Mississippi Today

Trump moves to eliminate U.S. Department of Education. Right now, Mississippi must figure out what’s next.

Published

4 months ago

March 20, 2025

mississippitoday.org – Adam Ganucheau – 2025-03-20 15:51:00

Today, after months of campaigning on “giving education back to the states,” President Donald Trump signed an executive order that aims to totally dismantle the U.S. Department of Education.

There are serious questions of constitutionality that will need to be worked out in the courts, and Congress likely needs to sign off on the elimination of a federal agency. Who knows if this, like so much of what Trump and Elon Musk have been cutting, will actually go through.

Nonetheless, Trump kept another major campaign promise — one that was directly forecasted in the Project 2025 manifesto that Trump’s top advisers helped write. Congratulations to you, I suppose, if you think this is a good idea.

My plea to you now: Play this out a little further and consider the critical, unanswered questions about what this is going to mean for states like Mississippi.

Let’s acknowledge this frankly: Our track record running our own public education system is god-awful. Last time Mississippi managed its own schools system without the federal agency in place, it was failing dramatically:

Educational standards set by state leaders were woefully low. How low? Routinely, the Mississippians lucky enough to earn high school diplomas were illiterate when they entered the workforce. That low.
Schoolhouses were falling in and barely usable, hungry kids were too ill to return to class, and special education programs for our most vulnerable students literally did not exist.
Traditionally overlooked communities were wildly undereducated, with fewer than half of rural Mississippians and fewer than half of Black Mississippians holding high school diplomas.
The political power structure set or influenced state’s curricula. Just one example of how this played out: In America’s Blackest state and the heart of the civil rights movement, public school students were only taught one white version of history. Can we really feel OK about that?

In so many ways, the founding of the U.S. Department of Education in 1979 created transformational guardrails for Mississippi that curtailed most of these travesties. Yes, we implemented our own changes at the state level, and yes, nothing is perfect now. But without the critical framework of the federal agency and its funding prowess, we never would have taken those steps. For decades now, only because of the federal agency, we have been assured that:

Poor, rural school districts would get the funds they needed — funds they weren’t getting from legislative leaders of America’s poorest state.
Critical special education — programs that did not exist because they were not being funded by Mississippi — would be funded with that money being distributed equitably.
Annual standardized testing would show us whether we were ahead of, on par with, or falling behind the performance of students in other states. You remember the “Mississippi miracle,” the dramatic reading improvements that were a key point of pride for virtually every 2023 political campaign? We literally wouldn’t know the miracle existed without this critical federal benchmarking.
Adequate funds would be distributed to ensure that students of marginalized communities — minorities, migrants, students with disabilities, students experiencing homelessness — got the extra support they needed to succeed, and the white political power structure wouldn’t focus only on students who looked like them.

Look, we have the right to know that our tax dollars are being spent efficiently and appropriately. Looking under the hood is indeed desperately needed across government at every level.

And truly, what better way to spend those dollars than on the education of our children? In so many ways, our state’s future hinges more on this basic function of government than any other spending. Do you want a stronger economy? More jobs and better jobs? Vibrant and well-run towns and cities? Functioning health care and economic systems? There’s no room for debate: All of that starts with providing our children with a quality education.

So call me cynical, liberal or just plain crazy, but as we’re staring down the barrel of one of the most dramatic public policy shifts in American history with this latest move by the White House, we need to get so many questions answered, or Mississippi could be set so far back in time that we’ll never recover. Our kids’ livelihoods are on the line here, and our collective success as a state is at stake.

Here are a few of those critical questions that come to mind.

Can Mississippi really manage up to $1.5 billion in federal funds on our own?

Mississippi, the state that relies more on the federal dollar than any other state, right now ranks 45th in the nation in public education funding. That’s already far too low.

But included in that total is $1.5 billion that the U.S. Department of Education sends Mississippi each year. If you’re counting at home, that represents 30% of the state’s annual spending on public education. That money is split up into grants and other specifically designated programs, so the state has little leeway in deciding how it can be spent.

