Mississippi Today
The Sheriff, His Girlfriend and His Illegal Subpoenas
In 2014, Bryan Bailey, the sheriff of Rankin County, Miss., made what seemed like a series of routine requests of the local district attorney’s office.
He needed grand jury subpoenas, he said, to force the phone company to turn over records of calls and text messages for what he called a “confidential internal investigation.”
Sheriff Bailey scrawled a brief note on a subpoena form and gave it to a paralegal in the district attorney’s office. “Please keep this confidential between you and I,” the note read. “Possible wrongdoing by school district employee.”
But his requests had nothing to do with alleged wrongdoing, or any criminal investigation, according to a previously undisclosed report obtained by The New York Times and the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting at Mississippi Today. Instead, Sheriff Bailey tapped into the power of a grand jury at least eight times over a year to spy on his married girlfriend and the school employee with whom she was also “unfaithful,” the documents show.
The investigative report, compiled in 2016 by the district attorney at the time, Michael Guest, laid out evidence that Sheriff Bailey had duped the prosecutor’s office and potentially violated state law on fraud, a felony that carries up to five years in prison.
Mr. Guest, now a U.S. congressman and chairman of the House Committee on Ethics, decided he could not pursue the case further because of conflicts of interest, including his years long friendship with the sheriff. He told two local judges what he had discovered and passed his investigation on to the state attorney general.
And that’s where the matter ended.
According to interviews with former staff members in the attorney general’s office, no one questioned the sheriff or conducted a full investigation. Jim Hood, the attorney general at the time, asked a senior attorney to look into the matter but did not pursue criminal charges.
Neither his office nor Mr. Guest informed the state agency that oversees law enforcement certifications, even though Mr. Guest was a voting member of the board. That agency could have reviewed the allegations and possibly revoked Sheriff Bailey’s certification.
For seven years, every elected official who learned of the allegations kept them secret from the public, leaving citizens of Rankin County in the dark, even as they twice voted to re-elect Sheriff Bailey. He is on the verge of another re-election, having won the Republican primary in August and facing no opponent in November.
His conduct is the latest in a series of examples uncovered by The Times and Mississippi Today of how sheriffs in Mississippi can act with impunity, often using the power of their office to weaponize the criminal justice system for their own benefit with no risk of being held accountable, even when faced with serious allegations of abuse.
Sheriff Bailey and his department have been under national scrutiny and a federal civil rights investigation since five deputies and a local police officer pleaded guilty this year to torturing two Black men and shooting one of them in the mouth.
Sheriff Bailey did not respond to requests for comment. Nor did local officials aware of the allegations and the report, including then-Circuit Court Judges John H. Emfinger and William E. Chapman III. Mr. Guest declined to comment.
Mr. Hood said in a statement that he did not remember all the details of how the case was handled, but he insisted that his office had investigated and made the right call in not prosecuting.
He said he had passed Mr. Guest’s report on to Ed Snyder, who was a special assistant attorney general working part time. Mr. Snyder recalled receiving the report but said he was asked to “take a look,” not to investigate. He said he only reviewed what criminal statutes might be used to prosecute.
Normally, a case involving possible public corruption would have been handled by the Public Integrity Division within the attorney general’s office. Mr. Hood could not recall why he did not send the case there, but said he trusted Mr. Snyder’s judgment.
Mr. Hood’s best recollection, he said, is that he chose not to pursue charges because the sheriff had a plausible reason for investigating the people targeted by the subpoenas. He said he believed his former office’s investigation had found that those people were involved in “some criminal activity, maybe drugs or a home burglary.”
But neither of the people whose phone calls and texts were subpoenaed were ever charged in a drug or burglary case, or any other criminal case. And there is no public evidence that indicates the subpoenas were part of a criminal inquiry.
If there had been a legitimate criminal case involving Sheriff Bailey’s girlfriend, the sheriff should not have been involved in the case at all, said Matthew Steffey, a lawyer and a professor at the Mississippi College School of Law.
