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The story of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1966 visit to Sunflower County

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Editor’s note: This article was written by Bryan Davis, publisher of The Enterprise-Tocsin newspaper in Indianola. It first published on June 21 and is republished below with permission. Click here to read the story on The Enterpise-Tocsin’s website.


It all happened on a dirt pile, on a construction site.

That was not the typical pulpit for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., but on June 21, 1966, on the grounds of the Sunflower County Courthouse, that would have to do.

King arrived in Indianola that afternoon with little fanfare. There was no stage or speaker system set up outside of the courthouse.

The crowd was thin by the standards of most of King’s speeches. That didn’t matter. The famed Civil Rights leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner was going to say what he came to say.

About 450 people, mostly local Black citizens, gathered to hear him speak. And what a speech it was.

King’s stop in Indianola probably would never have happened had it not been for James Meredith being shot on the second day of his famed March Against Fear earlier that month. That prompted King and other Civil Rights leaders to come to the state to finish the march.

His speech in Indianola has long been relegated to the footnotes of history, but the words spoken on the courthouse grounds that day may have revealed one of King’s more vulnerable moments.

Indianola resident and former Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Field Secretary Charles McLaurin told The Enterprise-Tocsin that the march was originally intended to route straight down Highway 51 from Memphis to Jackson, but voting rights hero and Ruleville native Fannie Lou Hamer asked McLaurin to travel to Grenada to ask King and SNCC leader Stokely Carmichael to divert into the Delta.

“She said, ‘We got fear here too,’” McLaurin recounted.

King was fighting wars on multiple fronts during the summer of 1966. His primary focus was no longer on the segregationist South. He was spending a lot of time in larger northern cities like Chicago, fighting for equal and affordable housing rights.

After Meredith was shot, he agreed to join the march, and he was often back-and-forth that summer between places like Chicago, Atlanta and Mississippi.

In his own circle, there was intense infighting about the “Black Power” slogan that was becoming more popular during SNCC rallies.

King vehemently opposed the Black Power movement, so much so that he returned to Mississippi on multiple occasions that summer in order to squash momentum from that side and to promote nonviolence.

By the morning of June 21, 1966, King was back in Mississippi.

That day, the March Against Fear splintered off into two groups. The main cluster of marchers pushed on from the hot, dusty Delta town of Louise toward Yazoo City.

A smaller contingency, led by King, flew to Meridian, with hopes of arriving later that day in Philadelphia to help locals there pay tribute to Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney, three Civil Rights workers who had been murdered exactly two years before in Neshoba County.

King would attend three rallies that day. One of those was in Philadelphia. The second was in Indianola. The third was in Yazoo City.

Local white leaders in Indianola and Yazoo City, many involved in the White Citizens Council, warned away counter protesters in an effort to keep the peace.

White leadership in Philadelphia and Neshoba County did not seem quite as worried about negative publicity, and many seemed to revel in the violence that followed.

The events that unfolded in Philadelphia had an immediate impact on King, and when he arrived in Indianola to speak later that day, he was fired up.

“Hatred is running very deep there,” King said of Philadelphia, according to an article in the Delta Democrat-Times the next day. “Something is going to have to be done about it.”

King vented in Indianola, and he left out no one, including state, local and federal policing agencies, as well as Sunflower County’s own Senator James O. Eastland.

“We have to get rid of Eastland if the Civil Rights movement is to go forward,” the Clarion Ledger reported King as saying at the Sunflower County Courthouse.

On June 22, 1966, accounts of King’s speech in Indianola flooded most of the nation’s newspapers. Many of those accounts were on the front pages of those papers.

By nightfall on June 21, King was in Yazoo City, his attention diverted somewhat from Philadelphia back to the Black Power movement. His tone was much more collected than it had been in Indianola.

King and the marchers left Yazoo City and traveled down Highway 16 toward Canton. A historical marker on the grounds of the American Methodist Episcopal Church in Benton commemorates King’s brief stop there along the way.

There is no such marker at the courthouse in Sunflower County.

On June 23, 1966, in Canton, marchers made national headlines again when they were teargassed by law enforcement when they tried to pitch camp on the grounds of a local public school.

Meredith would recover from his gunshot wound, and he returned to the march the day before things ended in Jackson on June 26, 1966.

King and the movement moved on, and his stop in Indianola soon faded into history.

