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The story of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1966 visit to Sunflower County

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Editor's note: This article was written by Bryan Davis, publisher of The Enterprise-Tocsin newspaper in Indianola. It first published on June 21 and is republished below with permission. Click here to read the story on The Enterpise-Tocsin's website.


It all happened on a dirt pile, on a construction site.

That was not the typical pulpit for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., but on June 21, 1966, on the grounds of the Sunflower County Courthouse, that would have to do.

King arrived in Indianola that afternoon with little fanfare. There was no stage or speaker system set up outside of the courthouse.

The crowd was thin by the standards of most of King's speeches. That didn't matter. The famed Civil Rights leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner was going to say what he came to say.

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About 450 people, mostly local Black citizens, gathered to hear him speak. And what a speech it was.

King's stop in Indianola probably would never have happened had it not been for James Meredith being shot on the second day of his famed March Against Fear earlier that month. That prompted King and other Civil Rights leaders to come to the state to finish the march.

His speech in Indianola has long been relegated to the footnotes of history, but the words spoken on the courthouse grounds that day may have revealed one of King's more vulnerable moments.

Indianola and former Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Field Secretary Charles McLaurin told The Enterprise-Tocsin that the march was originally intended to route straight down Highway 51 from Memphis to Jackson, but voting rights hero and Ruleville native Fannie Lou Hamer asked McLaurin to travel to Grenada to ask King and SNCC leader Stokely Carmichael to divert into the Delta.

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“She said, ‘We got fear here too,'” McLaurin recounted.

King was fighting wars on multiple fronts during the summer of 1966. His primary focus was no longer on the segregationist South. He was spending a lot of time in larger northern cities like Chicago, fighting for equal and affordable housing rights.

After Meredith was shot, he agreed to join the march, and he was often back-and-forth that summer between places like Chicago, Atlanta and Mississippi.

In his own circle, there was intense infighting about the “Black Power” slogan that was becoming more popular during SNCC rallies.

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King vehemently opposed the Black Power movement, so much so that he returned to Mississippi on multiple occasions that summer in order to squash momentum from that side and to promote nonviolence.

By the morning of June 21, 1966, King was back in Mississippi.

That day, the March Against Fear splintered off into two groups. The main cluster of marchers pushed on from the hot, dusty Delta town of Louise toward Yazoo City.

A smaller contingency, led by King, flew to Meridian, with hopes of arriving later that day in Philadelphia to help locals there pay to Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney, three Civil Rights workers who had been murdered exactly two years before in Neshoba County.

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King would attend three rallies that day. One of those was in Philadelphia. The second was in Indianola. The third was in Yazoo City.

Local white leaders in Indianola and Yazoo City, many involved in the White Citizens Council, warned away counter protesters in an effort to keep the peace.

White leadership in Philadelphia and Neshoba County did not seem quite as worried about negative publicity, and many seemed to revel in the violence that followed.

The events that unfolded in Philadelphia had an immediate impact on King, and when he arrived in Indianola to speak later that day, he was fired up.

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“Hatred is running very deep there,” King said of Philadelphia, according to an article in the Delta Democrat-Times the next day. “Something is going to have to be done about it.”

King vented in Indianola, and he left out no one, including state, local and federal policing agencies, as well as Sunflower County's own Senator James O. Eastland.

“We have to get rid of Eastland if the Civil Rights movement is to go forward,” the Clarion Ledger reported King as saying at the Sunflower County Courthouse.

On June 22, 1966, accounts of King's speech in Indianola flooded most of the nation's newspapers. Many of those accounts were on the front pages of those papers.

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By nightfall on June 21, King was in Yazoo City, his attention diverted somewhat from Philadelphia back to the Black Power movement. His tone was much more collected than it had been in Indianola.

King and the marchers left Yazoo City and traveled down Highway 16 toward Canton. A historical marker on the grounds of the American Methodist Episcopal Church in Benton commemorates King's brief stop there along the way.

There is no such marker at the courthouse in Sunflower County.

On June 23, 1966, in Canton, marchers made national headlines again when they were teargassed by enforcement when they tried to pitch camp on the grounds of a local public school.

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Meredith would recover from his gunshot wound, and he returned to the march the day before things ended in Jackson on June 26, 1966.

King and the movement moved on, and his stop in Indianola soon faded into history.

