Mississippi Today
State leaders still won’t fix scandalous welfare program that serves few poor families
State leaders still won’t fix scandalous welfare program that serves few poor families
Now that Mississippi’s welfare department isn’t hemorrhaging federal grant funds as a result of widespread mismanagement and political corruption, it has over $100 million to spare.
But the agency, Mississippi Department of Human Services, won’t say what it’s going to do with the money; whether it’s going to try to reach more needy families; or how it’s going to finally start tracking outcomes of the program.
In the three years following arrests in the largest public fraud scandal in state history, the agency led by Gov. Tate Reeves has never released a full accounting of its current welfare expenditures. There isn’t even a list of organizations receiving the funding on the agency’s website, nor are its subgrant agreements available online.
And lawmakers, in their seventh week of the Legislative session, haven’t taken one action to address the logjam. Instead, they’ve killed at least 11 bills aimed at improving the administration of the agency and its funds, as well as at least five amendments offered to do the same on the floors of both chambers.
All the bills filed to address these problems were killed by Republican committee chairs without debate, and all the amendments were introduced by Democrats and voted down by Republicans, primarily along party lines.
“(Mississippi Department of Human Services) has certainly not held up to its mission or its responsibility to those who need it the most,” said Rep. Omeria Scott, D-Jones, who offered an amendment to the MDHS appropriations bill on Wednesday to make increases to the agency’s budget, which Republicans reduced. “I do hate that through the general bills process that there was no legislation for a board, or no legislation for any of these audits that are in this appropriations bill, that we got any reports or any demands or anything like that. That has not been before us, and I imagine won’t be before us, but let me say to you that there are areas over there in Human Services that need some escalation.”
While Republican leadership says it has cleaned up fraud within the agency, that doesn’t mean the welfare program, called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, is reaching the needy or helping people enter the workforce. In fact, during the height of the scandal, the state was using more of its TANF funds to help more poor Mississippians than it is today.
In 2022, a monthly average of 246 adults and 2,265 children benefited from the welfare check — no more than $260 for a family of three (a rate that was raised in 2021 for the first time since 1999). Mississippi is consistently among the most impoverished states in the nation with 1-in-5 of its residents living below the poverty line. The assistance is reaching about 4% of the more than half-a-million Mississippians living in poverty.
Meanwhile, the state continues to rack up tens of millions in welfare funds. By October of 2021, more than a year ago, Mississippi’s TANF program had amassed $97.9 million in unobligated funds. While the agency hasn’t released data showing how they spent the money within the last year, all indications are that the number of unspent TANF funds has only grown, especially since the state didn’t issue a single new TANF subgrant in 2022.
In October, MDHS Director Bob Anderson hesitated to say how his agency might spend the money, or whether it would use the funds to, for example, increase the number of child care vouchers it is able to provide to low-income families.
“Understand, people have a lot of other plans for that money as well,” Anderson said.
MDHS has refused to answer Mississippi Today’s questions about which people and what plans.
The sections of the TANF program that have received most public attention are:
- Cash assistance — the money that goes out directly to families who qualify for the welfare check
- Subgrants — the money that goes to organizations to provide TANF-related services, such as after school programs, parenting classes and workforce training
But these currently account for less than half of the state’s annual federal TANF grant.
And according to the state’s checkbook, the state spends millions of TANF funds each year on items outside of cash assistance or TANF subgrants — such as IT contracts, a contract with the company who conducts drug testing of welfare applicants, interagency transfers to the state auditor’s office or payments to the attorneys crafting the civil case against NFL legend Brett Favre and others. There has not been a public accounting of these purchases, nor have they been discussed in audits, legislative hearings or among lawmakers publicly.
Each year, the state also transfers a large chunk of TANF funds, the amount unknown to the public, to Mississippi Child Protection Services, the embattled state agency responsible for investigating child abuse and neglect and overseeing foster care across the state. The financial maneuver is preventing the state from taking advantage of unprecedented federal matching funds offered under the 2018 Family First Prevention Services Act to help families stay intact.
Aside from the scandalous stories about politicians and famous athletes funneling TANF money to their pet projects during former Gov. Phil Bryant’s administration, the welfare program itself is as forgotten and ignored as it was before the arrests.
Lawmakers passed a bill in 2021 to place law enforcement officers within MDHS’s Fraud Investigation Unit and a bill in 2022 to require that employees of the unit report civil or criminal violations to the state auditor’s office.