The Road to Indianola

Charles McLaurin stands atop a set of exterior stairs on the west side of the Sunflower County Courthouse, the approximate spot, he says, where he and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. stood during King’s speech here on June 21, 1966. Photo by Bryan Davis/Emmerich Newspapers/Copyright 2024

By the summer of 1966, Charles McLaurin had joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee as a field secretary, and the Indianola resident also had embraced the notion of Black Power.

“Dr. King espoused nonviolence. Stokely never did. None of us did, especially the Mississippians,” McLaurin said. “We made a pledge to support nonviolence as a technique for change. That was a commitment. They made commitments, and Stokely often bumped heads with King about nonviolence and turning the other cheek.”

McLaurin, a Hinds County native, came to Ruleville in northern Sunflower County in 1962, and he would later play a pivotal role during Freedom Summer in 1964.

Trained by the late Civil Rights leader Medgar Evers, McLaurin was on the bus ride with Fannie Lou Hamer and others that drove from Ruleville to the Sunflower County Courthouse in 1962 to attempt voter registration.

Like many other Civil Rights workers during that time, McLaurin was beaten on multiple occasions, his life was threatened, and he was arrested over 30 times.

It’s not surprising that by 1966 McLaurin had grown weary of King’s more tempered approach to change.

“Basically, we were all after freedom, it was just a matter of the approach we used in the community to organize,” McLaurin said.

Black Power did not necessarily mean violence, McLaurin said, but it scared whites and Blacks just the same.

“We knew the minute they were able to attach violence to us, we were all dead,” McLaurin said. “They’d shoot us all tomorrow.”

King was often visibly frustrated with Carmichael’s aggressive slogan, but the two remained close, photographed shoulder-to-shoulder, talking and smiling during the march that summer.

“They were often together,” McLaurin said. “They weren’t enemies. I disagreed with some of the things we did. I realized the ultimate goal was to free all of us.”

But things had come to a head at Broad Street Park in Greenwood on the evening of June 16, 1966.

King was not in the state that day, and when Carmichael and other organizers attempted to pitch tents on the grounds of a public school there, Carmichael and two others were arrested.

“Once we got back and Stokely was in jail, we made up our minds to stay in Greenwood, even if they killed everybody,” McLaurin said.

When he came out of the jail and onto the stage that night, Carmichael threw down the gauntlet.

“We been saying freedom for six years, and we ain’t got nothin’,” he said. “What we got to start saying now is Black Power! We want Black Power!”

That speech immediately received national attention, King, who was in Chicago that day, included.

It wasn’t long before he rejoined the March Against Fear to offer support to the marchers.

It was also an attempt to quell the uprising within his own movement and to reassure whites and Blacks in the South that he was committed to nonviolence.

Five days later, while the main march pushed toward Yazoo City, King was drawn to Philadelphia for the memorial service for Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney.

Philadelphia was by no means a “City of Brotherly Love” that day.

The violence that erupted there sparked national coverage, with photographs and stories on the front pages of many newspapers, including The Ithaca Journal in New York and the Decatur Herald in Illinois.

“This is a terrible town,” King said of Philadelphia, according to an Associated Press report in the Decatur paper. “The worst I’ve seen. There is a complete reign of terror here.”

Mourners of the three Civil Rights workers were met with jeers, taunts and even some violence from about 400 whites.

“I think this is by far the worst situation I’ve ever been in,” King was reported as saying in a Sacramento Bee article. “This is a complete climate of terror and breakdown of law and order.”

Neshoba County Sheriff Lawrence Rainey had left town ahead of the rally, leaving in charge Deputy Cecil Price, the man who had arrested Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney two years earlier and was at the time awaiting trial on federal civil rights charges related to the three murders, according to Aram Goudsouzian’s book Down to the Crossroads: Civil Rights, Black Power and the Meredith March Against Fear.

Any additional law enforcement manpower, state or federal, seemed unwelcomed by Price and the local deputies and policemen, according to the accounts in Goudsouzian’s book.

Price attempted to block King from walking up the courthouse steps there.

“I’m not afraid of any man,” King said, according to newspaper reports. “Before I will be a slave, I will be dead in my grave.”

Several white men shouted, “We’ll help you” in response to that statement. Whites continued their taunts and threw cherry bombs, one right at King’s feet.

“Men with hatred on their faces, who want to turn this country backward,” King said during his discourse at the Neshoba courthouse, according to the Clarion Ledger.

“Negroes were stoned in Philadelphia during the day as they marched to the downtown area from a church a mile away,” the Clarion Ledger article said. “One man was clubbed.”

