Mississippi Today
Welfare fraud tipster turns alleged perpetrator
Welfare fraud tipster turns alleged perpetrator
The former welfare agency official who brought information about corruption to then-Gov. Phil Bryant — breaking open a massive public fraud case that eventually ensnared NFL legend Brett Favre — is now one of the scandal’s biggest culprits, according to the state.
“‘Shot himself in the foot’ is a great way to phrase it,” said Logan Reeves, spokesperson for the state auditor’s office, which originally investigated the case.
State-employed attorney Jacob Black is facing allegations that he himself participated in the illegal welfare scheme, that he racially discriminated against an employee under him, and that blowing the proverbial whistle was for his own benefit.
“He was just always bragging how he was the whistleblower,” Kristie Greer-Ellis, former regional director of the Mississippi Department of Human Services, said during a court deposition earlier this year, “that he was going to be the next executive director and that he was going to be the one who makes all of the changes and that nobody was to … go through anybody but directly to him.”
Greer-Ellis also alleged Black was hostile towards Black women — an allegation he denies — to the point that when Black women working for the agency needed him to address something, they would enlist a white colleague instead. This is the basis of an ongoing race discrimination lawsuit that former MDHS deputy administrator Dana Kidd is bringing against the agency.
Black did not respond to requests for comment for this story.
Black, now a staff officer at the Mississippi Division of Medicaid, joined the executive staff at the Mississippi Department of Human Services in 2015, just before John Davis became director. Davis pleaded guilty in September to a combined 20 state and federal counts of fraud, conspiracy, or theft.
Since arrests in 2020, officials have pegged Davis and politically connected educator Nancy New, who founded a nonprofit that received tens of millions in welfare funds to run a program called Families First for Mississippi, as the main architects of the scandal. New has also pleaded guilty to bribery and fraud. Forensic auditors say they and others stole or misspent at least $77 million.
Had Black not turned information over in mid-2019, the fraud may have never been uncovered.
But as legal counsel, Black was instrumental in crafting many of the grants in question to appear to fit within the guidelines of different federal programs the agency administers, including the welfare program Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. If Davis was the architect, according to the auditor’s findings, Black was the engineer.
Black once wrote in an email to Nancy New’s son Zach New, assistant director for the nonprofit, that if they wanted to construct a building with TANF, or welfare funds, it shouldn’t take receipts from the contractors because that “seems to get really close to showing that you all are controlling the Brick and Mortar process which TANF has a strict prohibition against; however, if you have worked with your attorney, I have no issues with [it] because this is a lease that you will be a party to not MDHS.”
He recommended adding a clause that would “be vague enough to not tie you directly to the construction.”
In this email, Black was discussing a palliative care facility for medically fragile children that Nancy New and then-Mississippi first lady Deborah Bryant were working to build, a project that eventually fell apart.
But MDHS, New’s nonprofit Mississippi Community Education Center, and the University of Southern Mississippi used this same legal analysis when crafting a $5 million lease agreement to build a new volleyball stadium at the school, according to an amended civil complaint MDHS recently filed to recoup misspent welfare funds.
The volleyball stadium scheme, first uncovered by Mississippi Today, has emerged as the centerpiece of the welfare scandal in recent months.
“Jacob Black, then-Deputy Administrator of MDHS, and Garrig Shields, then-Deputy Executive Director of MDHS, provided substantial assistance to the co-conspirators by advising on how to circumvent the TANF prohibition,” the complaint alleges. “… Black provided substantial assistance to John Davis, Nancy New, Zachary New, and MCEC by providing the template for the sham USM Athletic Foundation Sublease as a means of fraudulently disguising the true nature of the payments made to the USM Athletic Foundation.”
The amended complaint alleges for the first time in court that Black and Shields met with USM athletics officials and university administrators in mid-2017 and “advised at this meeting that the source of the funds would be TANF funds and that the sublease would be with MCEC because MDHS ‘can’t directly fund a building project.’”
