Kaiser Health News
Wait, What’s a PBM?
by Dan Weissmann
Thu, 13 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000
Pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs, are intermediary companies that negotiate the price of prescription drugs. PBMs are at the center of a tangled knot of pharmacies, drugmakers, and health insurers.
Experts say they play a big role in raising prescription drug prices.
So, what is being done to regulate PBMs?
In this episode of “An Arm and a Leg,” host Dan Weissmann explores how PBMs work and looks into government efforts to check their power. Since this episode originally aired in 2019, widespread legislation to regulate PBMs has been introduced at the state level. Weissmann gives an update.
Dan Weissmann
Host and producer of “An Arm and a Leg.” Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago’s WBEZ. His work also appears on All Things Considered, Marketplace, the BBC, 99 Percent Invisible, and Reveal, from the Center for Investigative Reporting.
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Transcript: Wait, What’s a PMB?
Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.
Dan: Hey there —
You may have seen ads recently about access to drugs. Here’s one that starts with a woman trying to fill a prescription, but the pharmacist says…
[Clip from an ad plays]
Pharmacist: I’m sorry, this medicine isn’t covered by your insurance.
PBM: Yeah…
Dan: This guy in a blue suit comes up from behind. The patient grabs her prescription slip.
[Ad clip resumes]
PBM: I decide which medicines you can get.
Patient: Wait, you’re not my doctor.
PBM: That’s right, I’m your insurance company’s pharmacy benefit manager, or PBM. And, I don’t make as much money off this one.
Dan: You might wonder, wait, what’s a PBM exactly? And also, why am I seeing this ad now?
And who’s paying for this ad? So PBMs are middleman companies that have a lot to do with which drugs we get access to, how much we pay for them, and yeah, they’re sharks. And, these ads are out there because Congress knows we’re all mad about drug prices and access to drugs, and they’re eager to be seen doing something about it.
And those ads are paid for by pharmaceutical makers — also sharks — in direct competition with PBMs for the gazillions of dollars we spend on drugs as a country. PBMs and their role are a little more complicated, so we are bringing back an episode from this show’s very early days. When we get to the end, I’ll have some updates, things I’ve learned since then.
Meanwhile, here’s me four years ago, starting to figure out how all this works.
So at the beginning of the year, my family switched to a new health insurance plan and I’ve got this prescription I take. I get three months worth of it at a time, and in February it was time to renew. The drugstore texted me they had it. I called to check, got the robot voice.
Robot: There’s one prescription here for Daniel
Dan: And some news.
Robot: The out-of-pocket cost is $720.69. And that’s ready for pickup.
Dan: I was like, what? This is an old-time generic drug. I’m used to paying like 15 bucks.
Robot: Would you like me to repeat that?
Dan: I was like, maybe you better. I want this on tape.
Robot: The out-of-pocket cost is $720.69.
[Robot voice fades into the background]
Dan: I was also like, yeah, I’m just gonna bring my new insurance card over to the drugstore and hope that clears things up.
And it did. The copay was $0. That is some good new insurance right there. And as I walked outta the drug store, I was like, What was that all about? I pulled up a site called GoodRx on my phone. A doctor friend of mine sometimes recommends it to people whose prescriptions cost a lot, and what I found there was weird.
I punched in the name of the medication and my zip code and it showed me prices from a bunch of different places. Drugstore chains like CVS and Walgreens, big box stores like Costco and Walmart, local supermarkets with pharmacy counters. And the spread was crazy. 25 bucks at Costco, 170 at the supermarket, 300-some at CVS, and more than 700 at my drugstore, Walgreens.
And that was just the first set of prices. There were actually two. The first: what you’d pay if you just walked in. The second was what you’d pay at each place if you brought in a digital coupon from GoodRx. And with the coupons, another crazy spread, a bunch of $20 options. But 75 bucks at CVS, 195 at Walgreens.
And this was just super, super weird. And it meant I was gonna have to do something I’d been honestly kind of dreading… Figuring out prescription drug prices. I’d done some reading about it before and it always made my eyes glaze over. I was like, ah, no. Too complicated. Let me come back to this, like in some other lifetime.
But this was too weird not to investigate. Because I was used to seeing stories about high drug prices. I figured we all knew that, but I wasn’t used to seeing stories about random prices. That was new. Better get on that. This is An Arm and a Leg, a show about the cost of health care. I’m Dan Weissmann.
And I did some reading and eventually I figured out how to maybe explain this to myself without getting totally lost.
And I ended up running this explanation by some experts and they all said, that is not the most idiotic explanation. So here goes. It starts with the old movie It’s a Wonderful Life. Right at the beginning of the movie, the Jimmy Stewart character, George Bailey, is a 12-year-old kid working in the drugstore.