“There was an obvious and profound conflict of interest here,” he said. “If there was a legitimate criminal investigation, the sheriff should not have been subpoenaing his own girlfriend’s phone records. And he certainly cannot do it without the knowledge or the direction of the district attorney’s office.”
That the sheriff has not been prosecuted or otherwise held accountable, despite the evidence against him, reflects “an utter failure of our criminal justice system,” Professor Steffey added.
Mr. Guest began investigating Sheriff Bailey in the spring of 2016 after receiving a tip about his use of grand jury subpoenas.
He was initially “very doubtful” and began looking into the matter “in hopes to put these rumors quickly to rest,” he wrote in his investigative report.
But he soon discovered a series of phone record requests that appeared suspicious based on the numbers that Sheriff Bailey had targeted.
One of the numbers belonged to Kristi Pennington Shanks, an administrative assistant in the sheriff’s office who had begun a relationship with Sheriff Bailey while she was married, according to the report. The other belonged to a local school district employee with whom Ms. Shanks also had been involved, the report states.
Mr. Guest wrote in his report that his office was not part of any investigation into the school employee or Ms. Shanks. Ms. Shanks, who remains the sheriff’s girlfriend, did not respond to requests for comment.
According to copies of the subpoena requests included in Mr. Guest’s report, the first request came from a Rankin County deputy who emailed the district attorney’s office on Jan. 30, 2014. He asked a paralegal there, Kim Amason, to write up and stamp a subpoena for a list of the school employee’s outgoing phone calls that month. Ms. Amason did not respond to a request for comment.
Throughout 2014, there were at least seven more subpoenas for texts and calls associated with the numbers of the former school employee and Ms. Shanks. Most of the requests directed phone companies to send records to Sheriff Bailey.
Grand juries, composed of up to two dozen people selected from the community, operate in secret. They investigate potential crimes, subpoena evidence, compel testimony and decide whether charges should be filed.
Practices vary by state, but typically the district attorney’s office files paperwork for subpoenas on behalf of the grand jury, without a review by jurors or a judge. Law enforcement officers can request such subpoenas, serve them on the person or entity holding the records, and directly collect the evidence. Afterward, it is normal practice for officers to turn this evidence over to prosecutors, who maintain permanent investigative files on cases.
Under Mississippi law, grand jury subpoenas can be issued only to aid a legitimate criminal investigation. Violators can be prosecuted for fraud and face years in prison.
A decade ago, the state attorney general’s office under Mr. Hood charged a former Meridian police officer with wire fraud after he forged signatures on a grand jury subpoena to get his wife’s phone records when he suspected she had been unfaithful. He was convicted and spent a year in prison.
Experts said the statute of limitations had passed to bring any potential state charges that might have applied to Sheriff Bailey’s actions. But details of the case could be getting a second look by federal authorities.
Fred Shanks, whose ex-wife became Sheriff Bailey’s girlfriend and a target of his subpoenas, said he was recently interviewed by the F.B.I. Mr. Shanks is Mr. Guest’s cousin and was the source of the original tip that prompted him to investigate.
In an interview with reporters, Mr. Shanks said he told authorities several times that both his and his girlfriend’s phone’s were being improperly tracked by Sheriff Bailey.
In 2015, after he got divorced, Mr. Shanks started dating Kristen Liberto, an investigator with the Rankin County Sheriff’s Office.
Ms. Liberto said her professional relationship with the sheriff then soured. She found herself under review for leaving work to go to a chiropractor, and she discovered a tracking device attached to her car, she said. In October 2015, she said, Sheriff Bailey called her into his office and gave her two options: resign, or be arrested for filling out fraudulent timecards.
She resigned and felt “absolutely devastated,” she said.
The sheriff also demanded that Ms. Liberto return a piece of county equipment that was in her possession. “I want my tracker back,” she recalled him saying.
Then, in 2016, Mr. Shanks received a tip that Sheriff Bailey had previously obtained his and his ex-wife’s phone records. He said he immediately called Mr. Guest. “There were multiple people who could have done something about this, but they did nothing,” said Mr. Shanks, who has represented Rankin County in the Mississippi Legislature since 2018. “It begs the question, how many other people did he do this to?”