The Road to Indianola

Charles McLaurin stands atop a set of exterior stairs on the west side of the Sunflower County Courthouse, the approximate spot, he says, where he and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. stood during King's speech here on June 21, 1966. Photo by Bryan Davis/Emmerich Newspapers/Copyright 2024

By the summer of 1966, Charles McLaurin had joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee as a field secretary, and the Indianola resident also had embraced the notion of Black Power.

“Dr. King espoused nonviolence. Stokely never did. None of us did, especially the Mississippians,” McLaurin said. “We made a pledge to support nonviolence as a technique for change. That was a commitment. They made commitments, and Stokely often bumped heads with King about nonviolence and turning the other cheek.”

McLaurin, a Hinds County native, came to Ruleville in northern Sunflower County in 1962, and he would later play a pivotal role during Freedom Summer in 1964.

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Trained by the late Civil Rights leader Medgar Evers, McLaurin was on the bus ride with Fannie Lou Hamer and others that drove from Ruleville to the Sunflower County Courthouse in 1962 to attempt voter registration.

Like many other Civil Rights workers during that time, McLaurin was beaten on multiple occasions, his life was threatened, and he was over 30 times.

It's not surprising that by 1966 McLaurin had grown weary of King's more tempered approach to change.

“Basically, we were all after freedom, it was just a matter of the approach we used in the community to organize,” McLaurin said.

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Black Power did not necessarily mean violence, McLaurin said, but it scared whites and Blacks just the same.

“We knew the minute they were able to attach violence to us, we were all dead,” McLaurin said. “They'd shoot us all tomorrow.”

King was often visibly frustrated with Carmichael's aggressive slogan, but the two remained close, photographed shoulder-to-shoulder, talking and smiling during the march that summer.

“They were often together,” McLaurin said. “They weren't enemies. I disagreed with some of the things we did. I realized the ultimate goal was to all of us.”

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But things had come to a head at Broad Street Park in Greenwood on the evening of June 16, 1966.

King was not in the state that day, and when Carmichael and other organizers attempted to pitch tents on the grounds of a public school there, Carmichael and two others were arrested.

“Once we got back and Stokely was in jail, we made up our minds to stay in Greenwood, even if they killed everybody,” McLaurin said.

When he came out of the jail and onto the stage that night, Carmichael threw down the gauntlet.

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“We been saying freedom for six years, and we ain't got nothin',” he said. “What we got to start saying now is Black Power! We want Black Power!”

That speech immediately received national attention, King, who was in Chicago that day, included.

It wasn't long before he rejoined the March Against Fear to offer support to the marchers.

It was also an attempt to quell the uprising within his own movement and to reassure whites and Blacks in the South that he was committed to nonviolence.

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Five days later, while the main march pushed toward Yazoo City, King was drawn to Philadelphia for the memorial service for Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney.

Philadelphia was by no means a “City of Brotherly Love” that day.

The violence that erupted there sparked national coverage, with photographs and stories on the front pages of many newspapers, including The Ithaca Journal in New York and the Decatur Herald in Illinois.

“This is a terrible town,” King said of Philadelphia, according to an Associated Press report in the Decatur paper. “The worst I've seen. There is a complete reign of terror here.”

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Mourners of the three Civil Rights workers were met with jeers, taunts and even some violence from about 400 whites.

“I think this is by far the worst situation I've ever been in,” King was reported as saying in a Sacramento Bee article. “This is a complete climate of terror and breakdown of law and order.”

Neshoba County Sheriff Lawrence Rainey had left town ahead of the rally, leaving in charge Deputy Cecil Price, the man who had arrested Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney two years earlier and was at the time awaiting trial on federal civil rights charges related to the three murders, according to Aram Goudsouzian's book Down to the Crossroads: Civil Rights, Black Power and the Meredith March Against Fear.

Any additional law enforcement manpower, state or federal, seemed unwelcomed by Price and the local deputies and policemen, according to the accounts in Goudsouzian's book.

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Price attempted to block King from walking up the courthouse steps there.

“I'm not afraid of any man,” King said, according to newspaper reports. “Before I will be a slave, I will be dead in my grave.”

Several white men shouted, “We'll help you” in response to that statement. Whites continued their taunts and threw cherry bombs, one right at King's feet.

“Men with hatred on their faces, who want to turn this country backward,” King said during his discourse at the Neshoba courthouse, according to the Clarion Ledger.

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“Negroes were stoned in Philadelphia during the day as they marched to the downtown area from a church a mile away,” the Clarion Ledger article said. “One man was clubbed.”

A pair of cameramen were “manhandled” and their equipment “smashed.”

“White youths, wielding ax handles and hoes, grabbed Negroes in the line of march and started fights that were broken up by police,” the article continued.