MDHS originally told Mississippi Today in February of 2020, during a two-month long stretch in which Black was interim director of the agency, that MDHS officials had no knowledge of any deal related to the volleyball stadium.
Shortly after the 2017 meeting, Shields left MDHS to work for New’s nonprofit, then went into private practice with another attorney working under the Families First program, Laura Goodson. Shields has not returned Mississippi Today’s request for comment.
The complaint said Black and Shields are both jointly liable, along with several others, for damages totaling nearly $6.9 million and $6.7 million, respectively. These are civil charges, but Zach New pleaded guilty to a criminal charge of defrauding the government because of the sham USM lease agreement.
Whether or not he intended to, Black was instrumental in exposing this and other alleged fraud schemes he’s now accused of perpetuating.
Black, who was second in command at MDHS, and a few of his colleagues began gathering evidence about his boss’ potential corruption in the last months of Davis’ tenure. They were focused on Davis’ relationship with a professional wrestler named Brett DiBiase, whom Davis had hired and then showered with lucrative welfare contracts, and his brother Teddy DiBiase Jr., who appeared to be going into business with Davis. At this time, the welfare agency operated under a nebulous structure in which public and private ventures were commingled and much of the federal spending happened outside public sight and without proper documentation.
Even for some on the inside, it was a challenge to discern or document exactly what was going on at the agency and the private welfare delivery system called Families First for Mississippi, according to several interviews with employees of the state agency and nonprofit.
“When you started publishing all of this stuff, that’s when a lot of us found out what was going on,” Dana Kidd, who ran the division TANF is housed under during the scandal, told Mississippi Today in a recent interview. “It wasn’t until you started publishing stuff that we found out what was going on. We had no clue.”
It’s unclear what Black knew about the overarching fraud scheme polluting the agency, though emails and texts show he played a critical role in keeping the funds flowing.
But the fraud tip he took to Bryant was a relatively small discovery. Under the contract Davis awarded to Brett DiBiase’s company, the wrestler was using a P.O. Box that belonged to Davis. The abnormality suggested Davis might be accepting a kickback, though prosecutors have never presented evidence to that effect. Instead, the men explained that DiBiase was using his boss’ P.O. Box because he was having marital problems and wanted to hide the earnings from his wife.
In June of 2019, while Davis, Nancy New, Ted DiBiase Jr., Kidd and others were in D.C., where Davis was testifying before Congress about the federal food assistance program, Black took the information to Bryant’s office.
Bryant turned the information over to State Auditor Shad White, Bryant’s former campaign manager and the rising politician Bryant appointed to fill a vacant state auditor seat in 2018. White’s office began investigating Davis and Brett DiBiase, and within days, Bryant forced Davis to retire.
“Everything changed when Mr. Davis left,” Greer-Ellis, former regional director, said in her deposition. “I mean, immediately Jacob went on, in my personal opinion, an attack, like he – everything was done deliberately, and he was not ashamed about anything. He even mentioned himself being the whistleblower and all that. He was just outright just flamboyant with his stuff.”
Auditor White has since credited Bryant — not Black — as the whistleblower of the case, though the tip would eventually lead investigators to an alleged illegal scheme to funnel welfare money to a pharmaceutical company connected to Bryant. Bryant denies knowing the company, Prevacus, had received public funds, though texts show Favre and Bryant discussed the project at length and that Favre even told the governor when it began receiving money from the state. The texts also show Bryant continued to lobby for the company and agreed to accept a stock agreement after leaving office. These texts were not revealed until Mississippi Today published them in April, more than two years after investigators collected them.
Favre, Prevacus, and its founder, Jake Vanlandingham, are all named in the ongoing MDHS civil suit, but Bryant is not.
The auditor’s office maintains that Black is not the “whistleblower” because he did not take the information to an investigative body, as specified in the state’s whistleblower statute.
