Mississippi Today
Senate has little appetite for changing the difficult way it restores suffrage to convicted felons
Kenneth Almons told a group of about 16 state lawmakers inside crowded Room 113 at the state Capitol earlier this year that if he could ever regain his right to vote, he could actually demonstrate the importance of voting to his children.
But until that happens, he will carry a massive albatross around his neck over a mistake he made over 30 years ago, he said.
“If you can’t vote, you’re nobody,” Almons said. “And in the public’s eye, I’m a nobody.”
The cold, hard truth is that most Mississippi legislators haven’t shown any desire to change Almons’ mind or taken any significant steps to show him they don’t consider him a nobody.
A 51-year-old Jackson resident, Almons was convicted of armed robbery when he was 17 years old and was released from the Mississippi State Penitentiary, commonly known as Parchman, when he was 23.
For the last 28 years, he hasn’t been convicted of a speeding infraction, much less another felony, he told the state officials. Instead, he’s run his own business, currently works for the city of Jackson, has raised three children and has, by most standards, been a picture-perfect example of what legislators would consider being rehabilitated back into society.
“You’ve been more productive than people who have never even seen the inside of a prison,” House Minority Leader Robert Johnson III said to Almons during an April 17 hearing.
But because he was convicted of armed robbery and aggravated assault as a teenager, he still cannot cast a vote in a Mississippi election and, despite paying taxes for decades, has no direct say in who represents him in government.
This is because the Mississippi Constitution imposes a lifetime voting ban on people convicted of 10 types of crimes. An Attorney General’s opinion expanded that list to 22 specific crimes.
Not every felony crime is a disenfranchising crime – only certain felonies. This is largely because the racist framers of the Jim Crow-era 1890 constitution selected disenfranchising crimes that they believed were more likely to be committed by Black people.
Thousands of people like Almons have only two ways to get their voting rights back. Both paths are up to elected state officials.
A governor could restore someone’s voting rights, but a governor has not issued such a pardon since Republican Gov. Haley Barbour left office in 2012.
The other way for someone to get their voting rights back is for two-thirds of the lawmakers in both chambers to agree on restoring suffrage. But this process is incredibly burdensome and subject to the political whims of the day.
For starters, not every person knows a lawmaker who can introduce a suffrage bill on their behalf, and not every lawmaker is willing to introduce a suffrage bill. If those disenfranchised felons are unhappy with the lawmaker who won’t introduce a suffrage bill, they have no way to vote their local legislator out of office because they can’t vote.
The other reality is suffrage restoration bills are not voted on until the final days of the legislation session, which is usually the time when lawmakers are fighting with each other and are ready to leave Jackson.
While any lawmaker can introduce a suffrage restoration bill for anyone, legislative leaders in both chambers have adopted unofficial rules that virtually prohibit lawmakers from considering suffrage restoration measures for people convicted of violent felony offenses, no matter how long ago the crime was or if a person has ever committed another felony.
Republican Sen. Walter Michel of Ridgeland told reporters earlier this year that he would never agree to restore voting rights to someone who used a weapon to commit a crime, such as Almons’ armed robbery conviction.
“Somebody that’s willing to put a gun to somebody’s head or steal a car or steal their personal property, I’m not interested in having them vote on laws or vote on people,” Michel said. “That’s just my opinion on that.”
With violent crimes out of the question, that only leaves nonviolent offenses up for consideration. But the two chambers of the Capitol can’t even agree on a plan to streamline the suffrage restoration process for people convicted of nonviolent felony offenses.
The GOP-majority House this session overwhelmingly passed a proposal that created an automatic process for people previously convicted of some nonviolent felony offenses to have their voting rights restored.
It wouldn’t have given Almons his suffrage back, but it would have been a small step forward in streamlining the convoluted process that Mississippi uses to restore voting rights.
Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann double referred the House measure to the Constitution Committee and Judiciary B Committee. Senate Constitution Committee Chairwoman Angela Burks Hil refused to bring the bill up for debate and killed the measure.