A pair of cameramen were “manhandled” and their equipment “smashed.”

“White youths, wielding ax handles and hoes, grabbed Negroes in the line of march and started fights that were broken up by police,” the article continued.

“King, head of the Southern (Christian) Leadership Conference, didn’t flinch when a cherry bomb exploded loudly at his feet,” the Mississippi paper described. “He said afterward he considered Philadelphia ‘By far the toughest town we have been in’…He told newsmen he would ask for federal protection in the town, because he intended to return.”

The worst violence happened after King departed, when groups of whites repeatedly exchanged gunfire with members of the Freedom Democratic Party after dark, resulting in one of the white men being shot but not killed.

According to reports, three carloads of white men drove “into a Negro neighborhood at Philadelphia at 9:30 p.m.,” and that is when the gunfire started.

By that time, King had come and gone from Indianola, and he was in Yazoo City, getting ready to start the final leg of the Meredith March Against Fear.

King’s Arrival in Sunflower County

When King left Philadelphia, he flew to Sunflower County, lagging the larger group of Meredith marchers, who had arrived in Yazoo City earlier that day.

Prior to King’s arrival here, Hamer had led a morning rally from the town of Sunflower down Highway 49 toward Indianola.

“During a rest just north of the Sunflower River Bridge, march leader Fannie Lou Hamer said that, ‘In addition to the charges on the placards, the protest was against alleged police brutality and voter intimidation,’” an article in the DD-T said.

Meanwhile, Indianola police were preparing for the worst, warning whites to steer clear of the marchers and King’s speech.

“Indianola police at noon were preparing to handle crowds of up to several hundred here today after Negro leader Martin Luther King scheduled two civil rights speeches inside the city limits,” the same DD-T report said.

Originally, King was slated to give his afternoon speech at the courthouse, which was to be followed by an evening speech at Saint Benedict the Moor. The latter never happened.

Police had roadblocks prepared for downtown Indianola, the article said, while then-Chief of Police Bryce Alexander told the DD-T that about 30 law enforcement personnel were going to be on hand to prevent incidents like the ones King had encountered earlier in Neshoba County, although it is likely the Indianola authorities knew few details about the Philadelphia rally at that point.

“We aren’t anticipating any trouble here,” Alexander told the paper. “Our responsibility will begin as soon as the marchers enter the city limits. You have to be prepared in case somebody gets a few drinks in him.”

McLaurin said that he met King at the city limits on Highway 82 East.

Hamer, who had originally requested King’s presence in the Delta, had to leave before King had arrived, McLaurin said.

McLaurin escorted King and others into Indianola to the courthouse grounds.

Sunflower County was in the process of building a new courthouse during the summer of 1966, and there were few places on the property that seemed appropriate for a speech.

“There was a mound of dirt,” McLaurin said.

It wasn’t pretty, but it was the right elevation for a speech.

“Dr. King and I stood on a mound of dirt right there, and he spoke,” McLaurin said.

McLaurin’s role in the movement had evolved since Freedom Summer in 1964, but he was still very familiar with Sunflower County and the late Sheriff Bill Hollowell.

The two had formed a bond the previous four years, and they had a good working relationship.

Hollowell, like many others here, did not want to expose the county to negative press, so he would often lend protection to Civil Rights workers, McLaurin said.

On this occasion, he even allowed McLaurin to have use of the Sunflower County Civil Defense bullhorn. McLaurin and King stood atop the dirt pile on the west side of the courthouse, facing Court Street.

McLaurin said that he held the bullhorn while King vented about Philadelphia, vowing to return to that town as soon as possible.

Before long, McLaurin said, the few whites who had shown up for King’s rally were irate about the fact that King had access to the county’s bullhorn. Hollowell, he said, had to act just as indignant about it.

“He loaned me that civil defense bullhorn, and then he was back in there yelling, like I had taken it from him,” McLaurin said with a chuckle. “But I knew what he was doing, because he was around all of these white people.”

McLaurin said that he and Hollowell later had a laugh over the bullhorn incident.

Jim Pullen was one of just a handful of white people who witnessed King’s speech that day. A teenager at the time, Pullen said that he understood the significance of King’s arrival.

“He was doing a great thing and doing a great job at it,” Pullen told The E-T in an interview.

Pullen said that he worked afternoons at his stepfather’s furniture store on Court Street.

“That particular morning, the (Black) man who worked for my daddy had gotten a pretty good head of knowledge about it,” Pullen said. “He said, ‘Martin Luther King is supposed to come here today.’”

