Mississippi Today
The writer and killers ‘stole the story of Emmett Till from his mother and family’
William Bradford Huie believed Carolyn Bryant lied when she testified that Emmett Till attacked her, but the author still published her fabrication, a long-secret memo reveals.
Huie’s reporting in his 1956 Look magazine article has been denounced for twisting and omitting critical facts, but this memo, for the first time, proves the writer purposely published falsehoods that became the official narrative for Till’s 1955 slaying for decades.
Wright Thompson, author of a new book about the Till case, “The Barn: The Secret History of a Murder in Mississippi,” called the memo “a smoking gun” that reveals “a long suspected but never quite proveable truth about Huie.”
While national debate rages over critical race theory, this memo shows “how hard it is to teach Black history, because part of white supremacy is lying about the past,” said Dave Tell, author of “Remembering Emmett Till.”
Thirty-three pages of “confidential” notes, labeled for destruction, show how Huie convinced Bryant’s husband, Roy, and his brother, J.W. Milam, to talk after an all-white Mississippi jury acquitted them. In return for telling how they murdered Till, the writer slipped them thousands in cash, refused to testify against them, repeated their lies and erased the Black witnesses who identified others in the lynch mob.
Keith Beauchamp, a producer for the 2022 “Till” film, whose 2005 documentary “The Untold Story of Emmett Louis Till,” helped reopen the Till case — said Huie was far more passionate about making a movie than he was about telling the truth.
“I am ‘hot’ in Hollywood right now,” Huie bragged to an editor. “This Mississippi story, with proper releases, is a good bet for $100,000,” the modern-day equivalent of more than $1.1 million.
Sharing a “secret 15%” with the killers is “a damn good way for Milam and Bryant to make crime pay,” he wrote.
The lies that Huie published enabled the killers to justify their torture and killing of a 14-year-old boy, said Davis Houck, Fannie Lou Hamer Professor of Rhetorical Studies at Florida State University, where the memo, along with letters, are part of a new donation to The Emmett Till Archives at Florida State University Libraries. “Huie did generational damage to Mississippi and the nation by making Emmett Till an avatar for hate.”
Carolyn Bryant’s testimony ‘fabricated,’ Huie writes
On July 25, 1955, Emmett Till turned 14. When he had spare time, he liked playing baseball, but most of all, he loved humor.
“He would pay people to tell him jokes,” said his cousin, Wheeler Parker. “He was strictly fun.”
Weeks later, Till’s great-uncle, Moses Wright, visited Chicago and invited Till and Parker to come vacation with him in Mississippi for a couple of weeks before school started.
Till’s mother, Mamie, gave him permission, and he fished, swam and picked cotton with his cousins in the Mississippi Delta.
On a Wednesday evening, Aug. 24, 1955, he and his cousins visited Bryant’s Grocery & Meat Market in Money. Parker bought an ice cream cone and went outside to finish it. Till stayed inside.
Roy Bryant told Huie that Till entered the store and said “yeah” instead of “yes.”
“The atmosphere in the store tensed,” Huie wrote in his memo. “Carolyn Bryant noted the ‘insult’ and became excited.”
When two other Black youths urged him to leave, Roy quoted Till as saying that he knew white women.
“Frightened, Carolyn Bryant hurried to get the pistol,” Huie wrote. “The Chicago youth ‘leered at her’ and whistled.”
Bryant’s getting the gun frightened the cousins, Parker said, and they sped away in Wright’s 1946 Ford. None of them, he said, had seen Till do anything inappropriate in the store.
After her husband’s arrest, Carolyn Bryant told defense lawyer Sidney Carlton that Till had bought bubble gum, grabbed her hand and asked for a date, according to Carlton’s notes, contained in Huie’s papers at Ohio State University Libraries.
When she pulled her hand away, she said Till asked, “What’s the matter, baby, can’t you take it?”
She said he also said goodbye and whistled at her, according to the lawyer’s notes.
Days before jury selection began in the September 1955 trial, Carlton announced to the press a much different story: Till had “mauled” her. The story ran in Mississippi newspapers and spread to those who wound up serving as jurors, according to interviews with them.
Carolyn Bryant claimed Till had “mauled” her, and she echoed that claim in her testimony. She depicted Till as a predator, grabbing her by the waist and refusing to let go. She claimed he told her that she didn’t need to be afraid because he had “f—ed” white women.
