of a previous consent decree in place to fix constitutional violations, including a failure to protect detainees from harm.
However, the appeals court called the new injunction “overly broad” in one area and is asking Reeves to reevaluate the scope of the receivership.
The injunction retained provisions relating to sexual assault, but the appeals court found the provisions were tied to general risk of violence at the jail, rather than specific concerns about the Prison Rape Elimination Act. The court reversed those points of the injunction and remanded them to the district court so the provisions can be removed.
The court also found that the receiver should not have authority over budgeting and staff salaries for the Raymond Detention Center, which could be seen as “federal intrusion into RDC’s budget” – especially if the receivership has no end date.
Hinds County Board of Supervisors President Robert Graham was not immediately available for comment Friday. Sheriff Tyree Jones declined to comment because he has not yet read the entire court opinion.
In 2016, the Department of Justice sued Hinds County alleging a pattern or practice of unconstitutional conditions in four of its detention facilities. The county and DOJ entered a consent decree with stipulated changes to make for the jail system, which holds people facing trial.
“But the decree did not resolve the dispute; to the contrary, a yearslong battle ensued in the district court as to whether and to what extent the County was complying with the consent decree,” the appeals court wrote.
This prompted Reeves to hold the county in contempt of court twice in 2022.
The county argued it was doing its best to comply with the consent decree and spending millions to fix the jail. One of the solutions they offered was building a new jail, which is now under construction in Jackson.
The county had a chance to further prove itself during three weeks of hearings held in February 2022. Focuses included the death of seven detainees in 2021 from assaults and suicide and issues with staffing, contraband, old infrastructure and use of force.
Seeing partial compliance by the county, in April 2022 Reeves dismissed the consent decree and issued a new, shorter injunction focused on the jail and removed some provisions from the decree.
But Reeves didn’t see improvement from there. In July 2022, he ordered receivership and wrote that it was needed because of an ongoing risk of unconstitutional harm to jail detainees and staff.
The county pushed back against federal oversight and filed an appeal, arguing that there isn’t sufficient evidence to show that there are current and ongoing constitutional violations at the jail and that the county has acted with deliberate indifference.
Days before the appointed receiver was set to take control of the jail at the beginning of 2023, the 5th Circuit Court ordered a stay to halt that receiver’s work. The new injunction ordered by Reeves was also stayed, and a three-person jail monitoring team that had been in place for years also was ordered to stop work.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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