The two made a trip to a nearby store and bought snacks for the occasion.

“We went to one of the Chinese grocery stores on Second Street and got us some sardines, crackers and red soda pop,” Pullen said. “We got up in the window, and we waited for the excitement. Sure enough, there comes the crowd.”

The two positioned themselves in the store’s upper room, waiting for the main attraction.

“We got up in one of those windows,” Pullen said. “My daddy, and the other man, the white man who worked for my daddy, they’d be downstairs, and they wouldn’t be paying much attention to it at all. We thought if we get away upstairs, number one, they won’t find us. They won’t climb the steps and be coming around looking for us.”

Pullen still remembers nearly six decades later King standing on that elevated soil.

“There was a big pile of dirt they had piled up over to the front right of (the courthouse),” he said. “That’s where Dr. King found a place where he could get up and he could be seen. He gave a speech, but of course I can’t recount all of what he might have said.”

King was still visibly frustrated about Philadelphia when he climbed atop that mound.

He claimed that state, federal and local police not only “stood by” and watched the Neshoba violence unfold, but that some law enforcement officers “actually encouraged” attacks on marchers.

He not only attacked the police in Philadelphia and then-Senator Eastland, but he roasted the mayor of Ruleville as well, according to newspaper reports.

Of Eastland, King urged those in attendance to work toward replacing the senior senator, the Clarion Ledger said, if not during the 1966 election cycle, then perhaps the next one.

“We’re not seeking to destroy the white people of Mississippi,” King said, according to a June 22 DD-T article. “We’re only seeking to make them better people.”

The DD-T quoted King in Indianola as also suggesting “joining hands with my white brothers” for the progress of the state and the South.

Unlike in Philadelphia that day, the DD-T described the crowd at the Sunflower County Courthouse as being “closely guarded by county, state and Justice Department law enforcement officials.”

“All of the officials involved seemed determined to prevent any incidents which would reflect on the image of the area,” the article said. “Hecklers and shouts of derision from spectators were non-existent.”

A newspaper campaign ad for the late Senator James O. Eastland from the fall of 1966, quoting a portion of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s speech at the Sunflower County Courthouse.

Eastland’s campaign would later use King’s words in Indianola in a fall statewide newspaper ad.

“Who says ‘defeat Jim Eastland?’” the ad read, with photos below of admitted communist Phil Lapansky and King. Below King’s photo, the Indianola quote, “We have to get rid of Jim Eastland if the Civil Rights movement is to go forward.”

Still shaken from the Philadelphia debacle, King became convinced in Indianola that the Meredith March should divert to Meridian and then to Philadelphia, according to newspaper reports.

National Director of the Congress for Racial Equality Floyd B. McKissick said in Indianola that a large segment of the march should have been diverted back to Neshoba County that week, according to the June 22, 1966 New York Times.

King agreed to that.

“We will use all our nonviolent might,” King was quoted as saying. He then lashed out again at Philadelphia.

“We got to go back – it’s the meanest town in the country,” The Times reported as King saying during a strategy session with other civil rights leaders in Indianola. “If they get by with what they did today, Negroes will be scared to death.”

McKissick agreed, according to The Times, saying, “We can’t take this lying down.”

The Times reported that McKissick suggested that the Meredith marchers be divided into two parts, “One going by truck to Meridian for a 41-mile march from there into Philadelphia along Route 19. The remaining marching column would continue on its way to Jackson by way of Canton.”

“Sounds good,” King said in The Times.

Like other press who had been present in Indianola on June 21, The Times reported zero violent incidents. The paper reported that about 350 Black people showed up for the rally, along with over 100 white people. The Times reported that many Blacks in the crowd started to chant “Black Power.”

“But when the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, one of Dr. King’s top aides arrived at the rally, he also asked Negroes what they wanted,” The Times said. “When some yelled ‘black power,’ he commanded, ‘Say freedom.’”

“Freedom,” the negroes shouted, according to The Times. When the rally ended, the crowd dispersed.

“Police officials in this deep-Delta city said today that Negro leader Martin Luther King had left for Yazoo City without a single reported incident of violence,” the DD-T reported on June 22.

Although a large group of King supporters gathered at Saint Benedict the Moor later that evening to hear King, he had already left town, arriving in Yazoo City, and by that time, ready to once again engage in fierce debate against the Black Power slogan.

King rededicated himself there to nonviolence and publicly denounced the new Black Power movement.