Ilyssa Daly examines the power of sheriffs’ offices in Mississippi as part of The Times’s Local Investigations Fellowship. Jerry Mitchell, co-founder of the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting that’s now part of Mississippi Today, is an investigative reporter who has examined civil rights-era cold murder cases in the state for more than 30 years.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1960
Feb. 1, 1960
Four Black freshmen students from North Carolina A&T — Franklin McCain, Joseph A. McNeil, David L. Richmond and Ezell A. Blair Jr. — began to ask themselves what they were going to do about discrimination.
“At what point does a moral man act against injustice?” McCain recalled.
McNeil spoke up. “We have a definite purpose and goal in mind,” he said, “and with God on our side, then we ask, ‘Who can be against us?’”
That afternoon, they entered Woolworth’s in downtown Greensboro. After buying toothpaste and other items inside the store, they walked to the lunch counter and sat down.
They ordered coffee, but those in charge refused to serve them. The students stood their ground by keeping their seats.
The next day, they returned with dozens of students. This time, white customers shouted racial epithets and insults at them. The students stayed put. By the next day, the number of protesting students had doubled, and by the day after, about 300 students packed not just Woolworth’s, but the S.H. Kress Store as well.
A number of the protesting students were female students from Bennett College, where students had already been gathering for NAACP Youth Council meetings and had discussed possible sit-ins.
By the end of the month, 31 sit-ins had been held in nine other Southern states, resulting in hundreds of arrests. The International Civil Rights Center & Museum has preserved this famous lunch counter and the stories of courage of those who took part in the sit-ins.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why
At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why
Nearly 100 Mississippians, some of them children, some of them law enforcement, died last year in domestic violence-related events, according to data Mississippi Today collected from multiple sources.
Information was pulled from local news stories, the Gun Violence Archive and Gun Violence Memorial and law enforcement to track locations of incidents, demographics of victims and perpetrators and any available information about court cases tied to the fatalities.
But domestic violence advocates say Mississippi needs more than numbers to save lives.
They are backing a refiled bill to create a statewide board that reviews domestic violence deaths and reveals trends, in hopes of taking preventative steps and making informed policy recommendations to lawmakers.
A pair of bills, House Bill 1551 and Senate Bill 2886, ask the state to establish a Domestic Violence Fatality Review Board. The House bill would place the board in the State Department of Public Health, which oversees similar existing boards that review child and maternal deaths, and the Senate version proposes putting the board under the Department of Public Safety.
“We have to keep people alive, but to do that, we have to have the infrastructure as a system to appropriately respond to these things,” said Stacey Riley, executive director of the Gulf Coast Center for Nonviolence and a board member of the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence.
“It’s not necessarily just law enforcement, just medical, just this,” she said. “It’s a collaborative response to this to make sure that the system has everything it needs.”
Mississippi is one of several states that do not have a domestic violence fatality review board, according to the National Domestic Violence Fatality Review Initiative.
Without one, advocates say it is impossible to know how many domestic fatalities and injuries there are in the state in any year.
Riley said data can tell the story of each person affected by domestic violence and how dangerous it can be. Her hope is that a fatality review board can lead to systemic change in how the system helps victims and survivors.
Last year, Mississippi Today began to track domestic violence fatalities similar to the way the board would be tasked to do. It found over 80 incidents in 2024 that resulted in at least 100 deaths.
Most of the victims were women killed by current and former partners, including Shaterica Bell, a mother of four allegedly shot by Donald Demario Patrick, the father of her child, in the Delta at the beginning of that year. She was found dead at the home with her infant. One of her older children went to a neighbor, who called 911.
Just before Thanksgiving on the Coast, Christopher Antoine Davis allegedly shot and killed his wife, Elena Davis, who had recently filed a protection order against him. She faced threats from him and was staying at another residence, where her husband allegedly killed her and Koritnik Graves.