Now, note the sound effect here from this scene. Clip clap. This is olden days, 1919. And in the scene, the kid keeps the pharmacist, Mr. Gower, from sending out literal poison pills.
Film sound: Mr. Gower, you don’t know what you’re doing. You, you put something bad in those capsules. It wasn’t your fault, Mr. Gower, just look and see what you did. The bottle took the powder from… it’s poison, I tell you, it’s poison.
Dan: Now late in the movie, there’s a scene with another character, a really grouchy bartender.
Film sound: Hey, look, mister. We save hard drinks in here for men who wanna get drunk fast, and we don’t need any characters around to give the joint atmosphere. Is that clear or do I have to slip you my left for a convincer?
Dan: And here’s the thing. At the time of these scenes, the druggist and the bartender were basically in the same kind of business. I’m talking about the structure of the business. You go to the bar, order a martini, the guy grabs the gin, the vermouth, some olives, mixes it up and tells you a price that reflects his negotiations with all his suppliers and his sense of local market conditions, what he thinks you’ll be willing to pay for a martini.
And he is balancing all those things and it’s like a straight line. You negotiate with the bar keep, he deals with everybody else. In 1919, Mr. Gower is in exactly the same kind of business, except instead of gin and vermouth, he’s got big jars, full of powders and okay, I mean, one of those jars is marked poison. I’m not sure what that’s about, but, okay. Mr. Gower measures out doses and sells them to his customers at a price he sets. Same exact deal. Simple.
Since then, a couple things have happened. First, scientific breakthroughs made drugs a much bigger deal. I mean, penicillin, insulin, the Polio vaccine, just for starters, it’s a miracle and a big business.
The other thing is, health insurance became a thing, including prescription drugs. So now you’ve got this intermediary standing between you and the provider, hashing out prices, telling you what your share is gonna be. And those two things created an opportunity for a new kind of business: pharmacy benefit managers.
Jeffrey Joyce is an economist at the University of Southern California. He studies the drug supply chain. He says, originally these companies did one narrow, technical thing. They created systems that told the drug store what each customer’s specific insurance plan meant that customer was supposed to pay for their specific prescription, and the systems did all that in real time.
Geoffrey Joyce: So that when you show up at the pharmacy, it’s a seamless transaction and they know exactly what your insurance is and what your copay should be.
Dan: Because Mr. Gower is not sending you a bill. He needs to ring you up right now. And insurance companies weren’t set up to make that happen. So pharmacy benefit managers, PBMs for short, that’s what they came along to do.
Geoffrey Joyce: That’s what they functioned primarily as for many, many years.
Dan: And then PBMs got this new idea. They said to their customers, the insurance companies, Hey, we could save you some money. How about we start negotiating with manufacturers to get you lower prices? Here’s how that works. There’s lots of kinds of drugs where different companies make their own version. Like for high cholesterol, there’s drugs called statins, and they’ve got brand names like Lipitor, Mevacor, Crestor.
But they all basically do the same thing. And that is an opportunity for the PBMs.
Geoffrey Joyce: They will go to the different manufacturers and say, who’s gonna give us the best price? Who wants to be our preferred statin?
Dan: And that preferred statin? That one’s gonna move a lot of units because the PBM and any insurance company they’re working for is gonna say to consumers: If you’re our patient, our customer covered by our insurance, we want you to take this statin and we’ll make it worth your while cuz this one, the preferred statin has a $10 copay and all the others 50 bucks, maybe 75, maybe we don’t cover them at all. And suddenly manufacturers are coming to the table.
Geoffrey Joyce: And manufacturers offer discounts or rebates. So, hey, I’ll give you 40 or 50% off if you make mine the preferred statin with a $10 copay. And all my competitors are either aren’t covered on your plan or have a $50 copay.
Dan: And here’s an important distinction. The manufacturers are not lowering their sticker prices here for whoever wants to buy. They are giving this rebate to this PBM. In other words, The PBM isn’t shopping. They’re not comparing the prices on offer in the open market. They’re negotiating. They’re cutting individual deals behind closed doors, but whatever, okay. At first, to an economist like Jeffrey Joyce, this whole set up sounds like great news.
Geoffrey Joyce: I bought into their arguments that they actually lowered prices by negotiating competitively and and with manufacturers.
Dan: Now, sellers can’t just charge whatever they want. They’ve gotta compete to give the best deal to buyers. Everybody wins. It’s like economics 101.
Geoffrey Joyce: In, in, in theory, you would want this type of entity. You want them to go around and say, who’s gonna gimme the best price?
Dan: But it hasn’t worked out that way, which is why Jeffrey Joyce published an essay last year called An Economist’s Change of Heart.