“Violence may bring about a temporary victory, but it can never bring about permanent peace,” King said in Yazoo, according to one newspaper report. “If we don’t use black power right, we will have black men with power who are just as evil as whites.”

While the nation’s press reported in detail the contents of King’s speech in Indianola, this newspaper had little to say about it, other than a front-page editor’s note by then-editor Wallace Dabbs.

Dabbs at first was snarky, making what seems to have been a deliberate attempt to not mention King’s name in the article.

“The march brought out one important fact which all serious-minded people (in) this area should be aware of,” Dabbs wrote. “The fact is this: A person can walk to Sunflower faster than a letter can be mailed from Indianola to Sunflower. And it is also a fact that by walking the walker will arrive some 24 or so more hours sooner than the letter. This, of course, is not a slam at the Indianola postal employees. It’s just that mail mailed in Indianola has to go around the Delta twice before it heads north on 49. Ah – progress our most important product – zip code and all.”

After the flip comment, Dabbs went on to praise the whites in Indianola for not being violent during the march.

“Seriously, the people of Indianola and Sunflower County can be proud of the way they conducted themselves during the trying Tuesday,” the editor said. “(Through) efforts of local leaders and able law officers, a much undesired element of people were allowed to come in and put on a dubious show. It could have been the other way around. It could have easily turned into an incident of which the flavor could have lingered here for days and weeks to come. But it didn’t happen that way. And two bodies of officers, the Sunflower County Sheriff’s Department under the direction of Sheriff Bill Hollowell, and the Indianola Police department, under the direction of Police Chief Bryce Alexander, deserve a round of applause.”

There are few other accounts of King’s speech in Indianola.

The rally drew about half the crowd as the one in Philadelphia. First-hand stories are limited. The splintered nature of the Meredith March that day had divided the press corps between Philadelphia and Yazoo City.

Most of what is known about the content of the speech comes from the Clarion Ledger, The Delta Democrat-Times, The New York Times and the wire news service reporters who were present.

No known photographs, television film or audio exist of King during his visit to Indianola. The speech is rarely spoken of in Civil Rights documentaries, perhaps overshadowed by the larger story in Neshoba County that day.

On a day when one of the world’s most revered peacemakers was fighting wars on multiple fronts, one against the Klan in Philadelphia, and another against the Black Power movement in his own organization, Martin Luther King Jr. needed a quiet place to vent, calm down and regroup for the next battle.

That venue was a humble pile of dirt in downtown Indianola.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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At least 3 dead in Mississippi after likely tornadoes sweep through the state

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mississippitoday.org – Associated Press – 2025-03-15 17:58:00

At least 3 dead in Mississippi after likely tornadoes sweep through the state

Violent tornadoes ripped through parts of the U.S. this weekend, killing at least three people in Mississippi and damaging several communities across the Magnolia State.

Two separate likely tornadoes hit Walthall County on Saturday afternoon, killing three people near Darbun along Bethlehem Loop Road, according to the county’s Emergency Management Director Royce McKee.

Walthall County Sheriff Kyle Breland told WLBT there are also injuries, collapsed homes, and trees blocking roadways in the county.

The National Weather Service in Jackson on Saturday afternoon had issued a tornado emergency for two separate tornadoes that moved through Walthall County. That rare official designation of a “large and dangerous tornado” continued into Marion, Lawrence and Jefferson Davis counties. Numerous other tornado warnings were issued before storms cleared out of the state by Saturday late afternoon.

Before sunrise early Saturday morning, a likely tornado ripped through the Elliott community in Grenada County, destroying several homes and damaging other buildings. No fatalities were reported in that storm.

“All of a sudden, it got like a freight train,” Robert Holman told FOX Weather of the Elliott storm. “Then all of a sudden, we just heard stuff just falling all on the house.”

The storms knocked out power to about 25,000 people across the state.

Though Mississippi was in the Saturday bullseye for the tornado outbreak, the same storm system affected much of the U.S. over the weekend.

The number of fatalities increased after the Kansas Highway Patrol reported eight people died in a highway pileup caused by a dust storm in Sherman County Friday. At least 50 vehicles were involved.

Missouri recorded more fatalities than any other state as it withstood scattered twisters overnight that killed at least 12 people, authorities said. The deaths included a man who was killed after a tornado ripped apart his home.

“It was unrecognizable as a home. Just a debris field,” said Coroner Jim Akers of Butler County, describing the scene that confronted rescuers. “The floor was upside down. We were walking on walls.”