“King, head of the Southern (Christian) Leadership Conference, didn't flinch when a cherry bomb exploded loudly at his feet,” the Mississippi paper described. “He said afterward he considered Philadelphia ‘By far the toughest town we have been in'…He told newsmen he would ask for federal protection in the town, because he intended to return.”

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The worst violence happened after King departed, when groups of whites repeatedly exchanged gunfire with members of the Freedom Democratic Party after dark, resulting in one of the white men being shot but not killed.

According to reports, three carloads of white men drove “into a Negro neighborhood at Philadelphia at 9:30 p.m.,” and that is when the gunfire started.

By that time, King had come and gone from Indianola, and he was in Yazoo City, getting ready to start the final leg of the Meredith March Against Fear.

King's Arrival in Sunflower County

When King left Philadelphia, he flew to Sunflower County, lagging the larger group of Meredith marchers, who had arrived in Yazoo City earlier that day.

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Prior to King's arrival here, Hamer had led a morning rally from the town of Sunflower down Highway 49 toward Indianola.

“During a rest just north of the Sunflower River Bridge, march leader Fannie Lou Hamer said that, ‘In addition to the charges on the placards, the protest was against alleged police brutality and voter intimidation,'” an article in the DD-T said.

Meanwhile, Indianola police were preparing for the worst, warning whites to steer clear of the marchers and King's speech.

“Indianola police at noon were preparing to handle crowds of up to several hundred here today after Negro leader Martin Luther King scheduled two civil rights speeches inside the city limits,” the same DD-T report said.

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Originally, King was slated to give his afternoon speech at the courthouse, which was to be followed by an evening speech at Saint Benedict the Moor. The latter never happened.

Police had roadblocks prepared for downtown Indianola, the article said, while then-Chief of Police Bryce Alexander told the DD-T that about 30 law enforcement personnel were going to be on hand to prevent incidents like the ones King had encountered earlier in Neshoba County, although it is likely the Indianola authorities knew few details about the Philadelphia rally at that point.

“We aren't anticipating any trouble here,” Alexander told the paper. “Our responsibility will begin as soon as the marchers enter the city limits. You have to be prepared in case somebody gets a few drinks in him.”

McLaurin said that he met King at the city limits on Highway 82 East.

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Hamer, who had originally requested King's presence in the Delta, had to leave before King had arrived, McLaurin said.

McLaurin escorted King and others into Indianola to the courthouse grounds.

Sunflower County was in the process of building a new courthouse during the summer of 1966, and there were few places on the property that seemed appropriate for a speech.

“There was a mound of dirt,” McLaurin said.

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It wasn't pretty, but it was the right elevation for a speech.

“Dr. King and I stood on a mound of dirt right there, and he spoke,” McLaurin said.

McLaurin's role in the movement had evolved since Freedom Summer in 1964, but he was still very familiar with Sunflower County and the late Sheriff Bill Hollowell.

The two had formed a bond the previous four years, and they had a good working relationship.

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Hollowell, like many others here, did not want to expose the county to negative press, so he would often lend protection to Civil Rights workers, McLaurin said.

On this occasion, he even McLaurin to have use of the Sunflower County Civil Defense bullhorn. McLaurin and King stood atop the dirt pile on the west side of the courthouse, facing Court Street.

McLaurin said that he held the bullhorn while King vented about Philadelphia, vowing to return to that town as soon as possible.

Before long, McLaurin said, the few whites who had shown up for King's rally were irate about the fact that King had access to the county's bullhorn. Hollowell, he said, had to act just as indignant about it.

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“He loaned me that civil defense bullhorn, and then he was back in there yelling, like I had taken it from him,” McLaurin said with a chuckle. “But I knew what he was doing, because he was around all of these white people.”

McLaurin said that he and Hollowell later had a laugh over the bullhorn incident.

Jim Pullen was one of just a handful of white people who witnessed King's speech that day. A teenager at the time, Pullen said that he understood the significance of King's arrival.

“He was doing a great thing and doing a great job at it,” Pullen told The E-T in an interview.

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Pullen said that he worked afternoons at his stepfather's furniture store on Court Street.

“That particular morning, the (Black) man who worked for my daddy had gotten a pretty good head of knowledge about it,” Pullen said. “He said, ‘Martin Luther King is supposed to come here today.'”

The two made a to a nearby store and bought snacks for the occasion.