Geoffrey Joyce: So instead of sort of serving a, a role of, of constraining drug prices, I think they play a role in increasing drug prices.
Dan: Yeah, wait… How do we go from their holding prices down to their jacking prices up? That’s right after this break.
This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That’s a nonprofit newsroom covering health care in America. Their work is terrific, I’m so pleased to work with them. We’ll have a little more information about KFF Health News at the end of this episode.
So, how do pharmacy benefit managers go from holding prices down to jacking prices up? This is where Mr. Gower and Nick the bartender come in…
Once upon a time, before penicillin, before insurance, before pharmacy benefit managers, the relationships were simple. Me, Mr. Gower, his suppliers… straight line.
Now those relationships are a tangled knot. I found this super complicated flowchart made by Jeffrey Joyce’s, colleagues from the University of Southern California. It is from a paper called Follow the Money, except the money’s impossible to follow.
There’s insurance companies, manufacturers, pharmacies, money going back and forth. All over the place. And in this knot, the pharmacy benefit manager is in the middle of everything. Every loop, all the deals and all the money, it all goes through them.
Geoffrey Joyce: You’re right. And they’re the hub. You’re absolutely right. And I think that’s at the, the crook of it. They have an inherent conflict of interest.
Dan: That is: Everybody’s gotta negotiate with them. The drug makers, the pharmacies, and the insurance company, and nobody knows the deal anybody else is getting. So yeah, in theory, you’d want an entity like the PBMs negotiating on your behalf. But that’s not what they’re doing. They’re negotiating on their own behalf.
Geoffrey Joyce: And they got sued, uh, in several states for saying, “Hey, you should be acting in the best interest of your clients.” And they’ve won in court and saying, “No, we have no obligation to do what’s best for our client. We do what’s best for us.”
Dan: Okay. So how does that work and how does it lead to higher prices? Well, it helps. These companies have gotten huge. There used to be a bunch of PBMs, but they’ve gone around buying each other up. Now, three PBM companies represent like four fifths of all consumers. The single biggest one covers like 80 million people.
So they make a list of drugs for those 80 million people, which drugs cost $10? Which ones cost $50? And which ones. Aren’t covered at all. That list has a name. It’s called the formulary, and controlling a formulary with 80 million customers gives the PBM a whole new kind of leverage.
Geoffrey Joyce: Just let me put it this way. Imagine you are a manufacturer and you produce a good drug and Express Scripts says, we represent 80 million Americans in their drug benefits. If you’re off our formulary as a manufacturer, you lose access to 80 million consumers. That’s an enormous hit. You’ll do anything to stay on that formulary.
Dan: You’ll do anything the PBM wants. And what the PBM wants is a big discount and the devious, tricky wild part that Jeffrey Joyce taught me, the easiest way to give a big discount is jack up the sticker price, which sounds like it would never work. Like I know. We’ll double the price, then we can charge them the same, but we’ll tell them they’re getting a 50% discount. *nefarious laugh*
I mean, are PBMs supposed to be stupid? But PBMs aren’t stupid. Remember, they’re not shopping on the open market. They’re negotiating in secret, and they’re not just negotiating for discounts. They’re getting rebates, not money off, money back. A payout.
Geoffrey Joyce: It’s more money that potentially they can retain. Right? So the more, the bigger the rebate, that’s money. They have control over them.
Dan: It’s, it’s literally, it’s cash in their pockets.
Geoffrey Joyce: It’s cash.
Dan: And Joyce says, those negotiations get totally explicit. Raising prices is part of the deal.
Geoffrey Joyce: And so I’ve had several CEOs of drug companies tell me, PBMs put a gun to their head.
Raise your prices, i.e. raise your rebate, or you’re off our formulary.
Dan: And of course, doing business in a back room someplace is what makes all this possible.
Geoffrey Joyce: Everything is, is proprietary. No one can see what kind of discount or rebates they’re getting, and no one really knows how much is being retained and how much is being passed on. And anytime you have that lack of information and lack of clarity, there’s, it’s it’s a ripe environment for abuse and excess profit.
Dan: There’s just one other thing, and I’m kind of reluctant to tell you this cuz I have this rule about the show where it’s supposed to be more entertaining and empowering and maybe useful than it is enraging and terrifying and depressing. But I cannot hold back this part. So here it is:
That knot, that tangle of deals with money going back and forth and the PBMs in the middle of everything.That knot is getting tighter. Cuz the players are merging with each other. Those three big PBMs, one of them is CVS, the drug store chain, which is also merging with an insurance company, Aetna, and the other two?
One belongs to an insurance company, and the other is getting bought by one.
Geoffrey Joyce: They always argue there are economies of scale and synergies, et cetera. Historically, we’ve seen the consumers lose when you see greater and greater concentration within an industry.