Dakota Henderson said he and others rescuing people trapped in their homes Friday night found five dead bodies scattered in the debris outside what remained of his aunt’s house in hard-hit Wayne County, Missouri.

“It was a very rough deal last night,” he said Saturday, surrounded by uprooted trees and splintered homes. “It’s really disturbing for what happened to the people, the casualties last night.”

Henderson said they rescued his aunt from a bedroom that was the only room left standing in her house, taking her out through a window. They also carried out a man who had a broken arm and leg.

Officials in Arkansas said three people died in Independence County and 29 others were injured across eight counties as storms passed through the state.

“We have teams out surveying the damage from last night’s tornadoes and have first responders on the ground to assist,” Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders said on X.

She and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp declared states of emergency. Kemp said he was making the declaration in anticipation of severe weather moving in later Saturday.

On Friday, meanwhile, authorities said three people were killed in car crashes during a dust storm in Amarillo in the Texas Panhandle.

Tornadoes hit amid storm outbreak

The Storm Prediction Center said fast-moving storms could spawn twisters and hail as large as baseballs on Saturday, but the greatest threat would come from winds near or exceeding hurricane force, with gusts of 100 miles per hour possible.

Significant tornadoes continued to hit Saturday. The regions at highest risk stretch from eastern Louisiana and Mississippi through Alabama, western Georgia and the Florida panhandle, the center said.

Bailey Dillon, 24, and her fiance, Caleb Barnes, watched a massive tornado from their front porch in Tylertown, Mississippi, about half a mile (0.8 km) away as it struck an area near Paradise Ranch RV Park.

They drove over afterward to see if anyone needed help and recorded a video depicting snapped trees, leveled buildings and overturned vehicles.

“The amount of damage was catastrophic,” Dillon said. “It was a large amount of cabins, RVs, campers that were just flipped over — everything was destroyed.”

Paradise Ranch reported on Facebook that all its staff and guests were safe and accounted for, but Dillon said the damage extended beyond the ranch itself.

“Homes and everything were destroyed all around it,” she said. “Schools and buildings are just completely gone.”

Some of the imagery from the extreme weather has gone viral.

Tad Peters and his dad, Richard Peters, had pulled over to fuel up their pickup truck in Rolla, Missouri, Friday night when they heard tornado sirens and saw other motorists flee the interstate to park.

“Whoa, is this coming? Oh, it’s here. It’s here,” Tad Peters can be heard saying on a video. “Look at all that debris. Ohhh. My God, we are in a torn …”

His father then rolled up the truck window. The two were headed to Indiana for a weightlifting competition but decided to turn around and head back home to Norman, Oklahoma, about six hours away, where they encountered wildfires.

Wildfires elsewhere in the Southern Plains threatened to spread rapidly amid warm, dry weather and strong winds in Texas, Kansas, Missouri and New Mexico.

A blaze in Roberts County, Texas, northeast of Amarillo, quickly blew up from less than a square mile (about 2 square kilometers) to an estimated 32.8 square miles (85 square kilometers), the Texas A&M University Forest Service said on X. Crews stopped its advance by Friday evening.

About 60 miles (90 kilometers) to the south, another fire grew to about 3.9 square miles (10 square kilometers) before its advance was halted in the afternoon.

High winds also knocked out power to more than 200,000 homes and businesses in Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana and Michigan, according the website poweroutage.us.

Extreme weather encompasses a zone of 100 million people

The deaths came as a massive storm system moving across the country unleashed winds that triggered deadly dust storms and fanned more than 100 wildfires.

Extreme weather conditions were forecast to affect an area home to more than 100 million people. Winds gusting up to 80 mph (130 kph) were predicted from the Canadian border to Texas, threatening blizzard conditions in colder northern areas and wildfire risk in warmer, drier places to the south.

The National Weather Service issued blizzard warnings for parts of far western Minnesota and far eastern South Dakota starting early Saturday. Snow accumulations of 3 to 6 inches (7.6 to 15.2 centimeters) were expected, with up to a foot (30 centimeters) possible.

Winds gusting to 60 mph (97 kph) were expected to cause whiteout conditions.

Evacuations were ordered in some Oklahoma communities as more than 130 fires were reported across the state. Nearly 300 homes were damaged or destroyed. Gov. Kevin Stitt said at a Saturday news conference that some 266 square miles (689 square kilometers) had burned in his state.

The State Patrol said winds were so strong that they toppled several tractor-trailers.

Experts said it’s not unusual to see such weather extremes in March.