Trump and his administration have given virtually no specifics of how this post-DOE iteration of things will work — an extremely concerning reality in itself — but experts suggest that instead of funds being sent to states through the federal agency, Congress would send that money directly to the state in the form of block grants — or grants that have some general parameters on how they can be spent but fewer strings attached by way of accountability. One would assume that the Mississippi Departments of Education would take on the responsibility of doling this funding out.

This is where Mississippi’s education structure comes into play. Our state Department of Education is run by the Board of Education, a nine-member political board appointed by the governor, lieutenant governor and the speaker of the House. If these Trump-decreed changes go into effect, these nine people seemingly will, overnight, have a $1.5 billion weight on their shoulders.

We have every right to be concerned that these board members would act as if they were beholden to the politicians who appointed them — a long-standing reality across our state government system that has harmed Mississippians in just so many ways. The potential for corruption and misspending here is immense. (In case you’re wondering about Mississippi’s recent track record on doling out federal block grant funding, ask the handful of people who are awaiting federal sentencing in the state’s welfare embezzlement how they’re doing lately.)

A few more money-related questions that no one seems to be asking: How often will the feds send us this money — monthly, quarterly, annually in one lump sum? How quickly might it then make its way to school districts that desperately need it to provide these critical educational services? Who is watching our leaders to ensure the money is being spent how Congress dictates and how Mississippians need? Will Congress or our state Legislature create some sort of guardrails to ensure misspending doesn’t become commonplace? Without federal lobbying that happens on behalf of the U.S. Department of Education each year, will Congress appropriate the same amount of funding for Mississippi? Will anyone in the Mississippi power structure stand up if political influence of this spending becomes a problem?

Can Mississippi really be trusted to spend federal funds appropriately?

Yes, the U.S. Department of Education controls so much of how the federal funding gets spent. Again, in so many cases, that is a necessary and good thing, especially considering Mississippi’s problematic record spending federal dollars effectively.

Here’s just a sampling of what Mississippi receives from the U.S. Department of Education in fiscal year 2024, according to a Legislative Budget Office report that was requested by state Rep. Daryl Porter and shared with Mississippi Today:

• $236 million for Title I grants aimed at improving academic achievement and providing a high-quality education to students from low-income families.

In the 2021-22 school year, 737 of 1,040 schools in Mississippi were eligible for Title I funds. What could go wrong in Mississippi, the state home to the very most children living in poverty, without this funding?

• $134 million for special education grants — the vast majority of the state’s overall special education program spending.

Last year, the federal government deemed Mississippi in need of consecutive years of assistance to meet the goals of the Individuals with Disabilities Education (IDEA) Act, which was passed to create better outcomes and opportunities for people with disabilities.

• $56 million to provide vocational services for individuals with disabilities so that they may prepare for and engage in competitive integrated employment or supported employment and achieve economic self-sufficiency.

Again, an area of need in Mississippi that could not be met in any other way than through federal education grants.

• $29 million for Effective Instruction State Grants, which aim to reform teacher and principal certification programs, provide support and professional development for teachers and principals. Other aims of this grant include recruiting and retaining effective teachers and principals, providing professional development for teachers and principals, and reducing class size.

Our state, which has for years been dealing with a critical teacher shortage, has one of the lowest average teacher salaries in the nation. These certification programs provide salary increases to teachers and better prepare them for the challenges they face in the classroom. God knows what it would mean for them if federal assistance disappeared.

• $10 million for 21st Century Community Learning Centers, which serves as the only federal funding source dedicated exclusively to afterschool programs.

Getting kids into afterschool programs not only increases their ability to succeed in the classroom, it keeps them entertained and deters them from committing crime.

So, a few more questions: Will anyone — Congress, the state Legislature, the governor, anyone — closely monitor how our Board of Education will spend these important federal funds? Can we trust Mississippi officials to treat every Mississippi child equally in funding schools and education programs? Can we continue our special education programs? Can we sustain support for rural districts and special education? Can we fully support our teachers?

As you can see, there are endless questions and few answers. A concerning reality is that no one, seemingly, has these answers. Perhaps the most concerning reality is no one in Mississippi leadership has tried to find the answers.

We’ve known for months that this was Trump’s play. He’s promised it. Yet to date, the Mississippi Board of Education has not publicly discussed any of this in a public meeting. The state Legislature, too busy fighting over cutting state revenue and spending, has not debated the federal education cut publicly. Congress has obviously not vetted this at all, and the federal courts have yet to weigh in.