Dan: Great. *exasperated sigh*
You know what’s funny? None of this quite answers the question I started with. Why were there so many prices for that one generic prescription I tried to fill? And it turns out, Jeffrey Joyce has actually done research on this narrow little question, random prices at the drugstore. He sent hundreds of USC students to drugstores in LA with fake prescriptions to fill. His findings: My experience was not a one-off. Not an accident.
Geoffrey Joyce: And it’s basically the drug store or whatever saying, Hey, here’s a consumer that may or may not know the price, and we can charge them what we think we can get away with.
Dan: So Mr. Gower is still with us, and he’s also trying to make a buck however he can.
Geoffrey Joyce: You or your child is sick and you need an antibiotic. You’ve maybe not used that antibiotic in the past, or it’s been a long time. You don’t know what the price of that is. You don’t know what a reasonable price is.
Dan: Your doctor’s like, you need a Z-Pak.
Geoffrey Joyce: Exactly.
And when you walk in, would you know if a Z-Pak is, you know, a hundred dollars? That that may be the price you have no idea.
Dan: So basically we gotta watch our backs with everyone, which is turning into kind of a theme on this show. And sometimes I guess an outfit like GoodRx can help us know if Mr. Gower is trying to put one over on us. And it offers discounts with those coupons it has. So I asked Jeffrey, Joyce, and the other experts I talked with, how do I need to watch my back with GoodRx?
I mean, there’s a catch right? And they said, no, not exactly, except that it’s, you know, just a bandaid. It’s not changing anything about the big picture with the PBMs and all the other players. In fact, when GoodRx shows us a coupon for a discount, it’s because they’ve made a deal with a pharmacy benefit manager behind the scenes to get it.
So GoodRx wrangles its prices outta that same crazy float chart, that same crazy knot that produce the jacked up prices we see. And presumably it’s finding a way to make a profit, but if a bandaid is useful to you, I guess it’s useful.
That’s where we left things four years ago.
I wanna recap my big takeaway from that Adventure: PBMs push drug makers to set higher list prices because the higher the list price goes, the bigger the rebate, the cash payout the PBMs can grab.
And here’s a couple things that we didn’t hit. By setting preferred drugs based on which company gives ’em the biggest rebates, and by making us pay super high prices for anything else. PBMs work with insurance companies to limit access to drugs.
And if you have a high deductible, or a copay, or percentage of list price you’re supposed to pay at the pharmacy counter, the PBM still gets their full rebate.
In other words, some of the money coming outta your pocket may go directly to them.
Some things have changed since we first put this story out. The biggest PBMs have gotten bigger. For instance, the biggest, Express Scripts, now covers 100 million people, up from 80 million.
And the biggest PBMs have been experimenting with new shenanigans — enough for at least a whole new episode.
But not all the news is bad. In the last few years, state legislatures have passed 150 laws attempting to regulate PBMs. Every state has passed at least one.
A few states have passed laws saying that PBMs have to pass rebates along the consumers at the pharmacy counter.
In other words, trying to stop the PBMs from that situation where they’re getting money directly outta your pocket.
Couple other states have passed laws saying PBMs cannot force you to use their mail order pharmacies, which great, but geez, I guess that means it’s legal in 48 states and Congress has held five hearings so far this year specifically on PBMs with members from both parties eager to get their licks in.
I am not saying that the cavalry or Congress is about to ride in and fix everything. I wish. But I am saying, by understanding better what’s going on, we can get a better sense of what we want our elected folks to do. I’ll catch you in a few weeks till then, take care of yourself.
This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced by me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta and Bella Czajkowski. Whitney Henry-Lester edited this story in 2019, and Ellen Weiss edited this updated version.
Daisy Rosario is our consulting managing producer. Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard. Our music is by Dave Winer and Blue Dot Sessions.
Gabrielle Healy is our managing editor for audience. She edits the First Aid Kit Newsletter.
Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. Sarah Ballema is our operations manager.
An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News.
That’s a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health care in America, and a core program at KFF — an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.
Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at KFF Health News. He is editorial liaison to this show.
Thanks to Public Narrative — That’s a Chicago-based group that helps journalists and non-profits tell better stories– for serving as our fiscal sponsor, allowing us to accept tax-exempt donations. You can learn more about Public Narrative at www.publicnarrative.org.
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By: Dan Weissmann
Title: Wait, What’s a PBM?
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/wait-whats-a-pbm/
Published Date: Thu, 13 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000
Kaiser Health News
Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers
In a top-rated nursing home in Alexandria, Virginia, the Rev. Donald Goodness is cared for by nurses and aides from various parts of Africa. One of them, Jackline Conteh, a naturalized citizen and nurse assistant from Sierra Leone, bathes and helps dress him most days and vigilantly intercepts any meal headed his way that contains gluten, as Goodness has celiac disease.