Huie wrote in his memo, “There appears no doubt that much of Mrs. Bryant’s testimony regarding physical contact with the Negro youth or alleged ‘obscene remarks’ was fabricated — probably at the suggestion of one of the lawyers.”
A day later, the killers changed their story, claiming Till attacked her and used obscene language. Huie published it without question.
Parker said he has spent a lifetime defending his cousin from Huie’s slander and many others who read his article and believed that Till had done something wrong.
“They had us ashamed to talk about it, he was denigrated so badly,” Parker said. “Like his mother said, people swallowed it [Huie’s article] hook, line and sinker.”
He continues to combat those lies, he said. “When I tell the story, they say it’s alleged. Not much credence is given to those involved.”
The Look article’s lies about her son wounded Mamie Till-Mobley, said Christopher Benson, co-author of her memoir, “Death of Innocence.”
Huie’s article turned Till into a “Black brute” and Milam into a decorated war hero, duty bound to punish this “uppity intruder,” he said.
The article so upset Till-Mobley that she sued Huie and the magazine.
The lawsuit failed in the end, Benson said, because the person who had been defamed, Emmett Till, was dead.
‘God, just let me live’
On Saturday evening, Aug. 27, 1955, Till joined his cousins on a trip to town, and on the way back, Parker said the driver accidentally ran over a dog.
“Emmett started crying,” he said. “That was the kind of person he was.”
They arrived home close to midnight, and after 2 a.m., the two half-brothers appeared at Moses “Preacher” Wright’s home, where Till was staying.
Roy Bryant pounded on the door and called out, “Preacher, it’s Mr. Bryant. Let me in.”
When Wright opened the door, the white men dashed in.
Parker, who was 16, woke to angry voices. A man with a pistol and flashlight came down the hall, and Parker readied for his life to end. He closed his eyes and prayed, “God, just let me live.”
The men walked by, and he heard them say they wanted “the fat boy from Chicago who did the talking,” he recalled.
Houck said the killers’ choice of words makes it obvious that Till never “mauled” Carolyn Bryant, or they would have said that.
Milam told Huie that he yanked the covers off Till and “ordered him to get the hell up and get his clothes on.”
When Wright’s wife, Elizabeth, objected, Milam said he replied, “Get your ass back there in bed and shut up — and I mean get in the goddamn bed!”
Huie wrote that she told him there was a third white man there that night. She identified him as Milam’s brother-in-law from Minter City. That was Melvin Campbell, whom the FBI concluded was part of the lynch mob, said Dale Killinger, the FBI agent who investigated the Till case in 2006.
But when Huie wrote the piece, he erased Campbell.
Before the killers left his home, Moses Wright testified that Milam told him, “If this is not the right boy, then we are going to bring him back.”
“Did Mr. Bryant or Mr. Milam ever bring him back?” the prosecutor asked.
“No, sir,” Wright replied.
Milam asked him how old he was.
“Sixty-four,” Wright replied.
Milam warned him that if he identified them, “you will never live to get to be 65.”
Wright said he heard one of the men ask someone inside the truck “if this was the boy” and that he heard that someone reply, “Yes.”
Huie erased the preacher’s testimony, too.
At the murder trial, Leflore County Sheriff George Smith testified that Roy Bryant said he and Milam abducted Till, but turned the youth loose after they brought him to Bryant’s Grocery and found out “he wasn’t the right one.”
But when the killers talked to Huie, they changed their story.
“Are you the Chicago sonofabitch that whistled at that white woman?” Milam said he asked Till.
“Yeah,” Till was quoted as replying, “what’re you gonna do about it? I’m as good as you are.”
The brothers told Huie that if Till had denied it, they would have taken Till back to Carolyn Bryant. “Hell, he didn’t deny it,” Milam told Huie. “We had the right n—-. He admitted it, so we didn’t need to go by the store.”
The memo shows Huie never questioned them about this change, which concealed the role that Carolyn Bryant played.
Dale Killinger, the FBI agent who investigated the Till case in 2006, said he has long believed that she did identify Till, who was then tortured and killed.
In her original statement to defense lawyers, “Carolyn Bryant stated that Emmett was brought to her,” he said. “This is the same information that, in 2005, she admitted to, saying that Roy Bryant, J.W. Milam and Elmer Kimbell brought Emmett to her at the store in Money in the middle of the night.”
