Mississippi Today
Senate has little appetite for changing the difficult way it restores suffrage to convicted felons
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Kenneth Almons told a group of about 16 state lawmakers inside crowded Room 113 at the state Capitol earlier this year that if he could ever regain his right to vote, he could actually demonstrate the importance of voting to his children.
But until that happens, he will carry a massive albatross around his neck over a mistake he made over 30 years ago, he said.
“If you can’t vote, you’re nobody,” Almons said. “And in the public’s eye, I’m a nobody.”
The cold, hard truth is that most Mississippi legislators haven’t shown any desire to change Almons’ mind or taken any significant steps to show him they don’t consider him a nobody.
A 51-year-old Jackson resident, Almons was convicted of armed robbery when he was 17 years old and was released from the Mississippi State Penitentiary, commonly known as Parchman, when he was 23.
For the last 28 years, he hasn’t been convicted of a speeding infraction, much less another felony, he told the state officials. Instead, he’s run his own business, currently works for the city of Jackson, has raised three children and has, by most standards, been a picture-perfect example of what legislators would consider being rehabilitated back into society.
“You’ve been more productive than people who have never even seen the inside of a prison,” House Minority Leader Robert Johnson III said to Almons during an April 17 hearing.
But because he was convicted of armed robbery and aggravated assault as a teenager, he still cannot cast a vote in a Mississippi election and, despite paying taxes for decades, has no direct say in who represents him in government.
This is because the Mississippi Constitution imposes a lifetime voting ban on people convicted of 10 types of crimes. An Attorney General’s opinion expanded that list to 22 specific crimes.
Not every felony crime is a disenfranchising crime – only certain felonies. This is largely because the racist framers of the Jim Crow-era 1890 constitution selected disenfranchising crimes that they believed were more likely to be committed by Black people.
Thousands of people like Almons have only two ways to get their voting rights back. Both paths are up to elected state officials.
A governor could restore someone’s voting rights, but a governor has not issued such a pardon since Republican Gov. Haley Barbour left office in 2012.
The other way for someone to get their voting rights back is for two-thirds of the lawmakers in both chambers to agree on restoring suffrage. But this process is incredibly burdensome and subject to the political whims of the day.
For starters, not every person knows a lawmaker who can introduce a suffrage bill on their behalf, and not every lawmaker is willing to introduce a suffrage bill. If those disenfranchised felons are unhappy with the lawmaker who won’t introduce a suffrage bill, they have no way to vote their local legislator out of office because they can’t vote.
The other reality is suffrage restoration bills are not voted on until the final days of the legislation session, which is usually the time when lawmakers are fighting with each other and are ready to leave Jackson.
While any lawmaker can introduce a suffrage restoration bill for anyone, legislative leaders in both chambers have adopted unofficial rules that virtually prohibit lawmakers from considering suffrage restoration measures for people convicted of violent felony offenses, no matter how long ago the crime was or if a person has ever committed another felony.
Republican Sen. Walter Michel of Ridgeland told reporters earlier this year that he would never agree to restore voting rights to someone who used a weapon to commit a crime, such as Almons’ armed robbery conviction.
“Somebody that’s willing to put a gun to somebody’s head or steal a car or steal their personal property, I’m not interested in having them vote on laws or vote on people,” Michel said. “That’s just my opinion on that.”
With violent crimes out of the question, that only leaves nonviolent offenses up for consideration. But the two chambers of the Capitol can’t even agree on a plan to streamline the suffrage restoration process for people convicted of nonviolent felony offenses.
The GOP-majority House this session overwhelmingly passed a proposal that created an automatic process for people previously convicted of some nonviolent felony offenses to have their voting rights restored.
It wouldn’t have given Almons his suffrage back, but it would have been a small step forward in streamlining the convoluted process that Mississippi uses to restore voting rights.
Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann double referred the House measure to the Constitution Committee and Judiciary B Committee. Senate Constitution Committee Chairwoman Angela Burks Hil refused to bring the bill up for debate and killed the measure.
Hill, a Republican from Picayune, has not publicly articulated why she killed the measure other than offering a cryptic explanation that “the Constitution speaks for itself.”
Hosemann told reporters during the final days of the session that he personally supports efforts to restore voting rights to nonviolent felons who have completed all the terms of their sentences. However, he believes most of the Senate wouldn’t agree to the House proposal.
“Just giving a blanket is pretty hard,” Hosemann said. “My senators want to vote individually and go through them one at a time.”
House Speaker Jason White, a Republican from West, told reporters last month that he believes the House will continue to push for felony suffrage reform partly because he believes it would reduce the state’s recidivism rate and give people a second chance at a successful life
White, an attorney, said he often has clients who approach him asking how they can get a crime expunged from their record or get their voting rights restored. All of those clients, he said, are people who have made a deliberate effort to rehabilitate their lives and are looking to have their dignity restored.
“I’ve never once had a career criminal drug dealer who is still in the middle of crime activity wanting to clean up and get his voting rights restored,” White said. “The people that show up are the people that have totally cleaned up their life and … want to take part in their community.”