“We are full of people who come from other countries,” Goodness, 92, said about Goodwin House Alexandria’s staff. Without them, the retired Episcopal priest said, “I would be, and my building would be, desolate.”
The long-term health care industry is facing a double whammy from President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigrants and the GOP’s proposals to reduce Medicaid spending. The industry is highly dependent on foreign workers: More than 800,000 immigrants and naturalized citizens comprise 28% of direct care employees at home care agencies, nursing homes, assisted living facilities, and other long-term care companies.
But in January, the Trump administration rescinded former President Joe Biden’s 2021 policy that protected health care facilities from Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids. The administration’s broad immigration crackdown threatens to drastically reduce the number of current and future workers for the industry. “People may be here on a green card, and they are afraid ICE is going to show up,” said Katie Smith Sloan, president of LeadingAge, an association of nonprofits that care for older adults.
Existing staffing shortages and quality-of-care problems would be compounded by other policies pushed by Trump and the Republican-led Congress, according to nursing home officials, resident advocates, and academic experts. Federal spending cuts under negotiation may strip nursing homes of some of their largest revenue sources by limiting ways states leverage Medicaid money and making it harder for new nursing home residents to retroactively qualify for Medicaid. Care for 6 in 10 residents is paid for by Medicaid, the state-federal health program for poor or disabled Americans.
“We are facing the collision of two policies here that could further erode staffing in nursing homes and present health outcome challenges,” said Eric Roberts, an associate professor of internal medicine at the University of Pennsylvania.
The industry hasn’t recovered from covid-19, which killed more than 200,000 long-term care facility residents and workers and led to massive staff attrition and turnover. Nursing homes have struggled to replace licensed nurses, who can find better-paying jobs at hospitals and doctors’ offices, as well as nursing assistants, who can earn more working at big-box stores or fast-food joints. Quality issues that preceded the pandemic have expanded: The percentage of nursing homes that federal health inspectors cited for putting residents in jeopardy of immediate harm or death has risen alarmingly from 17% in 2015 to 28% in 2024.
In addition to seeking to reduce Medicaid spending, congressional Republicans have proposed shelving the biggest nursing home reform in decades: a Biden-era rule mandating minimum staffing levels that would require most of the nation’s nearly 15,000 nursing homes to hire more workers.
The long-term care industry expects demand for direct care workers to burgeon with an influx of aging baby boomers needing professional care. The Census Bureau has projected the number of people 65 and older would grow from 63 million this year to 82 million in 2050.
In an email, Vianca Rodriguez Feliciano, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, said the agency “is committed to supporting a strong, stable long-term care workforce” and “continues to work with states and providers to ensure quality care for older adults and individuals with disabilities.” In a separate email, Tricia McLaughlin, a Department of Homeland Security spokesperson, said foreigners wanting to work as caregivers “need to do that by coming here the legal way” but did not address the effect on the long-term care workforce of deportations of classes of authorized immigrants.
Goodwin Living, a faith-based nonprofit, runs three retirement communities in northern Virginia for people who live independently, need a little assistance each day, have memory issues, or require the availability of around-the-clock nurses. It also operates a retirement community in Washington, D.C. Medicare rates Goodwin House Alexandria as one of the best-staffed nursing homes in the country. Forty percent of the organization’s 1,450 employees are foreign-born and are either seeking citizenship or are already naturalized, according to Lindsay Hutter, a Goodwin spokesperson.
“As an employer, we see they stay on with us, they have longer tenure, they are more committed to the organization,” said Rob Liebreich, Goodwin’s president and CEO.
Jackline Conteh spent much of her youth shuttling between Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Ghana to avoid wars and tribal conflicts. Her mother was killed by a stray bullet in her home country of Liberia, Conteh said. “She was sitting outside,” Conteh, 56, recalled in an interview.
Conteh was working as a nurse in a hospital in Sierra Leone in 2009 when she learned of a lottery for visas to come to the United States. She won, though she couldn’t afford to bring her husband and two children along at the time. After she got a nursing assistant certification, Goodwin hired her in 2012.
Conteh said taking care of elders is embedded in the culture of African families. When she was 9, she helped feed and dress her grandmother, a job that rotated among her and her sisters. She washed her father when he was dying of prostate cancer. Her husband joined her in the United States in 2017; she cares for him because he has heart failure.
“Nearly every one of us from Africa, we know how to care for older adults,” she said.
Her daughter is now in the United States, while her son is still in Africa. Conteh said she sends money to him, her mother-in-law, and one of her sisters.