Hill, a Republican from Picayune, has not publicly articulated why she killed the measure other than offering a cryptic explanation that “the Constitution speaks for itself.”
Hosemann told reporters during the final days of the session that he personally supports efforts to restore voting rights to nonviolent felons who have completed all the terms of their sentences. However, he believes most of the Senate wouldn’t agree to the House proposal.
“Just giving a blanket is pretty hard,” Hosemann said. “My senators want to vote individually and go through them one at a time.”
House Speaker Jason White, a Republican from West, told reporters last month that he believes the House will continue to push for felony suffrage reform partly because he believes it would reduce the state’s recidivism rate and give people a second chance at a successful life
White, an attorney, said he often has clients who approach him asking how they can get a crime expunged from their record or get their voting rights restored. All of those clients, he said, are people who have made a deliberate effort to rehabilitate their lives and are looking to have their dignity restored.
“I’ve never once had a career criminal drug dealer who is still in the middle of crime activity wanting to clean up and get his voting rights restored,” White said. “The people that show up are the people that have totally cleaned up their life and … want to take part in their community.”
If the House passes a similar version during the 2025 session, Hosemann could use his legislative power to simply refer it to the Judiciary B Committee, which has jurisdiction over the criminal code, and not allow the Constitution Committee to consider it.
But if Hosemann’s comments about the Senate’s beliefs are accurate, Mississippi will be stuck with one of the most convoluted, processes for granting voting rights back to convicted felons unless those senators change their minds.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1911
Dec. 21, 1911
Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia.
When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs.
He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame.
The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays.
Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1958
Dec. 20, 1958
Bruce Boynton was heading home on a Trailways bus when he arrived in Richmond, Virginia, at about 8 p.m. The 21-year-old student at Howard University School of Law — whose parents, Amelia Boynton Robinson and Sam Boynton, were at the forefront of the push for equal voting rights in Selma — headed for the restaurant inside the bus terminal.
The “Black” section looked “very unsanitary,” with water on the floor. The “white” section looked “clinically clean,” so he sat down and asked a waitress for a cheeseburger and a tea. She asked him to move to the “Black” section. An assistant manager followed, poking his finger in his face and hurling a racial epithet. Then an officer handcuffed him, arresting him for trespassing.
Boynton spent the night in jail and was fined $10, but the law student wouldn’t let it go. Knowing the law, he appealed, saying the “white” section in the bus terminal’s restaurant violated the Interstate Commerce Act. Two years later, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed. “Interstate passengers have to eat, and they have a right to expect that this essential transportation food service,” Justice Hugo Black wrote, “would be rendered without discrimination prohibited by the Interstate Commerce Act.”
A year later, dozens of Freedom Riders rode on buses through the South, testing the law. In 1965, Boynton’s mother was beaten unconscious on the day known as “Bloody Sunday,” where law enforcement officials beat those marching across the Selma bridge in Alabama. The photograph of Bruce Boynton holding his mother after her beating went around the world, inspiring changes in voting rights laws.
He worked the rest of his life as a civil rights attorney and died in 2020.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
‘Something to be proud of’: Dual-credit students in Mississippi go to college at nation’s highest rate
Mississippi high school students who take dual-credit courses go to college at the nation’s highest rate, according to a recent report.
It’s generally true that students who take college classes while in high school attend college at higher rates than their peers. Earlier this year, a study from the Community College Research Center at Teacher’s College, Columbia University found that nationally, 81% of dual-credit students go to college.
In Mississippi, that number shoots up to 93%, meaning the vast majority of the state’s high school students who take college classes enroll in a two- or four-year university.
“When we did this ranking, boom, right to the top it went,” said John Fink, a senior research associate and program lead at the research center who co-authored the study.
State officials say there’s likely no silver bullet for the high rate at which Mississippi’s dual-credit students enroll in college. Here, “dual credit” means a course that students can take for both high school and college credit. It’s different from “dual enrollment,” which refers to a high school student who is also enrolled at a community college.
In the last 10 years, participation in these programs has virtually exploded among Mississippi high school students. In 2014, about 5,900 students took dual-credit courses in Mississippi, according to the Mississippi Community College Board.