“We went to one of the Chinese grocery stores on Second Street and got us some sardines, crackers and red soda pop,” Pullen said. “We got up in the window, and we waited for the excitement. Sure enough, there comes the crowd.”

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The two positioned themselves in the store's upper room, waiting for the main attraction.

“We got up in one of those windows,” Pullen said. “My daddy, and the other man, the white man who worked for my daddy, they'd be downstairs, and they wouldn't be paying much attention to it at all. We thought if we get away upstairs, number one, they won't find us. They won't climb the steps and be coming around looking for us.”

Pullen still remembers nearly six decades later King standing on that elevated soil.

“There was a big pile of dirt they had piled up over to the front right of (the courthouse),” he said. “That's where Dr. King found a place where he could get up and he could be seen. He gave a speech, but of course I can't recount all of what he might have said.”

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King was still visibly frustrated about Philadelphia when he climbed atop that mound.

He claimed that state, federal and local police not only “stood by” and watched the Neshoba violence unfold, but that some law enforcement officers “actually encouraged” attacks on marchers.

He not only attacked the police in Philadelphia and then-Senator Eastland, but he roasted the mayor of Ruleville as well, according to newspaper reports.

Of Eastland, King urged those in attendance to work toward replacing the senior senator, the Clarion Ledger said, if not during the 1966 election cycle, then perhaps the next one.

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“We're not seeking to destroy the white people of Mississippi,” King said, according to a June 22 DD-T article. “We're only seeking to make them better people.”

The DD-T quoted King in Indianola as also suggesting “joining hands with my white brothers” for the progress of the state and the South.

Unlike in Philadelphia that day, the DD-T described the crowd at the Sunflower County Courthouse as being “closely guarded by county, state and Justice Department law enforcement officials.”

“All of the officials involved seemed determined to prevent any incidents which would reflect on the image of the area,” the article said. “Hecklers and shouts of derision from spectators were non-existent.”

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A newspaper campaign for the late Senator James O. Eastland from the fall of 1966, quoting a portion of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s speech at the Sunflower County Courthouse.

Eastland's campaign would later use King's words in Indianola in a fall statewide newspaper ad.

“Who says ‘defeat Jim Eastland?'” the ad read, with photos below of admitted communist Phil Lapansky and King. Below King's photo, the Indianola quote, “We have to get rid of Jim Eastland if the Civil Rights movement is to go forward.”

Still shaken from the Philadelphia debacle, King became convinced in Indianola that the Meredith March should divert to Meridian and then to Philadelphia, according to newspaper reports.

National Director of the Congress for Racial Equality Floyd B. McKissick said in Indianola that a large segment of the march should have been diverted back to Neshoba County that , according to the June 22, 1966 New York Times.

King agreed to that.

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“We will use all our nonviolent might,” King was quoted as saying. He then lashed out again at Philadelphia.

“We got to go back – it's the meanest town in the country,” The Times reported as King saying during a strategy session with other civil rights leaders in Indianola. “If they get by with what they did today, Negroes will be scared to .”

McKissick agreed, according to The Times, saying, “We can't take this lying down.”

The Times reported that McKissick suggested that the Meredith marchers be divided into two parts, “One going by truck to Meridian for a 41-mile march from there into Philadelphia along Route 19. The remaining marching column would continue on its way to Jackson by way of Canton.”

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“Sounds good,” King said in The Times.

Like other press who had been present in Indianola on June 21, The Times reported zero violent incidents. The paper reported that about 350 Black people showed up for the rally, along with over 100 white people. The Times reported that many Blacks in the crowd started to chant “Black Power.”

“But when the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, one of Dr. King's top aides arrived at the rally, he also asked Negroes what they wanted,” The Times said. “When some yelled ‘black power,' he commanded, ‘Say freedom.'”

“Freedom,” the negroes shouted, according to The Times. When the rally ended, the crowd dispersed.

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“Police officials in this deep-Delta city said today that Negro leader Martin Luther King had left for Yazoo City without a single reported incident of violence,” the DD-T reported on June 22.

Although a large group of King supporters gathered at Saint Benedict the Moor later that evening to hear King, he had already left town, arriving in Yazoo City, and by that time, ready to once again engage in fierce debate against the Black Power slogan.

King rededicated himself there to nonviolence and publicly denounced the new Black Power movement.

“Violence may bring about a temporary victory, but it can never bring about permanent peace,” King said in Yazoo, according to one newspaper report. “If we don't use black power right, we will have black men with power who are just as evil as whites.”