Huie erased Carolyn Bryant from the story.
Till’s unafraid demeanor ‘nothing more than a myth’
Even Huie recognized the ridiculousness in the next part of the killers’ story.
“Here is the most incredible portion of the story,” Huie wrote in his memo. “Milam and [Roy] Bryant insist — and apparently they are truthful — that no one else was with them; that the two of them sat in the cab; that they did not tie the youth; that they did nothing more than menace him with their pistols; yet he remained ‘impudent’ and ‘full of fight’ all during the subsequent five-hour ordeal of driving around and whipping — and he never once tried to run!”
The killers told Huie they drove around in the dark, looking for a cliff 80 miles away where they hoped to “scare” Till. They listed the multitude of Delta towns they traveled through before abandoning their search.
Huie never questioned them, and he never retraced their trip. If he had, he would have concluded, like the FBI did, that covering such a distance was impossible. (Later, Roy Bryant admitted to a relative that this was all a lie.)
The killers insisted that Till stayed the entire time in the back of the pickup, despite no one holding him there. “He wasn’t afraid of them!” Huie wrote in Look. “He was tough as they were. He didn’t think they had the guts to kill him.”
Tell said Huie had to concoct an “unafraid Till” to get the magazine to publish his article. “Had Till been scared, Huie’s narrative would have required extra men to guard him in the back of the truck,” he said. “But with the extra men, Look would not publish the story.”
Huie’s claim “absolved Huie of the need to secure signatures he could not obtain and cleared the way for Look to publish the story,” Tell said.
Huie had evidence that Till had fears. Huie wrote that Moses Wright’s wife, Elizabeth, told him that Till “was scared when they drove away from the store [on Aug. 24]. He wanted to go home.”
Tell said the “stoic, unafraid Till” is nothing but a myth created by the white establishment to write the guilty men out of the story and foster the false impression that Mississippi tried everyone responsible.
The truth is that a mob of killers brutalized this kidnapped youth inside a dark barn before shooting him, Tell said. “He was terrified.”
Huie downplayed the terror that the 14-year-old endured, he said. “Till’s unafraid demeanor is nothing more than a myth, a political creation designed to sanitize our memory of the night Till was killed.”
Erasing witnesses
Not long after the sun rose the next morning, Willie Reed was walking across a plantation near Drew. He testified at trial that he saw four white men in the cab of a 1955 Chevy pickup with three Black men holding “a black boy” in the back of the truck.
Reed also testified that he heard “a whole lot of licks” in the barn and someone hollering, “Oh.” He also saw Milam emerge from the barn and get a drink of water.
Mary Bradley saw a truck with four white men, and Reed’s grandfather, Add, identified Milam’s brother, Leslie, with the men.
None of that testimony appeared in the Look article, and Huie moved the beating of Till from a Drew plantation that Milam’s brother ran to Milam’s shed in Glendora, more than a half hour away.
“Huie can’t write the story he wants to write,” Houck said, “unless he eliminates Willie Reed and the other Black witnesses from the story.”
Blood money
Huie first heard about the Till trial while he was sitting on the set of a Hollywood film adapting another one of his books.
Less than two weeks after the killers’ acquittal, Huie sat in the law office of Breland & Whitten in Sumner, talking to the defense lawyers about a magazine article, a book and a possible film based on the Till case, the memo shows.
“From the moment he strode in with his proposal,” said Devery Anderson, author of “Emmett Till: The Murder That Shocked the World and Propelled the Civil Rights Movement”, “personal gain was all he really cared about.”
Huie promised to protect the killers by refusing to testify against them if a grand jury indicted them for kidnapping, and he vowed to keep secret “any others who might have been involved in the abduction-and-slaying.”
In return for their story, Huie offered the killers a percentage of the net profits he would realize. They would get 15% (later raised to 20%), and the attorneys would get 10%. (Huie would later pay the killers $3,150 and the lawyers $1,260.)
In an interview with the “Eyes on the Prize” documentary, Huie quoted himself as explaining that killers “must tell me the truth, they must give me ways so that in the daytime I can go out and verify that they’re telling me the truth. And if I find them telling me a lie, I won’t pay them a damn thing.”
Huie paid them, and he published their falsehoods, Houck said. “Without their carefully concocted lies, which we now know were embellished by Huie, he had no ‘shocking’ story — and the white South did not have a villain in Emmett Till. ?Without those two things, no money-making journalism and books would be published, and no blockbuster films would be made.”