In the nursing home where Goodness and 89 other residents live, Conteh helps with daily tasks like dressing and eating, checks residents’ skin for signs of swelling or sores, and tries to help them avoid falling or getting disoriented. Of 102 employees in the building, broken up into eight residential wings called “small houses” and a wing for memory care, at least 72 were born abroad, Hutter said.
Donald Goodness grew up in Rochester, New York, and spent 25 years as rector of The Church of the Ascension in New York City, retiring in 1997. He and his late wife moved to Alexandria to be closer to their daughter, and in 2011 they moved into independent living at the Goodwin House. In 2023 he moved into one of the skilled nursing small houses, where Conteh started caring for him.
“I have a bad leg and I can’t stand on it very much, or I’d fall over,” he said. “She’s in there at 7:30 in the morning, and she helps me bathe.” Goodness said Conteh is exacting about cleanliness and will tell the housekeepers if his room is not kept properly.
Conteh said Goodness was withdrawn when he first arrived. “He don’t want to come out, he want to eat in his room,” she said. “He don’t want to be with the other people in the dining room, so I start making friends with him.”
She showed him a photo of Sierra Leone on her phone and told him of the weather there. He told her about his work at the church and how his wife did laundry for the choir. The breakthrough, she said, came one day when he agreed to lunch with her in the dining room. Long out of his shell, Goodness now sits on the community’s resident council and enjoys distributing the mail to other residents on his floor.
“The people that work in my building become so important to us,” Goodness said.
While Trump’s 2024 election campaign focused on foreigners here without authorization, his administration has broadened to target those legally here, including refugees who fled countries beset by wars or natural disasters. This month, the Department of Homeland Security revoked the work permits for migrants and refugees from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela who arrived under a Biden-era program.
“I’ve just spent my morning firing good, honest people because the federal government told us that we had to,” Rachel Blumberg, president of the Toby & Leon Cooperman Sinai Residences of Boca Raton, a Florida retirement community, said in a video posted on LinkedIn. “I am so sick of people saying that we are deporting people because they are criminals. Let me tell you, they are not all criminals.”
At Goodwin House, Conteh is fearful for her fellow immigrants. Foreign workers at Goodwin rarely talk about their backgrounds. “They’re scared,” she said. “Nobody trusts anybody.” Her neighbors in her apartment complex fled the U.S. in December and returned to Sierra Leone after Trump won the election, leaving their children with relatives.
“If all these people leave the United States, they go back to Africa or to their various countries, what will become of our residents?” Conteh asked. “What will become of our old people that we’re taking care of?”
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The post Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content primarily highlights concerns about the impact of restrictive immigration policies and Medicaid spending cuts proposed by the Trump administration and Republican lawmakers on the long-term care industry. It emphasizes the importance of immigrant workers in healthcare, the challenges that staffing shortages pose to patient care, and the potential negative effects of GOP policy proposals. The tone is critical of these policies while sympathetic toward immigrant workers and advocates for maintaining or increasing government support for healthcare funding. The framing aligns with a center-left perspective, focusing on social welfare, immigrant rights, and concern about the consequences of conservative economic and immigration policies without descending into partisan rhetoric.
Kaiser Health News
California’s Much-Touted IVF Law May Be Delayed Until 2026, Leaving Many in the Lurch
California lawmakers are poised to delay the state’s much-ballyhooed new law mandating in vitro fertilization insurance coverage for millions, set to take effect July 1. Gov. Gavin Newsom has asked lawmakers to push the implementation date to January 2026, leaving patients, insurers, and employers in limbo.
The law, SB 729, requires state-regulated health plans offered by large employers to cover infertility diagnosis and treatment, including IVF. Nine million people will qualify for coverage under the law. Advocates have praised the law as “a major win for Californians,” especially in making same-sex couples and aspiring single parents eligible, though cost concerns limited the mandate’s breadth.
People who had been planning fertility care based on the original timeline are now “left in a holding pattern facing more uncertainty, financial strain, and emotional distress,” Alise Powell, a director at Resolve: The National Infertility Association, said in a statement.
During IVF, a patient’s eggs are retrieved, combined with sperm in a lab, and then transferred to a person’s uterus. A single cycle can total around $25,000, out of reach for many. The California law requires insurers to cover up to three egg retrievals and an unlimited number of embryo transfers.
Not everyone’s coverage would be affected by the delay. Even if the law took effect July 1, it wouldn’t require IVF coverage to start until the month an employer’s contract renews with its insurer. Rachel Arrezola, a spokesperson for the California Department of Managed Health Care, said most of the employers subject to the law renew their contracts in January, so their employees would not be affected by a delay.