In May, after MDHS released a third forensic audit report revealing Black’s email about “brick and mortar,” the auditor’s office issued a $3.6 million demand for repayment on Black. He didn’t face official civil charges until he was added to the state’s lawsuit this month. As is true for most people named in the suit, including Favre, Black has not faced criminal charges related to the scandal.
Just a few days after MDHS added Black to the suit, a federal judge in Kidd’s separate racial discrimination case ruled that the allegations against Black were enough basis for the case against MDHS to move forward and go to trial.
“An employee who worked under Kidd testified that Mr. Black ‘had a problem with Black females’ and that he made clear that most employees he wanted to terminate were Black,” reads U.S. District Court Judge Daniel Jordan’s recent order. “That same employee stated that Mr. Black would treat white employees more favorably than Black employees.”
Kidd brought the lawsuit against MDHS in April, alleging the agency discriminated against her on the basis of age, race, and disability when it forced her to retire in 2020. Kidd’s attorney is the prolific north Mississippi trial lawyer Jim Waide, who is also representing a separate defendant in the MDHS civil lawsuit, Austin Smith, Davis’ nephew.
The Mississippi Department of Human Services asked the court for a summary judgment. Jordan granted the state’s request related to the age and disability claims, effectively throwing them out, but said the race claim should move forward. When asked for a response, MDHS told Mississippi Today it does not comment on pending litigation.
Black denied the allegations of racial bias in his deposition, saying the one employee he has promoted in his time at Medicaid is a Black woman. Black also said Greer-Ellis and Kidd are “super close friends, so the validity of that testimony I would highly question.”
Kidd has apparent connections, personally and through husband Alvin Kidd, with other welfare employees or contractors caught up in the welfare probe. Alvin Kidd is friends with and played high school football with Marcus Dupree, a former star high school running back and one of the high-profile defendants in the civil lawsuit. Dupree received at least $371,000 in welfare funds, the complaint alleges. Nancy New’s nonprofit bought Dupree a horse ranch, Mississippi Today first uncovered in 2020, where he lives, according to the suit. Kidd said she didn’t know how Dupree got connected to Families First.
Dupree and Alvin Kidd also grew up with the father of Gregory “Latimer” Smith, the young MDHS procurement officer charged with fraud related to payments to Brett DiBiase. The Kidds have been close with Smith since he was a kid; Dana Kidd even helped him get the job at MDHS, she said. Smith’s case has since been referred through pre-trial diversion, a program that could keep the charge off his record.
Dana Kidd worked for the welfare agency for 30 years, starting out as an entry-level eligibility worker.
“This is not one of those employment cases where an employer fires an underperforming or heavily disciplined employee,” Judge Jordan wrote in his latest order. “By all accounts, Kidd was an excellent employee, consistently performed at a high level, and had an unblemished record.”
Greer-Ellis also speculated that Black may have wanted to get rid of Kidd because she “could have been easily the next person in line to be able to move the agency forward.”
“He wanted that executive director position so bad,” she said.
Kidd alleges in her lawsuit that in January of 2019, she became paralyzed due to a rare disorder and took a medical leave of absence from the department. “Black indicated that Plaintiff was not wanted at the agency because of her disability,” her complaint alleges.
When Kidd returned from medical leave in May of 2019, she alleges Black became more hostile towards her, eventually moving her from her post as deputy administrator in the state office to the Hinds County DHS office — an effective demotion. It was supposed to be temporary, but when current MDHS Director Bob Anderson became director in March of 2020, Kidd was still stationed there. Anderson decided to eliminate her position, forcing her to retire or be terminated in April of 2020. Black left the agency shortly after, starting his new job at Medicaid in June of 2020 in a lower position than he held at MDHS.
Kidd also alleges Black excluded her from meetings and generally ostracized her from the rest of the executive staff.
Black explained that Kidd was close to Davis, which is why he was keeping Kidd at bay during the internal investigation into their boss.