Huie’s ‘primary motive’ was money
While many sang hymns at nearby churches in Sumner on Sunday morning, Oct. 23, 1955, Huie listened to the two brothers describe how they kidnapped and killed Till, used barbed wire to tie a heavy fan around his neck and dumped his body into a river. Milam even pulled out his Colt .45 and demonstrated how he pistol-whipped Till before shooting him.
Days before the meeting, Huie told his editor at Look, “There are four men in the abduction-torture-and-murder party. I know all four of them.”
But the two brothers — whose relatives also participated in the killing, according to the FBI — told Huie they did it all by themselves.
When the writer mentioned the Black witnesses identifying additional members of the lynch mob, Milam replied, “Them crazy n—–s didn’t know what they were talking about.”
Roy Bryant objected to his wife signing a release, according to the memo.
Huie responded that she was a part of the story and that the “‘insult’ to her was the motive for the killing.”
“You gonna picture her as some slut?” Roy asked.
Huie vowed to tell the truth.
And that was just the start of the lies the killers told Huie, said Dale Killinger, the FBI agent who reinvestigated the Till case in 2006.
They lied about where they drove Till after abducting him, where they tortured him, where they shot him, where they got the gin fan and where they dumped his body, he said.
These falsehoods, knowingly promoted by Huie, kept the focus on Bryant and Milam as the killers, concealed the others involved and concealed the fact they brought Till to Carolyn Bryant, Killinger said. As a result, he said, many Americans question what happened to Till, “even questioning the fact he was murdered, despite the killers’ admissions.”
Milam claimed Till told him, “He was [as] good as I was, that he had f—– white women, and that his grandmother was a white woman.”
Parker, who grew up with Till, said the killers’ claim that his cousin had sex was ridiculous. “He was barely 14,” he said.
Anderson said Till’s grandmother wasn’t white.
Instead of calling out the killers for justifying their murder of a 14-year-old, the writer paid them and published their lies as truth, Anderson said. “This all goes to show that Huie’s primary motive was to make money off of this story.”
An inventory of lies
Shortly before his Look article appeared in January 1956, Huie began to wonder if he had been bamboozled by the killers.
After traveling to Chicago and hearing Willie Reed’s story about hearing Till’s beating in the barn, Huie began to doubt himself.
“I began doubting myself and one night I was {at} the point of coming back to Mississippi and ‘pistol-whipping’ Milam for telling me a fabric of lies,” he wrote defense lawyer John Whitten Jr. “Lord help me if Milam lied to me!”
Huie’s secret memo and his letters to Whitten were contained in an envelope that Whitten marked first with “M&B” for Milam and Bryant and then “Destroy.”
They never were, and now Whitten’s family has donated them to Florida State’s Emmett Till Archives.
“It seems it was more important to him to preserve it than destroy it,” said Whitten’s granddaughter, Ellen. “That is why we preserved it, and that is why we donated it.”
Despite criticism from Till’s mother and others, the Look article went largely unchallenged in the mainstream press until Killinger investigated for the FBI in 2006 and determined that most of Huie’s “facts” were actually fabrications.
But Huie’s article “has proved almost impossible to kill,” said Thompson, whose new book centers on the barn where Till was brutally beaten and shot. “Even today, when Washington D.C., politicians and staffers come to learn about Till, they are often still told details from the Look magazine article — details that Huie simply invented or was too gullible to see for what they were.”
He pointed to organizations such as the Emmett Till Interpretive Center and the Emmett Till and Mamie Till Mobley Institute as among those seeking to tell the truth about what happened.
Katie McCormick, Florida State’s associate dean of libraries for Special Collections & Archives, said Mamie Till-Mobley’s story was “rejected by publisher after publisher” at the same time that Huie’s story became “the defining framework for decades.”
In the end, “Huie and the killers stole the story of Emmett Till from his mother and family,” she said.
This latest donation documents “the fabrication of lies,” she said. “We hope the archival collections can contribute to the preservation of truth and support educational efforts in the spirit of Mamie Till-Mobley.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1946
Nov. 18, 1946
Future U.S. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall was nearly lynched in Columbia, Tennessee, just 30 miles from where the Ku Klux Klan was born.