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While the nation's press reported in detail the contents of King's speech in Indianola, this newspaper had little to say about it, other than a front-page editor's note by then-editor Wallace Dabbs.

Dabbs at first was snarky, making what seems to have been a deliberate attempt to not mention King's name in the article.

“The march brought out one important fact which all serious-minded people (in) this area should be aware of,” Dabbs wrote. “The fact is this: A person can walk to Sunflower faster than a letter can be mailed from Indianola to Sunflower. And it is also a fact that by walking the walker will arrive some 24 or so more hours sooner than the letter. This, of course, is not a slam at the Indianola postal employees. It's just that mail mailed in Indianola has to go around the Delta twice before it heads north on 49. Ah – progress our most important product – zip code and all.”

After the flip comment, Dabbs went on to praise the whites in Indianola for not being violent during the march.

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“Seriously, the people of Indianola and Sunflower County can be proud of the way they conducted themselves during the trying Tuesday,” the editor said. “(Through) efforts of local leaders and able law officers, a much undesired element of people were allowed to come in and put on a dubious show. It could have been the other way around. It could have easily turned into an incident of which the flavor could have lingered here for days and weeks to come. But it didn't happen that way. And two bodies of officers, the Sunflower County Sheriff's Department under the direction of Sheriff Bill Hollowell, and the Indianola Police department, under the direction of Police Chief Bryce Alexander, deserve a round of applause.”

There are few other accounts of King's speech in Indianola.

The rally drew about half the crowd as the one in Philadelphia. First-hand stories are limited. The splintered nature of the Meredith March that day had divided the press corps between Philadelphia and Yazoo City.

Most of what is known about the content of the speech comes from the Clarion Ledger, The Delta Democrat-Times, The New York Times and the wire news service reporters who were present.

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No known photographs, television film or audio exist of King during his visit to Indianola. The speech is rarely spoken of in Civil Rights documentaries, perhaps overshadowed by the larger story in Neshoba County that day.

On a day when one of the world's most revered peacemakers was fighting wars on multiple fronts, one against the Klan in Philadelphia, and another against the Black Power movement in his own organization, Martin Luther King Jr. needed a quiet place to vent, calm down and regroup for the next battle.

That venue was a humble pile of dirt in downtown Indianola.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Mississippi Today staffers win top investigative prize, other awards

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Mississippi Today (Social Sharing Image)

's Isabelle Taft, Kate Royals and Will Stribling won the 2023 Bill Minor Prize for Investigative Reporting, and several of the newsroom's journalists won other honors during the 2023 Mississippi Press Association awards.

The prizes, awarded annually by the 's print association, recognize the best journalism of Mississippi's newspapers and digital newsrooms. The 2023 prizes were announced at a Saturday luncheon in Biloxi.

Kate Royals, Mississippi team editor

Taft, Royals and Stribling won the state's top 2023 investigative prize for their impactful “Shaky Science, Fractured Families” that revealed how Dr. Scott Benton, the state's only board-certified child abuse pediatrician, has broad power and limited oversight to accuse Mississippi parents of child abuse and testify for prosecutors in related cases.

“What a great read about a doctor who may be the only person that can declare that a child has been abused no matter what other officials are saying,” the MPA judges wrote of the investigation. “Wonderful quotes throughout and well thought-out. Outstanding research and the time needed to put this story together.”

Several other Mississippi Today reporters took home 2023 MPA awards. Below is a complete list of the winners and the awards they won:

  • News Story, first place: Rick Cleveland for “Rolling Fork tornado rebuild”
  • Feature Story, first place: Molly Minta for “In the Mississippi Bible Belt, a family wrestles with raising trans kids in the Mormon church”
  • Community Service Award, second place: Mississippi Today for series on state lawmakers' deliberation of postpartum Medicaid extension
  • News Package, second place: Taylor Vance for “Tate Reeves state plane usage”
  • Breaking News Reporting, second place: Bobby Harrison and Adam Ganucheau for “White-appointed court system for Blackest city in America”
  • Series, third place: Eric J. Shelton for “Ocean Springs concerns”
  • Sports Feature, third place: Rick Cleveland for “IBC winner”
  • Feature Story, third place: Molly Minta for “Issaquena County college degrees”
  • Planned Series, honorable mention: Molly Minta for “Turmoil inside a public university's music department”
  • Commentary Column, honorable mention: Adam Ganucheau
  • Feature Photo, honorable mention: Eric J. Shelton for “The Dotsons' dangerous
  • News Package, honorable mention: Adam Ganucheau for “Bob Hickingbottom”

In addition to the MPA annual awards, the association inducted Mississippi Today sports columnist Rick Cleveland into its Hall of Fame in a Friday evening program.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Freedom Summer’s lasting impact: ‘They never forgot their mission’

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-07-01 11:29:24

Freedom Summer did more than change Mississippi. It changed America.

