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Welfare scandal defendant sues Gov. Tate Reeves, claims he’s protecting himself and political allies

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A defendant in the state’s welfare scandal lawsuit sued Gov. Tate Reeves on Wednesday, claiming the governor is illegally controlling the lawsuit to protect himself and political allies including former Gov. Phil Bryant and Republican-leaning SuperTalk radio.

The lawsuit calls for an injunction removing Reeves from control of the state’s lawsuit regarding the welfare scandal and for the governor to repay the state millions of dollars for money spent on a private audit and private law firm.

The lawsuit also includes previously unreleased text messages about Reeves from officials with a drug company, Prevacus, championed by former NFL star Brett Favre. Authorities say the company illegally received welfare money. The lawsuit says the messages show Bryant — who “Defendant Reeves refuses to sue” — persuaded Prevacus to support Reeves to continue the flow of welfare funds to the company.

As Reeves was running for governor and Bryant was preparing to leave office, the head of the drug company, Jake Vanlandingham, texted, “Tate Reeves is our new guy,” to his company’s board members, and that he was going to meet with Bryant and Reeves, “Hoping to keep that non-dilute (funding) running our way!!” Non-dilutive is funding for a company where the company loses no equity.

One board member responded, “A very sweet deal. Who do we send campaign contributions to?” Vanlandingham, who is now a defendant in the state lawsuit, responded Reeves.

Another board member commented, “Let me get this process down correct. We get $2 million from MS Gov Office and we ear mark some of the funds to the next MS Gov. Campaign fund. America at its best.”

Vanlandingham responded, “Haha. Not the case.” A few days later, he messaged Favre that he was about to meet with Reeves and, “… we get more grant funds first week of July.” He later texted Favre that he “had a good talk with Tate Reeves.”

Reeves is ‘refusing to sue Bryant’ and SuperTalk radio

The lawsuit was filed by Austin Smith, the nephew of former convicted welfare chief John Davis and former manager of two programs targeted in state and federal investigations. The state is suing Smith for nearly $500,000. He’s one of 47 defendants from whom Mississippi is trying to claw back millions in misspent or stolen welfare money. Attorney Jim Waide, who is representing Smith, has previously claimed in court filings that Reeves and former Gov. Phil Bryant should be defendants in the state’s case.

The new lawsuit claims Reeves is refusing to sue Bryant, even though “there is overwhelming evidence of Bryant’s direct involvement” in both funding the drug company and providing $6 million in welfare funds for a volleyball stadium at Bryant’s and Favre’s alma mater, the University of Southern Mississippi. The lawsuit notes a separate criminal defendant in the scandal has alleged Bryant, who has not been charged by state or federal authorities, directed payments of over $1 million to Favre.

A Reeves spokeswoman issued only a short response when asked about the lawsuit Wednesday: “The State of Mississippi is fighting to claw back every single dollar that was misspent in the scandal that occurred before Governor Reeves assumed this office.”

The lawsuit also claims Reeves is neglecting to sue Telesouth Communications Inc., which operates the SuperTalk radio network. It says that the network received $600,000 in welfare funds for advertising that was “made without the fair and open competition required by federal regulations.” The lawsuit refers to SuperTalk as “the Republican Party’s chief media advocate,” and not suing SuperTalk while suing “politically powerless defendants” such as Smith is an abuse of process, arbitrary government action and a denial of equal protection of the law.

Is Reeves in charge of investigating himself?

Reeves made clear last year that he was calling major shots in the state investigation and lawsuit to recoup millions in stolen or misspent welfare money. The Mississippi Department of Human Services, in charge of the welfare spending, reports to the governor’s office. Reeves had dismissed — for political reasons — the private attorney who had been handling the case for the state. The state auditor, who first uncovered the massive fraud and scandal, said this move by Reeves was a mistake.

After the state hired a Jackson-based law firm — a campaign donor to Reeves — to take over the suit, the governor vowed the state “will vigorously pursue this case … wherever it leads,” and will “eagerly cooperate with … criminal investigators” also probing the scandal.