He and his fellow NAACP lawyers had come here to defend Black men accused of racial violence. In a trial, Marshall and other NAACP lawyers won acquittals for nearly two dozen Black men.
After the verdicts were read, Marshall and his colleagues promptly left town. After crossing a river, they came upon a car in the middle of the road. Then they heard a siren. Three police cars emptied, and eight men surrounded the lawyers. An officer told Marshall he was being arrested for drunken driving, even though he hadn’t been drinking. Officers forced Marshall into the back seat of a car and told the other men to leave.
“Marshall knew that nothing good ever happened when police cars drove black men down unpaved roads,” author Gilbert King wrote in “Devil in the Grove.” “He knew that the bodies of blacks — the victims of lynchings and random murders — had been discovered along these riverbanks for decades. And it was at the bottom of Duck River that, during the trial, the NAACP lawyers had been told their bodies would end up.”
When the car stopped next to the river, Marshall could see a crowd of white men gathered under a tree. Then he spotted headlights behind them. It was a fellow NAACP lawyer, Zephaniah Alexander Looby, who had trailed them to make sure nothing happened. Reporter Harry Raymond concluded that a lynching had been planned, and “Thurgood Marshall was the intended victim.” Marshall never forgot the harrowing night and redoubled his efforts to bring justice in cases where Black defendants were falsely accused.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Cutting fat in state government: Everything old is new again
Years ago, some state elected leaders lamented that Mississippi has far too much bureaucracy for such a poor, small state, and vowed — for starters — to eliminate or consolidate state government’s roughly 200 agencies, boards and commissions.
More than a decade later, the number of state agencies, boards and commissions has been whittled down to … roughly 200.
There was one monumental victory in the war on bureaucracy in Mississippi: After years of bitter political debate, the Legislature this year combined the separate cosmetology and barber licensure boards into one. Saa-lute!
That’s not much ROI for Mississippi’s war on big government. But as a comedian once said, hope springs in turtles.
State Auditor Shad White, eyeing the open governor seat for 2027, has paid a Boston consultant $2 million in taxpayer dollars to determine how to cut spending of taxpayer dollars.
The resultant report is a spectacular, novel blueprint for lawmakers on how to starve the beast, run the state more like a bid-ness — and it’s chock full of hitherto unheard of ideas to put the Magnolia State’s government on a diet.
Actually, no. It’s not.
It’s mostly a rehash, amalgam of long-discussed, never enacted ideas to cut government spending. Someone could have cobbled it together after spending a day or two on Google, going through Mississippi press clippings and perusing old legislative watchdog reports and recommendations and bills.
It’s mostly a greatest hits compilation of Mississippi government spending cutting ideas. And it has many Mississippi politicos surmising it’s mostly a taxpayer-funded gubernatorial campaign stunt by White. It produced a 59-page report destined to sit atop a pile of dusty Joint Legislative Committee on Performance Evaluation and Expenditure Review reports and others espousing many of the same findings and recommendations.
White says his report shows how state government could cut $335 million in spending without breaking a sweat. That’s debatable. But it does clearly show how $2 million could have been saved.
There’s been some banter around the Capitol of folks saying they would have created a similar report for a mere $1 million, or $100,000, or for a nice lunch and a couple of beers. Others noted the 59-page report cost taxpayers $33,898 per page.
None of this is to say the report’s findings are bad ideas for belt-tightening. Many would make sense. That’s why they’ve been proposed before, some over and again. They’ve just proved nearly impossible to enact in the realpolitik of the Legislature and government. Some of the cost savings have been enacted, but then government backslid, un-enacted or ignored them.
Perhaps now is the time to dust off some of these ideas. If, as legislative leaders and Gov. Tate Reeves avow, they are going to continue slashing taxes, it might be a good idea to cut some spending as well.
White’s consultant report includes recommendations such as reducing government officials’ travel spending. This was a hot topic for several years, after a 2013 investigation by the Clarion-Ledger showed that even during lean budget years, government officials still spent tens of millions of dollars on travel, domestic and abroad, and had a massive fleet of government vehicles with dubious need for them. The Legislature clamped down on travel and agencies enacted fleet rules and promoted mileage reimbursement for personal vehicles. But according to White’s report, travel spending has been growing and again needs a major haircut.
The report found that, compared to other states, Mississippi government is spending too much on office space and insurance for state buildings and leased property, and on advertising and public relations for state agencies. Again, these are issues that have been pointed out multiple times over the last couple of decades, by lawmakers, media and PEER reports.