“We kept that investigation very close so we could make sure that we had an opportunity to finish that investigation and get everything reported with sufficient evidence without John finding out about it,” Black said in his deposition.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
IHL deletes the word ‘diversity’ from its policies
The governing board of Mississippi’s public universities voted Thursday to delete the word “diversity” from several policies, including a requirement that the board evaluate university presidents on campus diversity outcomes.
Though the Legislature has not passed a bill targeting diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in higher education, the Institutions of Higher Learning Board of Trustees approved the changes “in order to ensure continued compliance with state and federal law,” according to the board book.
The move comes on the heels of the re-election of former President Donald Trump and after several universities in Mississippi have renamed their diversity offices. Earlier this year, the IHL board approved changes to the University of Southern Mississippi’s mission and vision statements that removed the words “diverse” and “inclusiveness.”
In an email, John Sewell, IHL’s communications director, did not respond to several questions about the policy changes but wrote that the board’s goal was to “reinforce our commitment to ensuring students have access to the best education possible, supported by world-class faculty and staff.”
“The end goal is to support all students, and to make sure they graduate fully prepared to enter the workforce, hopefully in Mississippi,” Sewell added.
On Thursday, trustees approved the changes without discussion after a first reading by Harold Pizzetta, the associate commissioner for legal affairs and risk management. But Sewell wrote in an email that the board discussed the policy amendments in open session two months ago during its retreat in Meridian, more than an hour away from the board’s normal meeting location in Jackson.
IHL often uses these retreats, which unlike its regular board meetings aren’t livestreamed and are rarely attended by members of the public outside of the occasional reporter, to discuss potentially controversial policy changes.
Last year, the board had a spirited discussion about a policy change that would have increased its oversight of off-campus programs during its retreat at the White House Hotel in Biloxi. In 2022, during a retreat that also took place in Meridian, trustees discussed changing the board’s tenure policies. At both retreats, a Mississippi Today reporter was the only member of the public to witness the discussions.
The changes to IHL’s diversity policy echo a shift, particularly at colleges and universities in conservative states, from concepts like diversity in favor of “access” and “opportunity.” In higher education, the term “diversity, equity and inclusion” has traditionally referred to a range of efforts to comply with civil rights laws and foster a sense of on-campus belonging among minority populations.
But in recent years, conservative politicians have contended that DEI programs are wasteful spending and racist. A bill to ban state funding for DEI in Mississippi died earlier this year, but at least 10 other states have passed laws seeking to end or restrict such initiatives at state agencies, including publicly funded universities, according to ABC News.
In Mississippi, the word “diversity” first appeared in IHL’s policies in 1998. The diversity statement was adopted in 2005 and amended in 2013.
The board’s vote on Thursday turned the diversity statement, which was deleted in its entirety, into a “statement on higher education access and success” according to the board book.
“One of the strengths of Mississippi is the diversity of its people,” the diversity statement read. “This diversity enriches higher education and contributes to the capacity that our students develop for living in a multicultural and interdependent world.”
Significantly, the diversity statement required the IHL board to evaluate the university presidents and the higher learning commissioner on diversity outcomes.
The statement also included system-wide goals — some of which it is unclear if the board has achieved — to increase the enrollment and graduation rates of minority students, employ more underrepresented faculty, staff and administrators, and increase the use of minority-owned contractors and vendors.
Sewell did not respond to questions about if IHL has met those goals or if the board will continue to evaluate presidents on diversity outcomes.
In the new policy, those requirements were replaced with two paragraphs about the importance of respectful dialogue on campus and access to higher education for all Mississippians.
“We encourage all members of the academic community to engage in respectful, meaningful discourse with the aim of promoting critical thinking in the pursuit of knowledge, a deeper understanding of the human condition, and the development of character,” the new policy reads. “All students should be supported in their educational journey through programming and services designed to have a positive effect on their individual academic performance, retention, and graduation.”
Also excised was a policy that listed common characteristics of universities in Mississippi, including “a commitment to ethnic and gender diversity,” among others. Another policy on institutional scholarships was also edited to remove a clause that required such programs to “promote diversity.”