Last year, Waide asked the state court to examine whether Reeves is controlling the case to protect himself and his supporters. He said Reeves should be a target of the welfare lawsuit, not in charge of it.

The new lawsuit filed this week claims Reeves, who oversees the state’s welfare agency, lacked legal authority to spend $2 million in welfare funds to hire a private accounting firm “to duplicate an audit already lawfully performed by the state auditor.” Mississippi Today reporting last year showed the MDHS director Reeves appointed pushed to limit who and what the hired audit could examine, and he tried to keep the state auditor and other law enforcement agencies out of the mix. A deputy state auditor referred to the audit as a “whitewash.”

READ MORE: ‘A whitewash’: Emails show MDHS pushed to hamstring probe into welfare misspending

The new lawsuit said Reeves also lacked authority to hire a private law firm to handle the state’s lawsuit to recoup money, and that the use of welfare money to pay the law firm violates federal law.

Reeves involvement in the welfare scandal questioned

The lawsuit also claims “Reeves may have been involved in” a transaction with his former personal trainer, Paul Lacoste, another defendant in the state lawsuit.

Mississippi Today reports have previously uncovered text messages that connect the governor to Lacoste. The texts show former welfare director John Davis, who has pleaded guilty to federal and state criminal charges in the scandal, directed a subordinate to send $1.3 million in welfare funds for “the Lieutenant Governor’s (Reeves’) fitness issue.”

Mississippi Today has also reported texts that show the governor’s brother, Todd Reeves, coordinated with state Auditor Shad White on damage control for former NFL star Brett Favre. An audit revealed the athlete had received $1.1 million in welfare funds for speeches the auditor said Favre never made. Todd Reeves also had arranged conversations with Gov. Reeves so that Favre could ask for the governor’s help in funding a volleyball stadium at the University of Southern Mississippi, a key focus of investigation to date into the welfare scandal.

Reeves last year said he dismissed the attorney who had been handling the case for the state. That lawyer, former U.S. attorney Brad Pigott, was removed from the case after he attempted to subpoena the University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation’s communication with former Gov. Phil Bryant and others. Authorities say $5 million in welfare money was improperly diverted to build the volleyball stadium at USM.

Reeves’ staff had already forced Pigott to remove the university’s athletic foundation — whose board is made up of many of Reeves’ major campaign donors — from the civil suit.

Reeves said he ousted Pigott, who had worked on the case for about a year, because he wasn’t up to the task of such a large lawsuit and that Pigott had a “political agenda” and craved the media spotlight. Pigott said he was fired on Reeves’ orders because he sought communications between the USM foundation, Bryant, Bryant’s wife, Deborah, and Favre involving the stadium.

Should Reeves recuse himself?

John Pelissero is an author and expert on government ethics. He is a longtime political science professor and former provost at Loyola University Chicago and a senior scholar in government at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University.

Pelissero said he believes Reeves “should recuse himself from being directly involved in this investigation” and making decisions such as which lawyers to hire or fire.

Pelissero said that even if there was no wrongdoing by Reeves, the basic tenets of government ethics would call for him to bow out of the mix because of questions about him and his brother, campaign contributions Reeves accepted from defendants and other issues.

“I would think the governor would recuse himself from being directly involved in this based on a couple of things … One, the governor is alleged to have steered some of the funds, these welfare funds, to other projects,” Pelissero said. “Two, he’s got a family member who has some involvement with one of the individuals being sued, that being the former quarterback.

“… There are two broad ethical categories here,” Pelissero said. “One is the question of whether there is a direct violation of law or policy … But the other ethical issue that arises is when there simply appears to be the possibility something unethical is going on. That perception can be just as corrosive to trust in government as a legal or policy violation.”