Mississippi Today editors contributed to this Associated Press report. Bruce Shipkowski reported from Toms River, New Jersey. Julie Walker reported from New York. Rebecca Reynolds contributed from Louisville, Kentucky. Jeff Roberson in Wayne County, Missouri, Eugene Johnson in Seattle and Janie Har in San Francisco contributed.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Mississippi lawmakers struggle to reach tax agreement as federal cuts loom

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mississippitoday.org – Michael Goldberg and Taylor Vance – 2025-03-15 04:30:00

House and Senate negotiations over proposals to drastically overhaul Mississippi’s tax code appear to be at a standstill as lawmakers weigh the impact federal spending cuts could have on one of the nation’s poorest and most federally-dependent states. 

With only weeks left in the 2025 session, lawmakers are pushing different proposals behind the scenes to see if Mississippi can pull off an experiment that no other state has accomplished: Eliminating an income tax after having it on the books for more than a century.

The negotiations, which House Speaker Jason White said “appeared to have stalled” last week, are unfolding as the Trump administration and Republican-controlled Congress are floating massive spending cuts. Mississippi relies on the federal government for revenue more than almost any other state, with more than 40% of its annual budget coming from federal dollars. Deep federal spending cuts alongside the elimination or drastic reduction of the state income tax could reduce Mississippi’s ability to fund services, experts told Mississippi Today.  

The House leadership, early in the session, advanced a proposal that would eliminate the income tax over the next decade, trim the state’s grocery tax, raise sales taxes and add a new sales tax on gasoline. 

Weeks later, the Senate passed a less ambitious tax plan that cuts the income tax, raises the gasoline tax over several years and trims the grocery tax. The plan does not fully eliminate the income tax, which the House leadership and Republican Gov. Tate Reeves say is their main focus. 

Proponents of eliminating the income tax say doing so would unleash economic growth by attracting corporate investment and new residents fleeing higher-tax states. Such growth would offset potential revenue losses in a state that has enjoyed a budget surplus in recent years, they argue.

Economists, however, are divided on whether such growth would blunt the impact of potential budget shortfalls in a poverty-stricken state.

Neva Butkus, a senior analyst at the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, published an analysis late last month on the tax proposals moving through each chamber. The organization’s modeling estimates the Senate plan would result in $876 million in lost revenue. The House plan would reduce state revenues by $2.1 billion compared to taxes today – a 30 percent reduction of the state’s current general fund, the organization projected. These numbers are for the state general fund and do not deduct the tax increases in the respective plans that would generate revenue for roads and local governments.

“At a time when states across the country are forecasting deficits or anticipating slowing revenue growth, Mississippi lawmakers are debating deeply regressive and expensive tax cuts that would overwhelmingly benefit their state’s richest residents,” Butkus wrote. “Cutting revenues while shifting taxes away from the state’s richest residents to low- and moderate-income families who already struggle to make ends meet is shortsighted.”

Republican House Speaker Jason White, one of the loudest voices calling for income tax elimination, said the federal cuts floated by national Republicans thus far haven’t convinced him legislators should hold off on approving new tax cuts. 

He told reporters this week that House leaders have continued to meet with Senate officials to work out a deal. He remains flexible on what a final proposal could include, but remains committed to finding a path to complete elimination of the income tax, instead of just a cut. 

“The Senate has kicked around this idea that they might entertain total elimination, but over a very long period of time,” White said. “We’re trying to see exactly what that looks like, should it involve (revenue growth) triggers. We would be open to triggers … For us, if we’re going to go that far on some of these issues, we would want to include total elimination.”

White and other proponents of income tax elimination view the income tax as an unfair burden on working people. Nine other states including nearby Florida, Texas and Tennessee don’t have a state income tax. Proponents of elimination argue that Mississippi is at a competitive disadvantage.

Leaders of the 52-member Senate have been tighter-lipped, but they’ll likely meet before a key Tuesday deadline to either offer their original tax cut plan again or advance a new proposal for the House to consider. 

Senate Finance Chairman Josh Harkins, the chamber’s lead negotiator, told Mississippi Today that the Senate wants to cut taxes but would only agree to a plan that won’t drain state coffers.

And the Flowood Republican says his Senate colleagues are deeply concerned that the tens of billions the state receives from the federal government every year could be frozen or reduced by the spending cuts congressional Republicans and President Donald Trump are considering.

“Any cuts that the federal government is contemplating are going to trickle down at some level, and it’s going to impact us,” Harkins said. 