“IHL is committed to higher education access and success among all populations to assist the state of Mississippi in meeting its enrollment and degree completion goals, as well as building a highly-skilled workforce,” the institutional scholarship policy now reads.
The board also approved a change that requires the universities to review their institutional mission statements on an annual basis.
A policy on “planning principles” will continue to include the word “diverse,” and a policy that states the presidential search advisory committees will “be representative in terms of diversity” was left unchanged.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Closed St. Dominic’s mental health beds to reopen in December under new management
The shuttered St. Dominic’s mental health unit will reopen under the management of a for-profit, Texas-based company next month.
Oceans Behavioral Hospital Jackson, a 77-bed facility, will provide inpatient behavioral health services to adults and seniors and add intensive outpatient treatment services next year.
“Jackson continuously ranks as one of the cities for our company that shows one of the greatest needs in terms of behavioral health,” Oceans Healthcare CEO Stuart Archer told Mississippi Today at a ribbon cutting ceremony at its location on St. Dominic’s campus Thursday. “…There’s been an outcry for high quality care.”
St. Dominic’s 83-bed mental health unit closed suddenly in June 2023, citing “substantial financial challenges.”
Merit Health Central, which operates a 71-bed psychiatric health hospital unit in Jackson, sued Oceans in March, arguing that the new hospital violated the law by using a workaround to avoid a State Health Department requirement that the hospital spend at least 17% of its gross patient revenue on indigent and charity care.
Without a required threshold for this care, Merit Health Central will shoulder the burden of treating more non-paying patients, the hospital in South Jackson argued.
The suit, which also names St. Dominic’s Hospital and the Mississippi Department of Health as defendants, awaits a ruling from Hinds County Chancery Court Judge Tametrice Hodges-Linzey next year.
The complaint does not bar Oceans from moving forward with its plans to reopen, said Archer.
Oceans operates two other mental health facilities in Mississippi and over 30 other locations in Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas.
“Oceans is very important to the Coast, to Tupelo, and it’s important right here in this building. It’s part of the state of Mississippi’s response to making sure people receive adequate mental health care in Mississippi,” said Lt. Governor Delbert Hosemann at the Nov. 21 ribbon cutting.
Some community leaders have been critical of the facility.
“Oceans plans to duplicate existing services available to insured patients while ignoring the underserved and indigent population in need,” wrote Hinds County Sheriff Tyree Jones in an Oct. 1 letter provided to Mississippi Today by Merit Health.
Massachusetts-based Webster Equity Partners, a private-equity firm with a number of investments in health care, bought Oceans in 2022. St. Dominic’s is owned by Louisiana-based Catholic nonprofit Franciscan Missionaries of Our Lady Health System.
Oceans first filed a “certificate of need” application to reopen the St. Dominic’s mental health unit in October 2023.
Mississippi’s certificate of need law requires medical facilities to receive approval from the state before opening a new health care center to demonstrate there is a need for its services.
The Department of Health approved the application under the condition that the hospital spend at least 17% of its patient revenue on free or low-cost medical care for low-income individuals – far more than the two percent it proposed.
Oceans projected in its application that the hospital’s profit would equal $2.6 million in its third year, and it would spend $341,103 on charity care.
Merit Health contested the conditional approval, arguing that because its mental health unit provides 22% charity care, Oceans providing less would have a “significant adverse effect” on Merit by diverting more patients without insurance or unable to pay for care to its beds.
Oceans and St. Dominic’s also opposed the state’s charity care condition, arguing that 17% was an unreasonable figure.
But before a public hearing could be held on the matter, Oceans and St. Dominic’s filed for a “change of ownership,” bypassing the certificate of need process entirely. The state approved the application 11 days later.
Merit Health Central then sued Oceans, St. Dominic and the State Department of Health, seeking to nullify the change of ownership.
“The (change of ownership) filing and DOH approval … are nothing more than an ‘end run’ around CON law,” wrote Merit Health in the complaint.