Attorney General hasn’t filed state charges in scandal

Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s office is ostensibly co-counsel in the case, and has signed off on hiring attorneys and other matters. But the state’s chief legal officer has publicly shown little interest in and had scant comment about the case. Fitch, notably, has not filed any state charges in what state Auditor Shad White called the “largest public embezzlement case in state history.” Since White first uncovered misspending four years ago, state criminal prosecution has been left up to the local Hinds County district attorney’s office, with Reeves and others vowing the state is cooperating with federal investigators.

Fitch did not respond to questions about Reeves’ making it clear he is in charge of the investigation and lawsuit, or whether she believes she or someone else should be in charge and Reeves not involved given questions about his possible conflicts. The new lawsuit contends that only Fitch has the authority to handle the suit and that her office should fund any private attorneys, who should be hired on a contingency fee basis.

In the past, Mississippi attorneys general have jealously guarded their authority to bring and control lawsuits on behalf of the state or agencies, and clashed with governors. Former Gov. Kirk Fordice in the 1990s attempted to prevent Attorney General Mike Moore from suing tobacco companies on behalf of the state. Moore prevailed.

State legislative leaders have likewise shown little interest in getting to the bottom of the scandal, preventing such from happening again or the state’s efforts to recoup stolen or misspent millions.

When asked whether, given questions about Reeves’ own involvement or his brother’s, they believe Reeves should still be in charge of the state’s investigation and lawsuit, Fitch, House Speaker Philip Gunn and likely next House Speaker Rep. Jason White declined comment.

A source close to the House leadership said, “the House leadership has not been privy to, nor kept in the loop on, the investigation and is not aware of anyone in the Legislature being informed or updated on the investigation and litigation.”

A spokeswoman for Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann said: “Our understanding is that the Attorney General’s Office represents the state (in the litigation).”

New lawsuit claims Reeves should repay state for airplane use

Eight people have been criminally charged in the welfare scandal. Seven have pleaded guilty, but remain free with sentencing postponed for agreeing to cooperate with prosecutors.

Federal authorities continue investigating, but have been silent about the investigation or anyone else who may be under scrutiny. Mississippi has long been without a permanent U.S. attorney to oversee the case, until the U.S. Senate broke an impasse on Sept. 29 and confirmed Todd Gee, a U.S. Department of Justice veteran overseeing public corruption cases.

The lawsuit filed on behalf of Smith in Hinds County Circuit Court on Wednesday claims Reeves is suing some people who will already be required to pay the money back because of federal law, and suing others who are “judgement proof” — with little or no means to repay large sums of money.

The new lawsuit also contains what appears to be an odd aside: It says Reeves should be liable for his use of the state airplane “for political purposes.” Mississippi Today recently published reports that Reeves has spent at least $31,000 using the state plan for apparent political trips.

“If low-level, local government employees are criminally prosecuted for embezzlement when they allegedly use government property for non-governmental purposes, then a state official should, at least, be held civilly liable for his or her use of a state airplane for non governmental purposes,” the lawsuit reads.

Smith in the lawsuit is specifically asking for: a trial by jury, a judgment for the benefit of MDHS for money paid for the second state audit and for private attorneys, an injunction removing Reeves from control of the lawsuit, a judgement for Reeves to repay the state for use of the airplane, and reasonable attorneys’ fees.

Mississippi Today reporter Anna Wolfe contributed to this report.

Update 10/11/23: This story has been updated from its original version to include a statement from Gov. Tate Reeves’ office.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1960

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2025-02-01 07:00:00

Feb. 1, 1960

The Greensboro Four (L-R: David McNeil, Franklin McCain, Ezell Blair, Joseph McNeil) walking in downtown Greensboro, North Carolina to protest the local merchant practices of refusing service to African-American customers. Credit: Jack Moebes/Wikipedia

Four Black freshmen students from North Carolina A&T — Franklin McCain, Joseph A. McNeil, David L. Richmond and Ezell A. Blair Jr. — began to ask themselves what they were going to do about discrimination. 

“At what point does a moral man act against injustice?” McCain recalled. 