Neither of these changed how the agency runs its TANF grant or introduced any accountability for the agency to spend the money effectively.
In 2021, the first full year after the scandal was revealed, Mississippi spent just $35.6 million of the $86.5 million it receives in federal funds each year, according to federal reports released in December. The reports are typically outdated by about a year.
To put that into perspective: In 2018, Mississippi spent about $113 million in federal TANF funds (including some unspent funds from years before). If $50 million of that went to fraudulent or unallowed purchases, that leaves $63 million that Mississippi spent legally that year, including to organizations similar to those providing services today.
In 2018, at the height of the fraud scandal, the state pumped $7.3 million directly to families, whereas it only gave $3.5 million in cash assistance in 2021. Either way you slice it, Mississippi’s welfare department was using more TANF money to help more poor Mississippians during the years of Bryant’s appointed former MDHS Director John Davis, who is likely going to prison, than the agency is today under Reeves and Anderson.
Mississippi Department of Human Services previously told the public that it is allocating about $69 million of its TANF funds each year — $4.1 million on cash assistance, $34.5 million on subgrants to organizations and $30 million to plug budget holes at the Mississippi Department of Child Protection Services.
But it has not made documentation of these expenditures available to the public. Also, these figures are not clearly reflected in federal reports. In 2021, for example, the state only reported spending $15 million in TANF funds on “child welfare” – the only spending category that would appear to correspond with the CPS transfers.
The agency would not explain the reason for the discrepancies in the federal reporting, other than to say that it’s possible not all of the money that the state obligated was actually used. The department has also repeatedly failed to explain which purchases fall under which categories in the federal reports.
The state is allowed to use grant funds from one year to another for a period of three years. So funds being spent today could technically be coming from the state’s 2021 TANF grant. That, and the fact that some subgrants span more than one year, during which the subgrantee can draw the funds at their leisure, have perpetually created a foggy picture of the program.
The only documentation of TANF expenditures that MDHS appears to have made public, at the request of Mississippi Today, is a list of subgrantees to whom the state awards a fraction of the funds. This information does not appear on the agency’s website, nor in its annual report.
In mid-2020, the department provided to Mississippi Today a spreadsheet of TANF purchases that included, in addition to payments to subgrantees, expenditures for things like tech support or hotels for employee training. In October, Mississippi Today extracted and analyzed all purchases labeled under the TANF program from the state’s accounting database from 2015 to 2022, all of which Mississippi Today made publicly available, but the expenditures didn’t add up to nearly the amount the state reported spending to the federal government. Transfers from MDHS to CPS also do not appear on the state’s accounting database.
The department began the most recent Request for Proposals — a competitive bid process — for TANF subgrants in June of 2022. But due to staff changes within MDHS’s Division of Workforce Development and Partnership Management, a spokesperson said, the agency has not made an award.
“Once we have a finalized plan we will make a public announcement,” MDHS Chief Communication Officer Mark Jones offered in response to questions about the agency’s plan for the TANF program moving forward.
Even with the grants most recently awarded in 2021, it’s unclear what all of the organizations are accomplishing or how the programs align with a vision to reduce poverty. The current grants cover parenting initiatives ($8.1 million), after school programs ($13.7 million), and workforce development ($14.9 million). The subgrant agreements aren’t even available on Mississippi’s transparency website.
The largest award was a $6.9 million parenting initiative grant to Mississippi Children’s Home Society, or Canopy Solutions, a children’s behavioral health services provider, including a residential psychiatric facility. Canopy has been a TANF subgrantee for years and works within the foster care system to prevent family separations. Canopy also recently launched a specialized nonprofit school for students with learning differences in Ridgeland, essentially replacing the recently shuttered New Summit School by hiring its employees and recruiting its students.
New Summit closed after its founder Nancy New was charged within the welfare scandal. New was funneling TANF money to New Summit, a for-profit school, and also running a separate scam to defraud the Mississippi Department of Education, she admitted in her 2022 guilty pleas.
Other current TANF subgrantees include the Mississippi Alliance of Boys and Girls Clubs ($5.3 million), Save the Children Federation ($2.4 million), YMCA Metro Jackson ($1 million), and Juanita Sims Doty Foundation ($1 million) for afterschool programs; and Institutions of Higher Learning ($2.4 million), Mississippi Department of Employment Security ($1.5 million), South Delta Planning and Development District ($2.1 million), Southern MS Planning and Development District Gulfport ($3.6 million), Three Rivers Planning & Development District ($4.7 million) for workforce training.