Oceans, St. Dominic’s and the Mississippi Department of Health have filed motions to dismiss the case.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
How Mississippi’s Supreme Court Runoff Election Could Impact Criminal Cases
Mississippi voters have dealt defeat to one conservative state Supreme Court justice and forced a moderate justice into a Nov. 26 runoff, with the final outcome possibly making the court more open to considering the rights of criminal defendants.
The nine-member court is largely conservative but justices have recently split in high-profile decisions that sharply affected state politics, including a ruling that shut down citizen-led ballot initiatives in Mississippi and allowed some state control over local criminal cases in its majority-Black capital. The court has also rendered rulings that have made the state increasingly unfavorable to defendants appealing their cases.
“The ability of death row inmates in particular, and inmates in general, to access the courts has been recently curtailed significantly,” Matthew Steffey, a professor at Mississippi College School of Law, told The Marshall Project – Jackson and Bolts following the Nov. 5 election.
Justice Dawn H. Beam joined the majority in those decisions, acquiring a reputation of being hostile to appeals by criminal defendants, and she ran for reelection this fall as the Republican Party’s favored candidate. However, she lost in the state’s 2nd District on Nov. 5 to David P. Sullivan, a defense attorney who has worked as a public defender.
Judicial races in Mississippi are nonpartisan and Sullivan has given few explicit signals about his judicial outlook. He has supported at least some criminal justice reforms and would be the third justice with experience as a defense attorney on this court. Some reformers nationwide have pushed for more professional diversity on the bench.
Even if Sullivan turns out to be more centrist or independent than Beam on criminal law, any overall shift in power on the court depends on the outcome of a runoff election next week.
Two-term Justice Jim Kitchens and challenger Jenifer B. Branning will face each other in the Nov. 26 runoff election after neither won more than 50% of the vote on Nov. 5. The runoff will take place across the 22 counties that make up the Supreme Court’s central district, including Hinds County, home to Jackson. Throughout the campaign, the state GOP targeted Kitchens with attacks, while Branning, a Republican state senator with a conservative voting record, is endorsed by the party.
Kitchens is one of two reliably moderate-to-liberal high court justices. Justices from among an additional group of four sometimes veer away from the majority, as well, but can be more unpredictable, and this group does not vote as a bloc.
Quinn Yeargain, a Michigan State University law professor who closely watches state courts, recently analyzed the court’s voting patterns and found Beam was consistently more conservative than Kitchens in recent cases. Yeargain told The Marshall Project – Jackson and Bolts that conservative and liberal voters often have few signals about how to select a candidate in judicial races. “It’s very hard to label the justices,” they said.
Sullivan — whose father was a Mississippi Supreme Court justice from 1984 to 2000 — called himself a “conservative” throughout his campaign. But he has also touted the value of judicial independence and criticized Beam for campaigning on her endorsement by the state Republican Party.
“I think that rubbed a lot of people the wrong way,” Sullivan told the Sun Herald newspaper, speaking of Beam’s use of the endorsement. “Judicial races are nonpartisan for a reason. A judge’s impartiality could be called into question.”
Sullivan has broad legal experience, but much of his career has focused on private criminal defense while also doing some public defense work. He told The Marshall Project – Jackson and Mississippi Today that he supported a new administrative rule handed down in 2023 by the state Supreme Court to require continuous legal representation for poor criminal defendants from the beginning of their cases. An investigation by The Marshall Project, ProPublica and the Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal last year found, however, that many courts were unready at the time to implement the new representation rules.
During the campaign, Sullivan told The Marshall Project – Jackson and Mississippi Today that more work is needed to improve public defense.
Kitchens has also advocated for public defense reforms during his two terms on the court. He told a committee of legislators last year that the “playing field is far from level” between prosecutors and poor defendants.
On other criminal justice issues, he has sometimes dissented from opinions upholding death sentences. His decisions have scrutinized prosecutorial conduct and inadequate legal representation.