As is the case with so many other things that Trump has done in the past two months, we don’t know what’s happening. That is by design.

But we Mississippians better figure it out. Because of our past failures, the burden on us here is heavier than in most places. The future of Mississippi is on the line here, and we must get this right — and quickly.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Up Next

On this day in 1965

Don't Miss

OOPS! Senate sent House an income tax bill with typos. House ran with it. What’s next?

Mississippi Today

Rate decision on hold as Wingate tracks down Siemens funds

Published

1 day ago

July 14, 2025

Staff Editor

mississippitoday.org – @alxrzr – 2025-07-14 15:48:00

by Alex Rozier, Mississippi Today
July 14, 2025

U.S. District Court Judge Henry Wingate said he’s putting his decision on hold over whether to approve JXN Water’s proposed rate increase until after he finds out what happened with roughly $90 million from a settlement with Siemens.

In 2020, the city of Jackson settled its lawsuit with the German company over years of faulty metering for water services. While about a third of the $90 million went to legal fees, city officials couldn’t immediately say where the rest of those funds went during a status conference Monday.

City Attorney Drew Martin said he was working to comply with a subpoena Wingate issued last week looking for an accounting of the settlement dollars, adding that he would have those details within a day or two. While he couldn’t say for sure where the money went, Martin said the city spent about $50 million within a few months after the settlement, and that there was $8 million remaining as of 2022.

Ted Henifin speaks during a press conference at City Hall in Jackson, Miss., Monday, December 5, 2022. Henifin was appointed as Jackson’s water system’s third-party administrator.

Ted Henifin, who runs JXN Water and first proposed the rate increase in February, said the increase would still be necessary even if the utility received all the money from the Siemens settlement. He said the utility’s day-to-day management is operating at a deficit, and that the $60 million from the settlement — what Jackson received after paying its lawyers — would only cover losses for the next two years.

Henifin added that he’s asking the federal government to move around its funding to the city so he can spend more of it on operations and management. Without a boost to JXN Water’s finances, he said the utility would have to stop paying its contractors.

Wingate inquired about the settlement money during a two-day status conference last month. Henifin told the judge he had no idea what the city did with the funds. Wingate explained Monday that he wanted to make sure he was aware of all possible funding for JXN Water before approving a second rate increase in as many years.

It’s unclear how soon he’ll decide. In addition to Jackson officials, Wingate issued the subpoena on July 9 to the state and federal government as well as four different law firms. The subpoena gives the parties 30 days to produce any information on where the settlement funds went.

The judge also brought up the city’s history with shutting off nonpaying customers. Martin explained that the city, under then Mayor Tony Yarber, agreed to pause shutoffs for customers who had issues with Siemens’ water meters. Jackson prepared to bring back shutoffs in 2019, he said, but put them on hold again during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Rate decision on hold as Wingate tracks down Siemens funds appeared first on mississippitoday.org

Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

This article maintains a factual, neutral tone focused on reporting the status of a legal and financial issue concerning Jackson’s water utility and the Siemens settlement funds. It presents statements from both the judge and city officials without editorializing or taking sides. The language is straightforward and balanced, emphasizing transparency and accountability rather than ideological framing. The article refrains from promoting any political viewpoint and instead centers on the procedural and fiscal aspects of the case, aligning it with neutral, centrist reporting.

Mississippi Today

Donor aids Civil War battlefield in Vicksburg

Published

1 day ago

July 14, 2025

Staff Editor

mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-07-14 14:58:00

by Simeon Gates, Mississippi Today
July 14, 2025

Vicksburg National Military Park is receiving over $5 million toward restoring a key monument and removing a building that previously was used as a visitors’ center.

Friends of the Vicksburg National Military Park recently announced a $2.8 million private donation to the park by John L. Nau III, a Texas businessman and philanthropist who was a founding board member of the nonprofit Friends organization.

The National Park Service’s Centennial Challenge program will match the donation with $2.5 million in federal funds.

The money will go to restoring the Illinois Memorial and removing an unrelated building that was “erroneously constructed on core battlefield ground — an intrusion that obscures the story and sacrifices of the men who fought and died there in 1863,” according to the Friends.