She declined to provide data on the percentage of eligible contracts that renew in July or later, which would mean those enrollees wouldn’t get IVF coverage until at least a full year from now, in July 2026 or later.
The proposed new implementation date comes amid heightened national attention on fertility coverage. California is now one of 15 states with an IVF mandate, and in February, President Donald Trump signed an executive order seeking policy recommendations to expand IVF access.
It’s the second time Newsom has asked lawmakers to delay the law. When the Democratic governor signed the bill in September, he asked the legislature to consider delaying implementation by six months. The reason, Newsom said then, was to allow time to reconcile differences between the bill and a broader effort by state regulators to include IVF and other fertility services as an essential health benefit, which would require the marketplace and other individual and small-group plans to provide the coverage.
Newsom spokesperson Elana Ross said the state needs more time to provide guidance to insurers on specific services not addressed in the law to ensure adequate and uniform coverage. Arrezola said embryo storage and donor eggs and sperm were examples of services requiring more guidance.
State Sen. Caroline Menjivar, a Democrat who authored the original IVF mandate, acknowledged a delay could frustrate people yearning to expand their families, but requested patience “a little longer so we can roll this out right.”
Sean Tipton, a lobbyist for the American Society for Reproductive Medicine, contended that the few remaining questions on the mandate did not warrant a long delay.
Lawmakers appear poised to advance the delay to a vote by both houses of the legislature, likely before the end of June. If a delay is approved and signed by the governor, the law would immediately be paused. If this does not happen before July 1, Arrezola said, the Department of Managed Health Care would enforce the mandate as it exists. All plans were required to submit compliance filings to the agency by March. Arrezola was unable to explain what would happen to IVF patients whose coverage had already begun if the delay passes after July 1.
The California Association of Health Plans, which opposed the mandate, declined to comment on where implementation efforts stand, although the group agrees that insurers need more guidance, spokesperson Mary Ellen Grant said.
Kaiser Permanente, the state’s largest insurer, has already sent employers information they can provide to their employees about the new benefit, company spokesperson Kathleen Chambers said. She added that eligible members whose plans renew on or after July 1 would have IVF coverage if implementation of the law is not delayed.
Employers and some fertility care providers appear to be grappling over the uncertainty of the law’s start date. Amy Donovan, a lawyer at insurance brokerage and consulting firm Keenan & Associates, said the firm has fielded many questions from employers about the possibility of delay. Reproductive Science Center and Shady Grove Fertility, major clinics serving different areas of California, posted on their websites that the IVF mandate had been delayed until January 2026, which is not yet the case. They did not respond to requests for comment.
Some infertility patients confused over whether and when they will be covered have run out of patience. Ana Rios and her wife, who live in the Central Valley, had been trying to have a baby for six years, dipping into savings for each failed treatment. Although she was “freaking thrilled” to learn about the new law last fall, Rios could not get clarity from her employer or health plan on whether she was eligible for the coverage and when it would go into effect, she said. The couple decided to go to Mexico to pursue cheaper treatment options.
“You think you finally have a helping hand,” Rios said of learning about the law and then, later, the requested delay. “You reach out, and they take it back.”
This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
USE OUR CONTENT
This story can be republished for free (details).
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.
This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
The post California’s Much-Touted IVF Law May Be Delayed Until 2026, Leaving Many in the Lurch appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content is presented in a factual, balanced manner typical of center-left public policy reporting. It focuses on a progressive healthcare issue (mandated IVF insurance coverage) favorably highlighting benefits for diverse family structures and individuals, including same-sex couples and single parents, which often aligns with center-left values. At the same time, it includes perspectives from government officials, industry representatives, opponents, and patients, offering a nuanced view without overt ideological framing or partisan rhetoric. The emphasis on healthcare access, social equity, and patient impact situates the coverage within a center-left orientation.
Kaiser Health News
Push To Move OB-GYN Exam Out of Texas Is Piece of AGs’ Broader Reproductive Rights Campaign
Democratic state attorneys general led by those from California, New York, and Massachusetts are pressuring medical professional groups to defend reproductive rights, including medication abortion, emergency abortions, and travel between states for health care in response to recent increases in the number of abortion bans.
The American Medical Association adopted a formal position June 9 recommending that medical certification exams be moved out of states with restrictive abortion policies or made virtual, after 20 attorneys general petitioned to protect physicians who fear legal repercussions because of their work. The petition focused on the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology’s certification exams in Dallas, and the subsequent AMA recommendation was hailed as a win for Democrats trying to regain ground after the fall of Roe v. Wade.
“It seems incremental, but there are so many things that go into expanding and maintaining access to care,” said Arneta Rogers, executive director of the Center on Reproductive Rights and Justice at the University of California-Berkeley’s law school. “We see AGs banding together, governors banding together, as advocates work on the ground. That feels somewhat more hopeful — that people are thinking about a coordinated strategy.”