If the House passes a similar version during the 2025 session, Hosemann could use his legislative power to simply refer it to the Judiciary B Committee, which has jurisdiction over the criminal code, and not allow the Constitution Committee to consider it.
But if Hosemann’s comments about the Senate’s beliefs are accurate, Mississippi will be stuck with one of the most convoluted, processes for granting voting rights back to convicted felons unless those senators change their minds.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1898
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Feb. 22, 1898
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Frazier Baker, the first Black postmaster of the small town of Lake City, South Carolina, and his baby daughter, Julia, were killed, and his wife and three other daughters were injured when a lynch mob attacked.
When President William McKinley appointed Baker the previous year, local whites began to attack Baker’s abilities. Postal inspectors determined the accusations were unfounded, but that didn’t halt those determined to destroy him.
Hundreds of whites set fire to the post office, where the Bakers lived, and reportedly fired up to 100 bullets into their home. Outraged citizens in town wrote a resolution describing the attack and 25 years of “lawlessness” and “bloody butchery” in the area.
Crusading journalist Ida B. Wells wrote the White House about the attack, noting that the family was now in the Black hospital in Charleston “and when they recover sufficiently to be discharged, they) have no dollar with which to buy food, shelter or raiment.
McKinley ordered an investigation that led to charges against 13 men, but no one was ever convicted. The family left South Carolina for Boston, and later that year, the first nationwide civil rights organization in the U.S., the National Afro-American Council, was formed.
In 2019, the Lake City post office was renamed to honor Frazier Baker.
“We, as a family, are glad that the recognition of this painful event finally happened,” his great-niece, Dr. Fostenia Baker said. “It’s long overdue.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Memorial Health System takes over Biloxi hospital, what will change?
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by Justin Glowacki with contributions from Rasheed Ambrose, Javion Henry, McKenna Klamm, Matt Martin and Aidan Tarrant
BILOXI – On Feb. 1, Memorial Health System officially took over Merit Health Biloxi, solidifying its position as the dominant healthcare provider in the region. According to Fitch Ratings, Memorial now controls more than 85% of the local health care market.
This isn’t Memorial’s first hospital acquisition. In 2019, it took over Stone County Hospital and expanded services. Memorial considers that transition a success and expects similar results in Biloxi.
However, health care experts caution that when one provider dominates a market, it can lead to higher prices and fewer options for patients.
Expanding specialty care and services
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One of the biggest benefits of the acquisition, according to Kristian Spear, the new administrator of Memorial Hospital Biloxi, will be access to Memorial’s referral network.
By joining Memorial’s network, Biloxi patients will have access to more services, over 40 specialties and over 100 clinics.
“Everything that you can get at Gulfport, you will have access to here through the referral system,” Spear said.
One of the first improvements will be the reopening of the Radiation Oncology Clinic at Cedar Lake, which previously shut down due to “availability shortages,” though hospital administration did not expand on what that entailed.
“In the next few months, the community will see a difference,” Spear said. “We’re going to bring resources here that they haven’t had.”
Beyond specialty care, Memorial is also expanding hospital services and increasing capacity. Angela Benda, director of quality and performance improvement at Memorial Hospital Biloxi, said the hospital is focused on growth.
“We’re a 153-bed hospital, and we average a census of right now about 30 to 40 a day. It’s not that much, and so, the plan is just to grow and give more services,” Benda said. “So, we’re going to expand on the fifth floor, open up more beds, more admissions, more surgeries, more provider presence, especially around the specialties like cardiology and OB-GYN and just a few others like that.”
For patient Kenneth Pritchett, a Biloxi resident for over 30 years, those changes couldn’t come soon enough.
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Pritchett, who was diagnosed with congestive heart failure, received treatment at Merit Health Biloxi. He currently sees a cardiologist in Cedar Lake, a 15-minute drive on the interstate. He says having a cardiologist in Biloxi would make a difference.
“Yes, it’d be very helpful if it was closer,” Pritchett said. “That’d be right across the track instead of going on the interstate.”
Beyond specialty services and expanded capacity, Memorial is upgrading medical equipment and renovating the hospital to improve both function and appearance. As far as a timeline for these changes, Memorial said, “We are taking time to assess the needs and will make adjustments that make sense for patient care and employee workflow as time and budget allow.”
Unanswered questions: insurance and staffing
As Memorial Health System takes over Merit Health Biloxi, two major questions remain:
- Will patients still be covered under the same insurance plans?
- Will current hospital staff keep their jobs?
Insurance Concerns
Memorial has not finalized agreements with all insurance providers and has not provided a timeline for when those agreements will be in place.
In a statement, the hospital said:
“Memorial recommends that patients contact their insurance provider to get their specific coverage questions answered. However, patients should always seek to get the care they need, and Memorial will work through the financial process with the payers and the patients afterward.”
We asked Memorial Health System how the insurance agreements were handled after it acquired Stone County Hospital. They said they had “no additional input.”
What about hospital staff?
According to Spear, Merit Health Biloxi had around 500 employees.