“So many of those volunteers went back to school with a new mission,” said Davis Houck, Florida State 's Fannie Lou Hamer professor of rhetorical studies. “They never forgot that mission.”

The seeds of the summer of 1964 changed voting in America. Changed political parties. Changed the nation.

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That metamorphosis came not through some dramatic event captured on television, but through person-to-person relationships, said Dave Tell, the University of Kansas professor and author of “Remembering Emmett Till.” “It was a slower paced change, but in the end, it was a more powerful change.”

In 1964, civil rights made public their plans to let student volunteers join them in working in the civil rights movement in Mississippi.

Upon hearing the news, Sam Bowers, imperial wizard for the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, told his fellow Klansmen to prepare for this “communist invasion.” “When the first waves of blacks hit our streets this summer,” they must avoid fighting them on the streets and attack them and their white collaborators at night, he said.

After darkness fell June 16, 1964, Klansmen heard that civil rights activists had gathered at Mount Zion Methodist Church in Neshoba County. They sped in their cars to the historically Black church and grabbed members, demanding to know where the activists were.

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On June 29, 1964, the FBI began distributing these pictures of civil rights workers, from left, Michael Schwerner, 24, of New York, James Chaney, 21, from Mississippi, and Andrew Goodman, 20, of New York, who disappeared near Philadelphia, Miss., June 21, 1964. Credit: Associated Press / FBI

When members said they didn't know, Klansmen began to beat and pistol-whip members. Before Klansmen left, they torched the church.

“My mother had blood on her,” recalled member Jewel McDonald. “My brother had blood on him.”

Five days later, three young activists — James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner — came to investigate the Klan attack. Chaney and Schwerner had long been involved in the movement. Goodman had come as a Freedom Summer volunteer.

After spotting the trio, a deputy jailed them and released them that night into the hands of his fellow Klansmen, who killed the trio and buried their bodies 15 feet down in an earthen dam.

James Chaney never got to see his daughter, Angela Lewis, born 10 days before his .

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That's because he was on his way to Ohio to help train volunteers for Freedom Summer.

In the years that followed his killing, she didn't share the identity of her father, whose mother and family had been terrorized afterward.

During Black History Week in junior high, she followed other students into the library, where there were pictures on the wall of Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights activists. Then she saw it. A picture of her father.

“I never said a word,” she recalled. “I never told anyone.”

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But each birthday carried a solemn reminder of the death of the father she never knew.

On the 40th anniversary of his death, she finally shared with others that her father was the civil rights icon, James Chaney.

“I love my dad and am so appreciative that he knew his purpose and assignment in life was to help others,” she said. “I am just like my dad.”

A year later in 2005, she wept as she watched a jury convict the Klan leader who helped orchestrate his killing, Edgar Ray Killen.

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Young people need to be educated so that they can display the same passion and courage as her father's generation, she said. “Even with my dad, Andy and Mickey being killed, those students still got on the bus [for Freedom Summer in Mississippi].”

Buttons are in place during an unveiling ceremony for a freedom marker that honors civil rights workers James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman in Philadelphia, Miss., on Friday, June 14, 2024. Credit: Eric Shelton/

In June 1964, nearly 1,000 Freedom Summer volunteers, mostly white college students, arrived in Oxford, Ohio, for training.

They learned how to respond nonviolently to attacks from mobs and police. They learned how to Freedom Schools to help educate . They learned how to go door to door to encourage Black Mississippians to register to vote.

These white volunteers stayed with Black families, went to church with them and followed their house rules, Houck said. “It was a deeply immersive experience.”

Through that summer, volunteers came to understand what life was like for these Black families in Mississippi, he said. In turn, these families, who had never had white people under their roofs, now felt the burden of protecting them, he said.

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Freedom Summer altered the trajectories of all of their lives, he said. “The movement changed them.”

Schwerner's widow, Rita Bender, said Freedom Summer's overarching lesson is that “if people organize themselves, they can collectively effect significant change in society.”

In that summer of 1964, the civil rights movement shone a light on Mississippi, which had done its best to keep Black voters from the polls after the ended, first with violence and then with laws and a new state constitution.