Since the Supreme Court eliminated the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, 16 states, including Texas, have implemented laws banning abortion almost entirely, and many of them impose criminal penalties on providers as well as options to sue doctors. More than 25 states restrict access to gender-affirming care for trans people, and six of them make it a felony to provide such care to youth.
That’s raised concern among some physicians who fear being charged if they go to those states, even if their home state offers protection to provide reproductive and gender-affirming health care.
Pointing to the recent fining and indictment of a physician in New York who allegedly provided abortion pills to a woman in Texas and a teen in Louisiana, a coalition of physicians wrote in a letter to the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology that “the limits of shield laws are tenuous” and that “Texas laws can affect physicians practicing outside of the state as well.”
The campaign was launched by several Democratic attorneys general, including Rob Bonta of California, Andrea Joy Campbell of Massachusetts, and Letitia James of New York, who each have established a reproductive rights unit as a bulwark for their state following the Dobbs decision.
“Reproductive health care and gender-affirming care providers should not have to risk their safety or freedom just to advance in their medical careers,” James said in a statement. “Forcing providers to travel to states that have declared war on reproductive freedom and LGBTQ+ rights is as unnecessary as it is dangerous.”
In their petition, the attorneys general included a letter from Joseph Ottolenghi, medical director at Choices Women’s Medical Center in New York City, who was denied his request to take the test remotely or outside of Texas. To be certified by the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology, physicians need to take the in-person exam at its testing facility in Dallas. The board completed construction of its new testing facility last year.
“As a New York practitioner, I have made every effort not to violate any other state’s laws, but the outer contours of these draconian laws have not been tested or clarified by the courts,” Ottolenghi wrote.
Rachel Rebouché, the dean of Temple University’s law school and a reproductive law scholar, said “putting the heft” of the attorneys general behind this effort helps build awareness and a “public reckoning” on behalf of providers. Separately, some doctors have urged medical conferences to boycott states with abortion bans.
Anti-abortion groups, however, see the campaign as forcing providers to conform to abortion-rights views. Donna Harrison, an OB-GYN and the director of research at the American Association of Pro-Life Obstetricians and Gynecologists, described the petition as an “attack not only on pro-life states but also on life-affirming medical professionals.”
Harrison said the “OB-GYN community consists of physicians with values that are as diverse as our nation’s state abortion laws,” and that this diversity “fosters a medical environment of debate and rigorous thought leading to advancements that ultimately serve our patients.”
The AMA’s new policy urges specialty medical boards to host exams in states without restrictive abortion laws, offer the tests remotely, or provide exemptions for physicians. However, the decision to implement any changes to the administration of these exams is up to those boards. There is no deadline for a decision to be made.
The OB-GYN board did not respond to requests for comment, but after the public petition from the attorneys general criticizing it for refusing exam accommodations, the board said that in-person exams conducted at its national center in Dallas “provide the most equitable, fair, secure, and standardized assessment.”
The OB-GYN board emphasized that Texas’ laws apply to doctors licensed in Texas and to medical care within Texas, specifically. And it noted that its exam dates are kept under wraps, and that there have been “no incidents of harm to candidates or examiners across thousands of in-person examinations.”
Democratic state prosecutors, however, warned in their petition that the “web of confusing and punitive state-based restrictions creates a legal minefield for medical providers.” Texas is among the states that have banned doctors from providing gender-affirming care to transgender youth, and it has reportedly made efforts to get records from medical facilities and professionals in other states who may have provided that type of care to Texans.
The Texas attorney general’s office did not respond to requests for comment.
States such as California and New York have laws to block doctors from being extradited under other states’ laws and to prevent sharing evidence against them. But instances that require leveraging these laws could still mean lengthy legal proceedings.
“We live in a moment where we’ve seen actions by executive bodies that don’t necessarily square with what we thought the rules provided,” Rebouché said.
This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
USE OUR CONTENT
This story can be republished for free (details).
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.
This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
The post Push To Move OB-GYN Exam Out of Texas Is Piece of AGs’ Broader Reproductive Rights Campaign appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article presents a viewpoint largely aligned with progressive and Democratic positions on reproductive rights and gender-affirming care. It highlights efforts led by Democratic attorneys general and the American Medical Association to protect abortion access and transgender healthcare amid restrictive state laws, portraying these actions positively. While it includes perspectives from anti-abortion advocates, their views are presented briefly and framed as opposition to the broader pro-choice initiatives. The overall tone and framing emphasize support for reproductive freedom and healthcare protections, reflecting a center-left leaning stance typical of mainstream health policy reporting sympathetic to Democratic policy goals.
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