Now, it’s more than 18,000.
“It reduces time to completion on the post-secondary level,” said Kell Smith, Mississippi C0mmunity College Board’s executive director. “It potentially reduces debt because students are taking classes at the community college while they’re still in high school, and it also just exposes high school students to what post-secondary course work is like.”
“It’s something to be proud of,” he added.
There are numerous reasons why Mississippi’s dual-credit courses have been attracting more and more students and helping them enroll in college at the nation’s highest rate, officials say.
With a few college credits under their belt, students may be more inspired to go for a college degree since it’s closer in reach. Dual-credit courses can also build confidence in students who were on the fence about college without requiring them to take a high-stakes test in the spring. And the Mississippi Department of Education’s accountability model ensures that school districts are offering advanced courses like dual credit.
Plus, Mississippi’s 15 community colleges reach more corners of the state, meaning districts that may not be able to offer Advanced Placement courses can likely partner with a nearby community college.
“They’re sometimes like the only provider in many communities, and they’re oftentimes the most affordable providers,” Fink said.
Test score requirements can pose a barrier to students who want to take dual-credit courses, but that may be less of a factor in Mississippi. While the state requires students to score a 19 on ACT Math to take certain courses, which is above the state average, a 17 on the ACT Reading, below the state average of 17.9, is enough for other courses.
Transportation is another barrier that many high schools have eliminated by offering dual-credit courses on their campuses, making it so students don’t have to commute to the community colleges to take classes.
“They can leave one classroom, go next door, and they’re sitting in a college class,” said Wendy Clemons, the Mississippi Department of Education’s associate state superintendent for secondary education.
This also means high school counselors can work directly with dual-credit students to encourage them to pursue some form of college.
“It is much less difficult to graduate and not go to college when you already possess 12 hours of credit,” Clemons said.
Word-of-mouth is just as key.
“First of all, I think parents and community members know more about it,” Clemons said, “They have almost come to expect it, in a way.”
This all translates to benefits to students. Students who take dual-credit courses are more likely to finish college on time. They can save on student debt.
But not all Mississippi students are benefiting equally, Fink said. Thr research center’s report found that Black students in Mississippi and across the country were less likely to pursue dual-credit opportunities.
“The challenge like we see in essentially every state is that who’s in dual enrollment is not really reflective of who’s in high school,” Fink said.
Without more study, it’s hard to say specifically why this disparity exists in Mississippi, but Fink said research has generally shown it stems from elitist beliefs about who qualifies for dual-credit courses. Test score requirements can be another factor, along with underresourced school districts.
“The conventional thinking is (that) dual enrollment is just … another gifted-and-talented program?” Fink said. “It has all this baggage that is racialized … versus, are we thinking about these as opportunities for any high school student?”
Another factor may be the cost of dual-credit courses, which is not uniform throughout the state. Depending on where they live, some students may pay more for dual-credit courses depending on the agreements their school districts have struck with local community colleges and universities.
This isn’t just an equity issue for students — it affects the institutions, too.
“You know, we’ve seen that dual-credit at the community college level can be a double-edged sword,” Smith said. “We lose students who oftentimes … want to stay as long as they can, but there are only so many hours they can take at a community college.
Dual-credit courses, which are often offered at a free or reduced price, can also result in less revenue to the college.
“Dual credit does come at a financial price for some community colleges, because of the deeply discounted rates that they offer it,” Smith said. “The more students that you have taking dual-credit courses, the more the colleges can lose.”
State officials are also working to turn the double-edged sword into a win-win for students and institutions.
One promising direction is career-technical education. Right now, the vast majority of dual credit students enroll in academic courses, such as general education classes like Composition 1 or 2 that they will need for any kind of college degree.
“CTE is far more expensive to teach,” Clemons said.
Smith hopes that state officials can work to offer more dual-credit career-technical classes.
“If a student knows they want to enroll in career-tech in one of our community colleges, let’s load them up,” Smith said. “Those students are more likely to enter the workforce quicker. If you want to take the career-tech path, that’s your ultimate goal.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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