“There is no use to equivocate or lie about the matter,” future Gov. James K. Vardaman declared, “Mississippi's constitutional convention of 1890 was held for no other purpose than to eliminate the n—– from politics.” 

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Two years later, lawmakers purged all names from the voting rolls and barred Black voters from re-registering through poll taxes and constitutional quizzes.

The changes worked. Within a decade, the number of Black registered voters fell from more than 130,000 to less than 1,300.

Even after the passage of more than 70 years, that number remained miniscule. By 1964, less than 7% of Black Mississippians could vote.

That began to change with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which Congress adopted in part because of the trio's murders and similar violence.

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“Today, the hard-fought right to vote is under sustained attack,” Bender said. “Tragically, the gains of the past are not being utilized by many.”

Since 2023, at least 20 states, including Mississippi, have passed laws that make voting more difficult, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.

Under current Mississippi law, if voters fail to respond to a “confirmation notice” of their address, they are purged from the voting rolls.

In 2023, U.S. District Judge Henry T. Wingate blocked a law that he concluded might criminalize assistance to disabled Mississippians that might need help with absentee voting. This year, the state passed a measure to correct the law.

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Mississippi also has the nation's strictest felony disenfranchisement law, barring more than 10% of the state's population from ever voting again because they've been convicted of certain felonies outlined in the constitution.

While some states, including Florida, have enabled those convicted of felonies to regain the right to vote, Mississippi has balked at such reform. That means more than 130,000 Black Mississippians, or 16% of the Black adult population, can't cast a ballot.

The Hill concluded that the second most difficult state in the nation to vote in was Mississippi.

Those in power “don't want ‘certain people' to vote,” said state Sen. John Horhn, a Democrat from Jackson. “It's a part of a bigger plan to maintain control, even as the white majority loses its numbers.”

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Bender said a new movement — of the people, by the people and for the people — is needed to ensure that voting and other constitutional rights are protected.

As the nation diversifies, “there needs to be coalition building around extremely important common interests,” she said. “There is increasing resistance among some to this new reality as they feel threatened by these inevitable demographic changes.”

Goodman's brother, David, said that, for centuries, the notion was that authorities could do no wrong and must be obeyed, he said. “Back in King Henry's day, if you didn't accept the authority, you had your head chopped off.”

Those enslaved had to accept such authority or face possible death, he said. Afterward, they the horrors of Jim Crow, he said.

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In 2014, President Barack Obama presented the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously to civil rights activists James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner during a ceremony in the East Room of the White House. Schwerner's widow, Rita Bender, accepted the award from Obama. Chaney's daughter, Angela Lewis, and Goodman's brother, David, can be seen standing between Bender and Obama. Credit: Courtesy: White House photograph

“My brother was murdered by people who viewed the imperial wizard as an authoritarian who should be listened to,” he said. “None of them were convicted of murder.”

Now, 60 years since Freedom Summer, “we're going back to the future,” he said. “We're dignifying the notion that an authoritarian can do no wrong.”

Throughout history, he said some of those in power have tried to deny or impede equal access to the ballot. For instance, student volunteers for the Andrew Goodman Foundation discovered a statewide ban on early in-person voting on Florida campuses.

“This ban of denying polling sites where young people lived, worked and studied had a negative impact on turnout,” Goodman said.

The foundation and the Florida League of Women Voters sued the state, and this in-person voting was restored.

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On the 60th anniversary of the burning of Mount Zion Methodist Church, the church honored the slain trio in a service titled, “Rise From the Ashes.”

The Rev. Eddie Hinton, who serves as pastor for the church, said he sees people of different races coming together now.

“We have come a long way, but we still have a long way to go,” he said. “Black and white can work together.”

Mount Zion also honored McDonald and her family for their courage.

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She told Mississippi Today that she has forgiven the Klansmen who attacked her family.

“Why should I hate someone?” she asked. “I don't believe in holding grudges. Why should I carry that when I can just forgive them and go on and my life?”

Jewel McDonald at the 60th anniversary service of Mount Zion Methodist Church, which the Ku Klux Klan burned in 1964. Credit: Jerry Mitchell/Mississippi Today

Some people may think she's crazy for saying that, she said, “but I do believe in order for us to go to heaven, we need to love each other and, if we see someone who needs help, then help them out.”