The proposed fatality review board would have access to information that can help them see where interventions could have been made and opportunities for prevention, Riley said.
The board could look at whether a victim had any domestic abuse protection orders, law enforcement calls to a location, medical and mental health records, court documents and prison records on parole and probation.
In 2024, perpetrators were mostly men, which is in line with national statistics and trends about intimate partner violence.
Over a dozen perpetrators took their own lives, and at least two children – a toddler and a teenager – were killed during domestic incidents in 2024, according to Mississippi Today’s review.
Some of the fatalities were family violence, with victims dying after domestic interactions with children, parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles or cousins.
Most of the compiled deaths involved a firearm. Research has shown that more than half of all intimate partner homicides involve a firearm.
A fatality review board is meant to be multidisciplinary with members appointed by the state health officer, including members who are survivors of domestic violence and a representative from a domestic violence shelter program, according to the House bill.
Other members would include: a health and mental health professionals, a social worker, law enforcement and members of the criminal justice system – from prosecutors and judges to appointees from the Department of Public Safety and the attorney general’s office.
The House bill did not make it out of the Judiciary B Committee last year. This session’s House bill was filed by the original author, Rep. Fabian Nelson, D-Byram, and the Senate version was filed by Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula.
The Senate bill was approved by the Judiciary A Committee Thursday and will proceed to the full chamber. The House bill needs approval by the Public Health and Human Services Committee by Feb. 4.
“The idea behind this is to get at the root cause or at least to study, to look at what is leading to our domestic violence situation in the state,” Wiggins said during the Judiciary A meeting.
Luis Montgomery, a public policy and compliance specialist with the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence, has been part of drafting the House bill and is working with lawmakers as both bills go through the legislative process.
He said having state-specific, centralized data can help uncover trends that could lead to opportunities to pass policies to help victims and survivors, obtain resources from the state, educate the public and see impacts on how the judicial system handles domestic violence cases.
“It’s going to force people to have conversations they should have been having,” Montgomery said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Emergency hospital to open in Smith County
A new emergency-care hospital is set to open in Smith County early this year. It will house the rural county’s first emergency room in two decades.
Smith County Emergency Hospital in Raleigh will provide 24-hour emergency services, observation care and outpatient radiology and lab work services. Raleigh is currently a 35-minute drive from the nearest emergency room.
The hospital will operate as a division of Covington County Hospital. The Collins hospital is a part of South Central Regional Medical Center’s partnership with rural community hospitals Simpson General Hospital in Mendenhall and Magee General Hospital, all helmed by CEO Greg Gibbes.
The hospital’s opening reflects Covington County Hospital’s “deeply held mission of helping others, serving patients and trying to do it in a way that would create sustainability,” not just for its own county, but also for surrounding communities, said Gibbes at a ribbon-cutting ceremony Friday.
Renovations of the building – which previously housed Patients’ Choice Medical Center of Smith County, an acute-care facility that closed in 2023 – are complete. The facility now awaits the Mississippi Department of Health’s final inspection, which could come as soon as next week, according to Gibbes.
The hospital hopes to then be approved as a “rural emergency hospital” by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
A rural emergency hospital status allows hospitals to receive $3.3 million from the federal government each year in exchange for closing their inpatient units and transferring patients requiring stays over 24 hours to a nearby facility.
The program was created to serve as a lifeline for struggling rural hospitals at risk of closing. Six hospitals have closed in Mississippi since 2005, and 33% are at immediate risk of closure, according to the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform.
Receiving a rural emergency hospital designation will make the hospital more financially sustainable, said Gibbes. He said he has “no concerns” about the hospital being awarded the federal designation.
Mississippi has more rural emergency hospitals than any other state besides Arkansas, which also operates five. Nationwide, 34 hospitals have received the designation, according to Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services enrollment data. Over half of them are located in the Southeast.
The hospital will have a “significant economic impact” of tens of millions of dollars and has already created about 60 jobs in Smith County, Gibbes said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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