Ditto for the state spending millions on incentives for motion pictures to be shot here. There was a knock-down, drag-out battle over that years ago, with then-Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves and others pointing out the state was receiving little to nothing in return for doling out taxpayer funded incentives.
White’s report recommends the state consolidate and reform its purchasing and look for better deals when it buys goods and services. That should sound familiar. Two lawmakers in particular, Sen. John Polk and Rep. Jerry Turner, led a serious crusade on purchasing reform for several years, and managed to push through some meaningful changes. But many of those have been undone or are now ignored.
White pointed out potential savings from state agencies consolidating back-office functions, such as accounting and purchasing. Nothing new under the sun here. Others, notably former Sen. Buck Clarke, championed this years ago, to little avail.
White says there is a dog’s breakfast of savings to be had with state IT purchasing — for computer software and hardware and such. Some major restructuring of the admin side of state government years ago was supposed to address this issue.
White said Mississippi could sell the state’s airplane, make officials use commercial or charter flights, and save more than $1 million a year. The state airplane, travel on it by governors and related issues have been scrutinized and debated off and on for decades. Then-Gov. Phil Bryant made a big issue out of selling one of the state’s planes (a jet) when it had two and vowed to take commercial flights.
White notes state agencies’ misuse of emergency contracts — declaring an emergency so bidding requirements can be waived — costs the state millions. This was pointed out as a major issue in the Mississippi prisons bribery and kickback scandal that sent former Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps to prison and tainted around $1 billion of state contracts. There were vows then, about a decade ago, to reform this. But White says that emergency contracts now constitute more than 30% of all active state-funded contracts by value.
One would assume that Boston Consulting Group provided White with more than what’s in the 59 pages he released to the public as his “Project Momentum” report. But if it did, it’s a secret. Mississippi Today requested all the backing documents the consultant submitted to White’s agency to complete the project.
White denied the public records request, claiming exemption of any such documents as the work product of an audit. But if the work was an actual audit, it was an unusual one. In his contract with the company, White gave it the directive to find at least $250 million in wasteful spending among the 13 agencies it examined. Typically, hired auditors are not told upfront specifically what they should find.
Perhaps not to be outdone, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who himself has eyes on the 2027 governor’s race, wants to reorganize state government. He’s calling for lawmakers to create a committee to … wait for it … figure out how to consolidate or eliminate many of the more than 200 agencies, boards and commissions.
Hosemann years ago, when he was secretary of state, called for such consolidation and famously opined of the state’s sprawling bureacracy, “You wouldn’t run a lemonade stand like this, much less state government.”
Hosemann was joined in this call to cut bureaucracy and spending by then-Gov. Phil Bryant. But those efforts fizzled, with Bryant and Hosemann back then lamenting there was little will among lawmakers to whittle down state government. Hosemann more recently said there were bigger fish to fry, including tax cuts, but now he wants to focus on government efficiency and cutting the number of agencies, boards and commissions.
Once again, everything old is new again.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1871
Nov. 17, 1871
Edward Crosby stood before the congressional hearing and swore to tell the truth. By raising his right hand, Crosby put himself and his family at risk. He could be killed for daring to tell about the terrorism he and other Black Mississippians had faced.
Days earlier, he had attempted to vote in Aberdeen, Mississippi, asking for a Republican ballot. The clerk at the polling place said none was available. He waited. Dozens more Black men came to vote, and they were all told the same thing. Then he tried another polling place. Same result.
That day, white men, backed by a cannon, drove about 700 Black voters from the polls in Aberdeen. After nightfall, Crosby stepped out to retrieve water for his child when he saw 30 or so Klansmen galloping up on horses. He hid in a smokehouse, and when Klansmen confronted his wife, she replied that he was away. They left, and from that moment on, “I didn’t sleep more than an hour,” Crosby recalled. “If there had been a stick cracked very light, I would have sprung up in the bed.”
In response, Mississippi, which was under federal rule at the time, pursued an anti-Klan campaign. In less than a year, grand juries returned 678 indictments with less than a third of them leading to convictions.
That number, however, was misleading, because in almost all the cases, Klansmen pleaded no contest in exchange for small fines or suspended sentences. Whatever protection that federal troops offered had vanished by the time they left the state a few years later.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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