She called on Mississippians to start healthy conversations across racial lines. “There's too much hatred,” she said. “We need to get rid of that hatred and love each other.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today launches collaboration with JPMorganChase 

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The American Journalism today announced it is teaming up with JPMorganChase to support local news throughout the country. In addition to providing for the American Journalism Project's national efforts to rebuild local news, JPMorganChase is sponsoring eight nonprofit newsrooms nationwide, sharing ongoing financial health content, organizing local events, and providing expertise tailored to their unique challenges to help meet their business and operational goals. This work with JPMorganChase marks the first time the American Journalism Project is collaborating with a financial services firm.

“As the largest bank in the country, this commitment from JPMorganChase sends a powerful signal that corporations can play an integral role in rebuilding local news,” said Sarabeth Berman, CEO of the American Journalism Project. “The investment and scale will infuse resources in a thrilling new generation of news outlets that are working to ensure local news is available to all, strengthening and informing communities.”

“The evidence is clear that a thriving local news ecosystem is key to more civic engagement and a healthy democracy. JPMorganChase believes supporting sustainable models for local news is essential to meeting information needs, strengthening communities and fostering inclusive economic growth,” said Andrew Gray, Managing Director of Regional Communications for JPMorganChase. “The American Journalism Project is playing a key role in supporting the sector by growing local news from the ground up so outlets can independently thrive. We're proud to be a part of this effort, and engage locally to identify the best opportunities where we can make an impact.”

JPMorganChase will work directly with eight local nonprofit news organizations in the American Journalism Project's portfolio, including:

  • THE CITY (New York ), a nonpartisan news outlet that serves the people of New York through independent journalism that holds the powerful to account, deepens democratic participation, and makes sense of complex issues.
  • Block Club Chicago, a newsroom dedicated to delivering reliable, relevant, and nonpartisan coverage of Chicago's diverse neighborhoods.
  • Mississippi Today, which as part of the Deep South Today nonprofit news network is providing nonpartisan news to inform communities statewide and ensure accountability from public officials.
  • Cityside (San Francisco Bay Area), a nonpartisan digital news organization building community through local journalism with three local news sites, Berkeleyside, The Oaklandside and Richmondside. 
  • Montana Free Press, a nonpartisan, public-powered news organization dedicated to reaching and serving the information needs of all Montanans by producing in-depth news, information, and analysis.
  • Signal Ohio, a statewide news organizations with newsrooms in Cleveland and Akron, committed to producing high-quality accountability journalism while working directly with to produce and distribute community that is free to access for all
  • Fort Worth Report, producing independent, factual news coverage that aims to find solutions for community issues and strengthen a diverse and rapidly growing city and home county. 
  • Spotlight Delaware, a community-powered, collaborative newsroom covering the impact of public policy, increasing access to information and civic engagement in historically underserved communities, and strengthening existing newsrooms throughout the state. 

“Deep South Today is grateful for this to partner with JPMorganChase to further build the capacity of Mississippi Today to deliver essential local news to the communities it serves,” said Warwick Sabin, President and CEO of Deep South Today. “We look forward to working closely with them over the long term to achieve a healthier democracy and civil society through journalism that informs, engages, and inspires more Mississippians.”

AJP is the leading venture philanthropy working to address the market failure in local news. It is establishing and advancing a new generation of nonprofit local news organizations across the country. Founded in 2019, AJP is built on the evidence that robust journalism is an essential component of a healthy democracy. To date, AJP has raised $175M from local and national funders to address the local news crisis and has backed 44 news operations across 33 states.

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JPMorganChase is a leading financial services firm and one of the oldest financial institutions in the U.S. It serves millions of customers, clients, and communities in 100+ global markets. This collaboration with AJP is part of the bank's overarching efforts to support local journalism.

About the American Journalism Project

The American Journalism Project is a venture philanthropy dedicated to local news. We believe in civic journalism as a public good and are reimagining its future by building a model to finance and sustain the local news our democracy requires. We make grants to local nonprofit news organizations to build their revenue and business operations, partner with communities to launch new organizations, and meteor leaders as they grow and sustain their newsrooms. To learn more about the American Journalism Project, visit our website.

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About JPMorganChase

JPMorgan Chase & Co. (NYSE: JPM) is a leading financial services firm based in the United States of America (“U.S.”), with operations worldwide. JPMorgan Chase had $4.1 trillion in assets and $337 in stockholders' equity as of March 31, 2024. The Firm is a leader in investment banking, financial services for consumers and small businesses, commercial banking, financial transaction processing and asset management. Under the J.P. Morgan and Chase brands, the Firm serves millions of customers in the U.S., and many of the world's most prominent corporate, institutional and clients globally. Information about JPMorgan Chase & Co. is available at www.jpmorganchase.com.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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