Branning, the Republican senator, has a voting record on criminal justice issues that suggests a harsher approach toward criminal defendants. She has supported higher mandatory minimum sentences and reclassifying misdemeanors as felonies, has opposed expansion of parole and was among only a few lawmakers who voted against legalizing medical marijuana.
She also supported increasing the jurisdiction of a controversial, state-run police force inside the majority-Black city of Jackson as well as increasing state control over many felony cases in Jackson. The Supreme Court unanimously curtailed much state power over these felony cases, but a majority left some control intact, with Kitchens and another judge dissenting.
Branning did not respond to questions from The Marshall Project – Jackson and Mississippi Today during the Nov. 5 campaign about her possible judicial outlook.
Kitchens was a prosecutor and then in private practice before joining the bench. Branning is a practicing attorney who typically handles civil cases.
The winner of the Nov. 26 runoff will join Sullivan on a court that in recent years has been restricting the ability of people who say the legal system has wronged them to seek relief, legal experts told The Marshall Project – Jackson and Bolts this month.
Krissy Nobile, director of the state’s Office of Capital Post-Conviction Counsel, said it’s become “increasingly more difficult to correct a wrongful conviction.” Her office provides legal counsel for indigent people on death row.
She said a number of recent cases showed the barriers the high court has erected for criminal defendants appealing their convictions, and demonstrated indifference to civil rights violations. Kitchens disagreed with the majority, in full or in part, in all but one of the appeals, which the court unanimously denied.
In a case earlier this year, the Court ruled to monetarily fine an incarcerated person for filing any future post-conviction relief petitions that lacked merit. Kitchens joined a dissenting opinion condemning the fine. In another, the court denied a man who argued that his lawyers were ineffective and that they did not challenge prosecutorial misconduct or false forensic evidence presented by a medical examiner with a checkered past. The court’s majority denied the motion, and in the process, overturned a precedent that allowed ineffective counsel as an adequate reason to give a case another look in some types of appeals. Kitchens dissented, along with two other justices.
“For decades in Mississippi, the Court held that it would correct errors if there was a violation (of) a person’s fundamental rights,” Nobile said. But she added this has changed considerably. Now, if you land a terrible lawyer who rushes your case, “You are out of luck,” she said, “even if your core constitutional rights have been clearly violated.”
For the court’s majority, Nobile added, “The legal technicalities now trump a person’s constitutional rights.”
The runoff is the nation’s final supreme court race of the year. Thirty-two states held elections for their high courts earlier this year, resulting in a muddled picture, with liberals and conservatives each gaining ground in different places, Bolts reports.
Mississippi’s runoff outcome will heavily depend on turnout and the composition of the electorate. In the Supreme Court’s central district, voters split narrowly between Democrat Kamala Harris and Republican Donald Trump in the presidential election on Nov. 5, but the runoff is just two days before Thanksgiving and will likely see a large dropoff in turnout. Branning received 42% of the vote in the first round, and Kitchens received 36%, with three other candidates making up the rest.
There will also be a runoff the same day in the Gulf Coast area between Amy Lassiter St. Pé and Jennifer Schloegel for an open seat on the state Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals hears both criminal and civil cases that have been appealed from lower courts. The Mississippi Supreme Court can hear cases directly on appeal or can assign cases to the Court of Appeals.
Observers agreed that against the national legal backdrop, neither a Kitchens victory nor a Branning victory would lead to a seismic change since neither outcome would flip the court’s conservative lean. Still, a modest shift could impact some of the most controversial cases, such as a rare 5-4 decision that upheld the death sentence in Willie Manning’s case.
A Kitchens win, coupled with Sullivan’s upset earlier this month, would deal the Republican Party rare setbacks in a state where it has been dominant and could put moderate forces in a position to grow their numbers further in future elections.
“You might end up with a normal conservative court,” law professor Yeargain said, “instead of one of the most conservative courts in the country.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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