House and Senate leaders both want tax cut legislation to be paired with a plan to ensure the state’s employee retirement system, which has debt of roughly $25 billion, remains solvent for the long term. But they haven’t reached consensus on how to do that.  

An unknown variable in the legislative equation is what Republican Gov. Tate Reeves is willing to do to achieve his stated goal of eliminating the income tax. 

In social media posts, Reeves has repeated his support for total elimination of the income tax, and dared the Senate, which is led by Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, to oppose the policy. But the second-term governor has offered no plan of his own this year and has largely been absent from the Capitol during the debate. If the two chambers cannot agree on a final plan, he could call them into a special session and use his bully pulpit to try to force a compromise. 

READ MORE: ‘Not COVID. It’s Trump’: Lawmakers prepare for tumultuous Trumpenomics by … upending state tax structure

While the state’s top politicians debate whether Mississippi, a state that has failed to fix its high poverty rate and whose agencies continue to deal with costly lawsuits and federal investigations, national experts have cautioned that drastic tax cuts alongside a reduction in federal funding could cripple the state economy if lawmakers aren’t prudent. 

Justin Theal, senior officer at The Pew Charitable Trusts, said across the country state budget stresses are more widespread than they have been at any time since at least the COVID-19 pandemic struck in 2020, before any federal cuts were on the table.

This trajectory means legislators will need to consider how changes at both the state and federal levels could put state revenues at risk of chronically falling short of ongoing spending, Theal added.

“Federal spending cuts could ripple through Mississippi’s broader economy, particularly in sectors that depend on federal funding, contracts, or employees,” Theal said. “This could, in turn, increase demand for public services at a time when budget flexibility is already tightening.”

States that have a smaller tax bases stand to bear the brunt of slashed revenues and cuts to federal programs, said Lucy Dadayan, principal research associate with the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center.

“The uncertainty is even bigger for states like Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama and other states that have high reliance on federal funding and low fiscal capacity.” 

In late February, the Republican-controlled U.S. House passed a GOP budget blueprint with $4.5 trillion in tax breaks and $2 trillion in spending cuts despite fierce opposition from Democrats and discomfort among some Republicans.

A significant chunk of the federal budget is spent on health care, food stamps, student loans and other social service programs, which Democrats and even some Republicans worry could be on the chopping block. The implications could be dire for a poor state like Mississippi, some fear.  

“While other states are preserving revenues in anticipation of reductions to federal dollars that help deliver programs like SNAP, Medicaid, and education resources, Mississippi lawmakers are instead considering costly and regressive tax cuts,”  Butkus wrote.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

School transfer, most other ‘school choice’ measures dead in Mississippi Legislature

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mississippitoday.org – Michael Goldberg – 2025-03-14 11:44:00

A bill that would make it easier for K-12 students to transfer to other public schools outside their home districts, one of the last “school choice” measures to remain alive this session, died in the House this week.

That came after Senate leaders said House legislation easing public-to-public transfers, or “portability,” did not have the votes to pass that chamber.

The House initially responded to the Senate with a list ditch attempt to keep the measure alive by inserting language from the legislation into an unrelated bill. But Rep. Jansen Owen, the bill’s sponsor, said he knew the move would be challenged with a parliamentary point of order. Owen said opposition to portability, which he called the most basic of school choice measures, was rooted in outdated arguments.

“The opposition, they were citing things like the change in school culture and property values, which sounds a lot like the 1960s segregationist movement,” Owen said. “The only thing we were doing here was telling the school district they can’t tell me ‘no’ when I want to send my kid to another public school district. But that’s too much for Nancy Loome.”

Nancy Loome, director of the public education advocacy group, The Parents Campaign, said the measure would have harmed public school students because transportation was not provided. Few children would have real “choice,” and many would be left in schools with further reduced resources, Loome argued.

Republican House Speaker Jason White has been angered by the Senate killing most of the House’s education agenda this session, and has criticized fellow Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who oversees the Senate.

“No need to send a milquetoast, very lame Senate Education agenda back to the House, it’s not even worthy of discussion,” White said in a social media post responding to a Magnolia Tribune report. “… We showed the Senate what Mississippi’s education future looks like with the House bills, and they wholeheartedly rejected them without so much as a whisper. Mississippians are beginning to take notice of the Lt. Governor and his Senate leaders doing the bidding of the status quo.”

Bills remain alive this session that would increase tax credits available to private schools through the Children’s Promise Act.

White vowed to try other measures again next year.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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