“Standing on restored battlefield ground gives visitors a chance to truly understand the story of Vicksburg — not just read about it, but feel it,” Bess Averett, executive director of the Friends of Vicksburg National Military Park, said in a press release. “Visitors deserve to walk this hallowed ground and see it as Union and Confederate soldiers saw it during the siege.”

In 1863, Union forces led by Gen. Ulysses S. Grant laid siege to Vicksburg. After 47 days, the Confederate army surrendered, and the defeat turned the tide of the Civil War as the Union gained control of the Mississippi River.

Vicksburg National Military Park was established in 1899 at the battleground. It commemorates the siege and its role in the Civil War, as well as those who fought.

The Illinois Memorial is dedicated to more than 36,000 soldiers from that state who fought in Vicksburg. Both the stone and the inscriptions inside the building have worn down from weather exposure.

In the release, Friends of Vicksburg National Military Park said the park needs both public and private support, as the National Park Service manages over 400 units nationwide.

“We need donors and volunteers now more than ever before,” Averett said.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Donor aids Civil War battlefield in Vicksburg appeared first on mississippitoday.org

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

This article presents factual reporting on a private donation to Vicksburg National Military Park without evident ideological slant. The piece focuses on the historical significance of the park, the restoration efforts funded by both private and federal sources, and quotes from a nonprofit executive emphasizing the need for support. The language is neutral and informative, avoiding political framing or partisan commentary. It reports on the actions and statements of involved parties without promoting a particular political viewpoint, adhering to balanced coverage of the subject matter.

Mississippi Today

Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling.

Published

1 day ago

July 14, 2025

Staff Editor

mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-07-14 10:30:00

by Anita Lee, Sun Herald and Taylor Vance, Mississippi Today
July 14, 2025

A Jackson County Chancery Court judge is denying the public access to a case that involves several politically connected Mississippians and their failed venture to ticket uninsured motorists using cameras and artificial intelligence.

Media companies Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald have filed for relief with the state Supreme Court, arguing that Chancery Judge Neil Harris improperly closed the court file without notice and a hearing to consider alternatives. The media outlets say the court file should be opened.

Mississippi Today in June filed its motion asking that Harris unseal the case, which he denied six days later.

Gulfport attorney Henry Laird writes in the media companies’ petition for state Supreme Court review, “The Chancery Court sealing the entire court file both before and after Mississippi Today’s motion to unseal the file violates the public and press’ cherished right of openness and access to its public court system and records.”

Mississippi judges have long followed a 1990 state Supreme Court decision that says, “A hearing must be held in which the press is allowed to intervene on behalf of the public and present argument, if any, against closure.”

Instead, Harris said he found no hearing necessary after reviewing the pleadings to open the file. The case, he said, is between two private companies.

“There are no public entities included as parties,” he wrote, “and there are no public funds at issue. Other than curiosity regarding issues between private parties, there is no public interest involved.”

The case involves what is usually a public function: Issuing tickets to the owners of uninsured vehicles. And, according to one party to the case, the Mississippi Department of Public Safety is owed $345,000 from the uninsured motorist program.

Since the entire court file is closed, the public is unable to see why the judge sealed the case. The Mississippians said in the Chancery Court case that they have “substantial” business interests to protect and “a lot of political importance,” an attorney opposing them said in a related federal case that is not sealed.

Jackson County Chancery Judge Neil Harris

Georgia-based Securix LLC signed up its first Mississippi client in 2021, the city of Ocean Springs, an agreement with the city showed. Securix developed a program that uses traffic cameras, artificial intelligence and bulk data on insured motorists to identify the owners of vehicles without insurance.

To sign on other Mississippi cities, Securix enlisted three well-known consultants, Quinton Dickerson, Josh Gregory and Robert Wilkinson. Dickerson and Gregory are Republican political operatives in Jackson who have run numerous state and local campaigns and advise many of the state’s top elected officials. Wilkinson, a Coast attorney, has represented local governments and government agencies, including the city of Ocean Springs.

MS business partnership sours

In 2023, the Mississippians formed QJR LLC. Their company entered a 50-50 partnership with Securix called Securix Mississippi.

Securix Mississippi sold the cities of Biloxi, Pearl and Senatobia on the uninsured driver program.