Since welfare reform in the late 1990s, state leaders, workforce specialists, industry experts and advocates have met, studied, and discussed ad nauseam the barriers they’ve identified for families escaping poverty – chief among them child care, transportation and workforce training that aligns with market needs. The concept of TANF when Congress created it was to move people into the workforce, hopefully ending the reliance on government assistance.
Mississippi could be transferring up to 30% of its TANF funding to supplement the Child Care Development Block Grant, which provides child care vouchers to low-income working parents. The program has always served just a small fraction of low-income children needing child care across the state.
While legislation is not required for MDHS to make this transfer – since it has done so in the past, according to federal reports – the current Legislature has killed bills and amendments to compel MDHS to use TANF funds this way. And the agency refuses to answer questions about whether it will or, if not, why it won’t. The agency has, however, complained that without a budget supplement, 12,000 kids may be kicked off the voucher.
“From the beginning of the (TANF) program, there have been thoughts like, ‘We need to figure out a way to provide daycare. We need to figure out a way to provide transportation and that will help get a large number of people back into the workforce,’ which is said to be the aim of all these reforms,” Senate Public Health Committee Chair Hob Bryan, D-Amory, said during a floor debate on several TANF-related amendments last week. “And it is extremely frustrating that we have money that could be used for additional vouchers for childcare, so that there would be someone to care for children when their parent is at work and we’re not taking advantage of that. And yet we complain about people not working.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
If Tate Reeves calls a tax cut special session, Senate has the option to do nothing
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An illness is spreading through the Mississippi Capitol: special session fever.
Speculation is rampant that Gov. Tate Reeves will call a special session if the Senate does not acquiesce to his and the House leadership’s wishes to eliminate the state personal income tax.
Reeves and House leaders are fond of claiming that the about 30% of general fund revenue lost by eliminating the income tax can be offset by growth in other state tax revenue.
House leaders can produce fancy charts showing that the average annual 3% growth rate in state revenue collections can more than offset the revenue lost from a phase out of the income tax.
What is lost in the fancy charts is that the historical 3% growth rate in state revenue includes growth in the personal income tax, which is the second largest source of state revenue. Any growth rate will entail much less revenue if it does not include a 3% growth in the income tax, which would be eliminated if the governor and House leaders have their way. This is important because historically speaking, as state revenue grows so does the cost of providing services, from pay to state employees, to health care costs, to transportation costs, to utility costs and so on.
This does not even include the fact that historically speaking, many state entities providing services have been underfunded by the Legislature, ranging from education to health care, to law enforcement, to transportation. Again, the list goes on and on.
And don’t forget a looming $25 billion shortfall in the state’s Public Employee Retirement System that could create chaos at some point.
But should the Senate not agree to the elimination of the income tax and Reeves calls a special session, there will be tremendous pressure on the Senate leadership, particularly Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, the chamber’s presiding officer.
Generally speaking, a special session will provide more advantages for the eliminate-the-income-tax crowd.
First off, it will be two against one. When the governor and one chamber of the Legislature are on the same page, it is often more difficult for the other chamber to prevail.
The Mississippi Constitution gives the governor sole authority to call a special session and set an agenda. But the Legislature does have discretion in how that agenda is carried out.
And the Legislature always has the option to do nothing during the special session. Simply adjourn and go home is an option.
But the state constitution also says if one chamber is in session, the other house cannot remain out of session for more than three days.
In other words, theoretically, the House and governor working together could keep the Senate in session all year.
In theory, senators could say they are not going to yield to the governor’s wishes and adjourn the special session. But if the House remained in session, the Senate would have to come back in three days. The Senate could then adjourn again, but be forced to come back if the House stubbornly remained in session.
The process could continue all year.
But in the real world, there does not appear to be a mechanism — constitutionally speaking — to force the Senate to come back. The Mississippi Constitution does say members can be “compelled” to attend a session in order to have a quorum, but many experts say that language would not be relevant to make an entire chamber return to session after members had voted to adjourn.
In the past, one chamber has failed to return to the Capitol and suffered no consequences after the other remained in session for more than three days.