McNeil spoke up. “We have a definite purpose and goal in mind,” he said, “and with God on our side, then we ask, ‘Who can be against us?’” 

That afternoon, they entered Woolworth’s in downtown Greensboro. After buying toothpaste and other items inside the store, they walked to the lunch counter and sat down. 

They ordered coffee, but those in charge refused to serve them. The students stood their ground by keeping their seats. 

The next day, they returned with dozens of students. This time, white customers shouted racial epithets and insults at them. The students stayed put. By the next day, the number of protesting students had doubled, and by the day after, about 300 students packed not just Woolworth’s, but the S.H. Kress Store as well. 

A number of the protesting students were female students from Bennett College, where students had already been gathering for NAACP Youth Council meetings and had discussed possible sit-ins. 

By the end of the month, 31 sit-ins had been held in nine other Southern states, resulting in hundreds of arrests. The International Civil Rights Center & Museum has preserved this famous lunch counter and the stories of courage of those who took part in the sit-ins.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why

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mississippitoday.org – Mina Corpuz – 2025-01-31 15:29:00

At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why

Nearly 100 Mississippians, some of them children, some of them law enforcement, died last year in domestic violence-related events, according to data Mississippi Today collected from multiple sources. 

Information was pulled from local news stories, the Gun Violence Archive and Gun Violence Memorial and law enforcement to track locations of incidents, demographics of victims and perpetrators and any available information about court cases tied to the fatalities. 

But domestic violence advocates say Mississippi needs more than numbers to save lives. 

They are backing a refiled bill to create a statewide board that reviews domestic violence deaths and reveals trends, in hopes of taking preventative steps and making informed policy recommendations to lawmakers.

A pair of bills, House Bill 1551 and Senate Bill 2886, ask the state to establish a Domestic Violence Fatality Review Board. The House bill would place the board in the State Department of Public Health, which oversees similar existing boards that review child and maternal deaths, and the Senate version proposes putting the board under the Department of Public Safety.

“We have to keep people alive, but to do that, we have to have the infrastructure as a system to appropriately respond to these things,” said Stacey Riley, executive director of the Gulf Coast Center for Nonviolence and a board member of the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence

“It’s not necessarily just law enforcement, just medical, just this,” she said. “It’s a collaborative response to this to make sure that the system has everything it needs.”

Mississippi is one of several states that do not have a domestic violence fatality review board, according to the National Domestic Violence Fatality Review Initiative. 

Without one, advocates say it is impossible to know how many domestic fatalities and injuries there are in the state in any year. 

Riley said data can tell the story of each person affected by domestic violence and how dangerous it can be. Her hope is that a fatality review board can lead to systemic change in how the system helps victims and survivors. 

Last year, Mississippi Today began to track domestic violence fatalities similar to the way the board would be tasked to do. It found over 80 incidents in 2024 that resulted in at least 100 deaths.

map visualization

Most of the victims were women killed by current and former partners, including Shaterica Bell, a mother of four allegedly shot by Donald Demario Patrick, the father of her child, in the Delta at the beginning of that year. She was found dead at the home with her infant. One of her older children went to a neighbor, who called 911. 

Just before Thanksgiving on the Coast, Christopher Antoine Davis allegedly shot and killed his wife, Elena Davis, who had recently filed a protection order against him. She faced threats from him and was staying at another residence, where her husband allegedly killed her and Koritnik Graves. 

The proposed fatality review board would have access to information that can help them see where interventions could have been made and opportunities for prevention, Riley said. 

The board could look at whether a victim had any domestic abuse protection orders, law enforcement calls to a location, medical and mental health records, court documents and prison records on parole and probation. 

In 2024, perpetrators were mostly men, which is in line with national statistics and trends about intimate partner violence. 

Over a dozen perpetrators took their own lives, and at least two children – a toddler and a teenager – were killed during domestic incidents in 2024, according to Mississippi Today’s review. 

Some of the fatalities were family violence, with victims dying after domestic interactions with children, parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles or cousins. 