Fees collected from uninsured drivers were apportioned to the company, the cities and the Department of Public Safety, the operating agreement with Biloxi showed.

The citations offered three options, according to copies included in a federal lawsuit filed by three Mississippi residents who received them:

Call a toll-free number and provide proof of insurance.
Enter a diversion program that charges a $300 fee and includes a short online course and requires agreement that the vehicle will not be driven uninsured on public roadways.
Contest the ticket in court and risk $510 in fines and fees, plus the potential of a one-year driver’s license suspension.

The Securix Mississippi partnership soon soured.

Securix Chairman Jonathan Miller of Georgia said in a sworn court declaration submitted in the federal case that he was subjected around March 2024 to a “freeze out” by members and/or employees of QJR. They stopped giving him information, Miller said.

The Department of Public Safety in August pulled the plug on the controversial ticketing program, shutting off the company’s access to the insured driver database.

In September, QJR filed its Chancery Court lawsuit against Securix LLC.

What is known about the case comes from documents in the federal court file. QJR claims the company and its members have been defamed by Miller and Securix and wants their 50-50 business partnership dissolved.

The Chancery Court case does not even show up when the parties are searched for by name.

With a case number gleaned from the federal court file, a search of chancery records shows only that the case is under seal.

Normally, when a case is under seal, the docket would still be available. A docket lists all records and proceedings in a case. While sealed records are listed and described, they can’t be viewed.

“There is no court file,” attorney Laird said in asking the Supreme Court to review Judge Harris’ decision to leave the file sealed. “There is no docket sheet. There is absolutely no access on the part of the public or press to their public court file in this case.”

Judge closes file without public notice

All Mississippi court files are presumed open unless they are closed with notice and a hearing under guidelines established in the 1990 case Gannett River States Publishing Co. vs. Hand.

“It appears that the judge ignored what has been settled law in Mississippi since 1990,” said retired Jackson attorney Leonard Van Slyke, who represented Gannett in the case and still advises the media.

He added, “Since that time, there have not been many efforts to close a courtroom or a court file because the rules are pretty clear as to when that can be done. It is obvious from the rules that this would be a rare occurrence.”

A court file can be closed only if a party in the case requesting closure can show an “overriding interest” that would be prejudiced by publicity.

The Supreme Court said in 1990 that the public is entitled to at least 24 hours’ notice — on the court docket — before a judge considers closure. As a representative of the public, the media has a right to a hearing before a court file or proceeding is closed.

At the hearing, the judge must consider the least restrictive closure possible and reasonable alternatives. The judge also must make findings that explain why alternatives to closure were rejected.

The court wrote in Gannett vs. Hand:

“A transcript of the closure hearing should be made public and if a petition for extraordinary relief concerning a closure order is filed in this Court, it should be accompanied by the transcript, the court’s findings of fact and conclusions of law, and the evidence adduced at the hearing upon which the judge bases the findings and conclusions.”

Because Judge Harris held no hearing, the high court will have a scant record on which to base its review. Without a court record, Laird pointed out in his filing, the public can have no confidence the judge made a sound decision.

Kevin Goldberg, an attorney who serves as vice president and First Amendment expert at the nonpartisan, nonprofit Freedom Forum, said the First Amendment guarantees the public access to courts.

In the Securix case, he said, a private business was doing work normally performed by a police department or other public agency, and residents could be snared into legal proceedings when they received tickets and public funds were involved.

“These are not private people in a small town, going about their business,” Goldberg said. “These people’s business is the public’s business . . . I think that means they need to accept that they’re going to be scrutinized all the time, including when they voluntarily make a decision to go to court.”

This article was produced in partnership between the Sun Herald and Mississippi Today.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling. appeared first on mississippitoday.org

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article maintains a largely factual and investigative tone, focusing on government transparency, judicial procedure, and public access to court records. It critiques the secrecy upheld by a judge in a politically sensitive case involving private companies executing public functions, highlighting concerns about accountability and public interest. The framing leans slightly toward advocating for open government and media rights, values often associated with center-left perspectives. However, it stops short of overt ideological framing or partisan language, striving to report the facts and legal context while underscoring the public’s right to scrutiny.