As a side note, the Mississippi Constitution does give the governor the authority to end a special session should the two chambers not agree on adjournment. In the early 2000s, then-Gov. Ronnie Musgrove ended a special session when the House and Senate could not agree on a plan to redraw the state’s U.S. House districts to adhere to population shifts found by the U.S. Census.
But would Reeves want to end the special session without approval of his cherished income tax elimination plan?
Probably not.
In 2002 there famously was an 82-day special session to consider proposals to provide businesses more protection from lawsuits. No effort was made to adjourn that session. It just dragged on until the House finally agreed to a significant portion of the Senate plan to provide more lawsuit protection.
In 1969, a special session lasted most of the summer when the Legislature finally agreed to a proposal of then-Gov. John Bell Williams to opt into the federal Medicaid program.
In both those instances, those wanting something passed — Medicaid in the 1960s and lawsuit protections in the 2000s — finally prevailed.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1898
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Feb. 22, 1898
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Frazier Baker, the first Black postmaster of the small town of Lake City, South Carolina, and his baby daughter, Julia, were killed, and his wife and three other daughters were injured when a lynch mob attacked.
When President William McKinley appointed Baker the previous year, local whites began to attack Baker’s abilities. Postal inspectors determined the accusations were unfounded, but that didn’t halt those determined to destroy him.
Hundreds of whites set fire to the post office, where the Bakers lived, and reportedly fired up to 100 bullets into their home. Outraged citizens in town wrote a resolution describing the attack and 25 years of “lawlessness” and “bloody butchery” in the area.
Crusading journalist Ida B. Wells wrote the White House about the attack, noting that the family was now in the Black hospital in Charleston “and when they recover sufficiently to be discharged, they) have no dollar with which to buy food, shelter or raiment.
McKinley ordered an investigation that led to charges against 13 men, but no one was ever convicted. The family left South Carolina for Boston, and later that year, the first nationwide civil rights organization in the U.S., the National Afro-American Council, was formed.
In 2019, the Lake City post office was renamed to honor Frazier Baker.
“We, as a family, are glad that the recognition of this painful event finally happened,” his great-niece, Dr. Fostenia Baker said. “It’s long overdue.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Memorial Health System takes over Biloxi hospital, what will change?
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by Justin Glowacki with contributions from Rasheed Ambrose, Javion Henry, McKenna Klamm, Matt Martin and Aidan Tarrant
BILOXI – On Feb. 1, Memorial Health System officially took over Merit Health Biloxi, solidifying its position as the dominant healthcare provider in the region. According to Fitch Ratings, Memorial now controls more than 85% of the local health care market.
This isn’t Memorial’s first hospital acquisition. In 2019, it took over Stone County Hospital and expanded services. Memorial considers that transition a success and expects similar results in Biloxi.
However, health care experts caution that when one provider dominates a market, it can lead to higher prices and fewer options for patients.
Expanding specialty care and services
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One of the biggest benefits of the acquisition, according to Kristian Spear, the new administrator of Memorial Hospital Biloxi, will be access to Memorial’s referral network.
By joining Memorial’s network, Biloxi patients will have access to more services, over 40 specialties and over 100 clinics.
“Everything that you can get at Gulfport, you will have access to here through the referral system,” Spear said.
One of the first improvements will be the reopening of the Radiation Oncology Clinic at Cedar Lake, which previously shut down due to “availability shortages,” though hospital administration did not expand on what that entailed.
“In the next few months, the community will see a difference,” Spear said. “We’re going to bring resources here that they haven’t had.”
Beyond specialty care, Memorial is also expanding hospital services and increasing capacity. Angela Benda, director of quality and performance improvement at Memorial Hospital Biloxi, said the hospital is focused on growth.
“We’re a 153-bed hospital, and we average a census of right now about 30 to 40 a day. It’s not that much, and so, the plan is just to grow and give more services,” Benda said. “So, we’re going to expand on the fifth floor, open up more beds, more admissions, more surgeries, more provider presence, especially around the specialties like cardiology and OB-GYN and just a few others like that.”
For patient Kenneth Pritchett, a Biloxi resident for over 30 years, those changes couldn’t come soon enough.
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Pritchett, who was diagnosed with congestive heart failure, received treatment at Merit Health Biloxi. He currently sees a cardiologist in Cedar Lake, a 15-minute drive on the interstate. He says having a cardiologist in Biloxi would make a difference.
“Yes, it’d be very helpful if it was closer,” Pritchett said. “That’d be right across the track instead of going on the interstate.”