Most of the compiled deaths involved a firearm. Research has shown that more than half of all intimate partner homicides involve a firearm. 

A fatality review board is meant to be multidisciplinary with members appointed by the state health officer, including members who are survivors of domestic violence and a representative from a domestic violence shelter program, according to the House bill. 

Other members would include: a health and mental health professionals, a social worker, law enforcement and members of the criminal justice system – from prosecutors and judges to appointees from the Department of Public Safety and the attorney general’s office. 

The House bill did not make it out of the Judiciary B Committee last year. This session’s House bill was filed by the original author, Rep. Fabian Nelson, D-Byram, and the Senate version was filed by Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula. 

The Senate bill was approved by the Judiciary A Committee Thursday and will proceed to the full chamber. The House bill needs approval by the Public Health and Human Services Committee by Feb. 4. 

State Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula, during a Senate Corrections Committee meeting on Feb. 13, 2020, at the Capitol in Jackson. (AP Photo/Rogelio V. Solis)

“The idea behind this is to get at the root cause or at least to study, to look at what is leading to our domestic violence situation in the state,”  Wiggins said during the Judiciary A meeting. 

Luis Montgomery, a public policy and compliance specialist with the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence, has been part of drafting the House bill and is working with lawmakers as both bills go through the legislative process. 

He said having state-specific, centralized data can help uncover trends that could lead to opportunities to pass policies to help victims and survivors, obtain resources from the state, educate the public and see impacts on how the judicial system handles domestic violence cases. 

“It’s going to force people to have conversations they should have been having,” Montgomery said.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Emergency hospital to open in Smith County

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mississippitoday.org – Gwen Dilworth – 2025-01-31 15:01:00

A new emergency-care hospital is set to open in Smith County early this year. It will house the rural county’s first emergency room in two decades. 

Smith County Emergency Hospital in Raleigh will provide 24-hour emergency services, observation care and outpatient radiology and lab work services. Raleigh is currently a 35-minute drive from the nearest emergency room. 

The hospital will operate as a division of Covington County Hospital. The Collins hospital is a part of South Central Regional Medical Center’s partnership with rural community hospitals Simpson General Hospital in Mendenhall and Magee General Hospital, all helmed by CEO Greg Gibbes.

The hospital’s opening reflects Covington County Hospital’s “deeply held mission of helping others, serving patients and trying to do it in a way that would create sustainability,” not just for its own county, but also for surrounding communities, said Gibbes at a ribbon-cutting ceremony Friday. 

Smith County Emergency Hospital is pictured in Raleigh, Miss., on Friday, Jan. 31, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today

Renovations of the building – which previously housed Patients’ Choice Medical Center of Smith County, an acute-care facility that closed in 2023 – are complete. The facility now awaits the Mississippi Department of Health’s final inspection, which could come as soon as next week, according to Gibbes. 

The hospital hopes to then be approved as a “rural emergency hospital” by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. 

A rural emergency hospital status allows hospitals to receive $3.3 million from the federal government each year in exchange for closing their inpatient units and transferring patients requiring stays over 24 hours to a nearby facility. 

The program was created to serve as a lifeline for struggling rural hospitals at risk of closing. Six hospitals have closed in Mississippi since 2005, and 33% are at immediate risk of closure, according to the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform.

Gregg Gibbes, CEO of Covington County Hospital, right, joins others in cutting the ribbon during the Smith County Emergency Hospital ceremony in Raleigh, Miss., on Friday, Jan. 31, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today

Receiving a rural emergency hospital designation will make the hospital more financially sustainable, said Gibbes. He said he has “no concerns” about the hospital being awarded the federal designation. 

Mississippi has more rural emergency hospitals than any other state besides Arkansas, which also operates five. Nationwide, 34 hospitals have received the designation, according to Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services enrollment data. Over half of them are located in the Southeast. 

The hospital will have a “significant economic impact” of tens of millions of dollars and has already created about 60 jobs in Smith County, Gibbes said.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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