Beyond specialty services and expanded capacity, Memorial is upgrading medical equipment and renovating the hospital to improve both function and appearance. As far as a timeline for these changes, Memorial said, “We are taking time to assess the needs and will make adjustments that make sense for patient care and employee workflow as time and budget allow.”
Unanswered questions: insurance and staffing
As Memorial Health System takes over Merit Health Biloxi, two major questions remain:
- Will patients still be covered under the same insurance plans?
- Will current hospital staff keep their jobs?
Insurance Concerns
Memorial has not finalized agreements with all insurance providers and has not provided a timeline for when those agreements will be in place.
In a statement, the hospital said:
“Memorial recommends that patients contact their insurance provider to get their specific coverage questions answered. However, patients should always seek to get the care they need, and Memorial will work through the financial process with the payers and the patients afterward.”
We asked Memorial Health System how the insurance agreements were handled after it acquired Stone County Hospital. They said they had “no additional input.”
What about hospital staff?
According to Spear, Merit Health Biloxi had around 500 employees.
“A lot of the employees here have worked here for many, many years. They’re very loyal. I want to continue that, and I want them to come to me when they have any concerns, questions, and I want to work with this team together,” Spear said.
She explained that there will be a 90-day transitional period where all employees are integrated into Memorial Health System’s software.
“Employees are not going to notice much of a difference. They’re still going to come to work. They’re going to do their day-to-day job. Over the next few months, we will probably do some transitioning of their computer system. But that’s not going to be right away.”
The transition to new ownership also means Memorial will evaluate how the hospital is operated and determine if changes need to be made.
“As we get it and assess the different workflows and the different policies, there will be some changes to that over time. Just it’s going to take time to get in here and figure that out.”
During this 90-day period, Erin Rosetti, Communications Manager at Memorial Health System said, “Biloxi employees in good standing will transition to Memorial at the same pay rate and equivalent job title.”
Kent Nicaud, President and CEO of Memorial Health System, said in a statement that the hospital is committed to “supporting our staff and ensuring they are aligned with the long-term vision of our health system.”
What research says about hospital consolidations
While Memorial is promising improvements, larger trends in hospital mergers raise important questions.
Research published by the Rand Corporation, a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization, found that research into hospital consolidations reported increased prices anywhere from 3.9% to 65%, even among nonprofit hospitals.
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The impact on patient care is mixed. Some studies suggest merging hospitals can streamline services and improve efficiency. Others indicate mergers reduce competition, which can drive up costs without necessarily improving care.
When asked about potential changes to the cost of care, hospital leaders declined to comment until after negations with insurance companies are finalized, but did clarify Memorial’s “prices are set.”
“We have a proven record of being able to go into institutions and transform them,” said Angie Juzang, Vice President of Marketing and Community Relations at Memorial Health System.
When Memorial acquired Stone County Hospital, it expanded the emergency room to provide 24/7 emergency room coverage and renovated the interior.
When asked whether prices increased after the Stone County acquisition, Memorial responded:
“Our presence has expanded access to health care for everyone in Stone County and the surrounding communities. We are providing quality healthcare, regardless of a patient’s ability to pay.”
The response did not directly address whether prices went up — leaving the question unanswered.
The bigger picture: Hospital consolidations on the rise
According to health care consulting firm Kaufman Hall, hospital mergers and acquisitions are returning to pre-pandemic levels and are expected to increase through 2025.
Hospitals are seeking stronger financial partnerships to help expand services and remain stable in an uncertain health care market.
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Source: Kaufman Hall M&A Review
Proponents of hospital consolidations argue mergers help hospitals operate more efficiently by:
- Sharing resources.
- Reducing overhead costs.
- Negotiating better supply pricing.
However, opponents warn few competitors in a market can:
- Reduce incentives to lower prices.
- Slow wage increases for hospital staff.
- Lessen the pressure to improve services.
Leemore Dafny, PhD, a professor at Harvard and former deputy director for health care and antitrust at the Federal Trade Commission’s Bureau of Economics, has studied hospital consolidations extensively.
In testimony before Congress, she warned: “When rivals merge, prices increase, and there’s scant evidence of improvements in the quality of care that patients receive. There is also a fair amount of evidence that quality of care decreases.”
Meanwhile, an American Hospital Association analysis found consolidations lead to a 3.3% reduction in annual operating expenses and a 3.7% reduction in revenue per patient.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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