“A lot of the employees here have worked here for many, many years. They’re very loyal. I want to continue that, and I want them to come to me when they have any concerns, questions, and I want to work with this team together,” Spear said.
She explained that there will be a 90-day transitional period where all employees are integrated into Memorial Health System’s software.
“Employees are not going to notice much of a difference. They’re still going to come to work. They’re going to do their day-to-day job. Over the next few months, we will probably do some transitioning of their computer system. But that’s not going to be right away.”
The transition to new ownership also means Memorial will evaluate how the hospital is operated and determine if changes need to be made.
“As we get it and assess the different workflows and the different policies, there will be some changes to that over time. Just it’s going to take time to get in here and figure that out.”
During this 90-day period, Erin Rosetti, Communications Manager at Memorial Health System said, “Biloxi employees in good standing will transition to Memorial at the same pay rate and equivalent job title.”
Kent Nicaud, President and CEO of Memorial Health System, said in a statement that the hospital is committed to “supporting our staff and ensuring they are aligned with the long-term vision of our health system.”
What research says about hospital consolidations
While Memorial is promising improvements, larger trends in hospital mergers raise important questions.
Research published by the Rand Corporation, a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization, found that research into hospital consolidations reported increased prices anywhere from 3.9% to 65%, even among nonprofit hospitals.
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The impact on patient care is mixed. Some studies suggest merging hospitals can streamline services and improve efficiency. Others indicate mergers reduce competition, which can drive up costs without necessarily improving care.
When asked about potential changes to the cost of care, hospital leaders declined to comment until after negations with insurance companies are finalized, but did clarify Memorial’s “prices are set.”
“We have a proven record of being able to go into institutions and transform them,” said Angie Juzang, Vice President of Marketing and Community Relations at Memorial Health System.
When Memorial acquired Stone County Hospital, it expanded the emergency room to provide 24/7 emergency room coverage and renovated the interior.
When asked whether prices increased after the Stone County acquisition, Memorial responded:
“Our presence has expanded access to health care for everyone in Stone County and the surrounding communities. We are providing quality healthcare, regardless of a patient’s ability to pay.”
The response did not directly address whether prices went up — leaving the question unanswered.
The bigger picture: Hospital consolidations on the rise
According to health care consulting firm Kaufman Hall, hospital mergers and acquisitions are returning to pre-pandemic levels and are expected to increase through 2025.
Hospitals are seeking stronger financial partnerships to help expand services and remain stable in an uncertain health care market.
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Source: Kaufman Hall M&A Review
Proponents of hospital consolidations argue mergers help hospitals operate more efficiently by:
- Sharing resources.
- Reducing overhead costs.
- Negotiating better supply pricing.
However, opponents warn few competitors in a market can:
- Reduce incentives to lower prices.
- Slow wage increases for hospital staff.
- Lessen the pressure to improve services.
Leemore Dafny, PhD, a professor at Harvard and former deputy director for health care and antitrust at the Federal Trade Commission’s Bureau of Economics, has studied hospital consolidations extensively.
In testimony before Congress, she warned: “When rivals merge, prices increase, and there’s scant evidence of improvements in the quality of care that patients receive. There is also a fair amount of evidence that quality of care decreases.”
Meanwhile, an American Hospital Association analysis found consolidations lead to a 3.3% reduction in annual operating expenses and a 3.7% reduction in revenue per patient.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Adopted people face barriers obtaining birth certificates. Some lawmakers point to murky opposition from judges
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When Judi Cox was 18, she began searching for her biological mother. Two weeks later she discovered her mother had already died.
Cox, 41, was born in Gulfport. Her mother was 15 and her father didn’t know he had a child. He would discover his daughter’s existence only when, as an adult, she took an ancestry test and matched with his niece.
It was this opaque family history, its details coming to light through a convergence of tragedy and happenstance, that led Cox to seek stronger legal protections for adopted people in Mississippi. Ensuring adopted people have access to their birth certificates has been a central pillar of her advocacy on behalf of adoptees. But legislative proposals to advance such protections have died for years, including this year.
Cox said the failure is an example of discrimination against adopted people in Mississippi — where adoption has been championed as a reprieve for mothers forced into giving birth as a result of the state’s abortion ban.
“A lot of people think it’s about search and reunion, and it’s not. It’s about having equal rights. I mean, everybody else has their birth certificate,” Cox said. “Why should we be denied ours?”
Mississippi lawmakers who have pushed unsuccessfully for legislation to guarantee adoptees access to their birth certificate have said, in private emails to Cox and interviews with Mississippi Today, that opposition comes from judges.
“There are a few judges that oppose the bill from what I’ve heard,” wrote Republican Sen. Angela Hill in a 2023 email.
Hill was recounting opposition to a bill that died during the 2023 legislative session, but a similar measure in 2025 met the same fate. In an interview this month, Hill said she believed the political opposition to the legislation could be bound up with personal interest.
“Somebody in a high place doesn’t want an adoption unsealed,” Hill said. “I don’t know who we’re protecting from somebody finding their birth parents,” Hill said. “But it leads you to believe some people have a very strong interest in keeping adoption records sealed. Unless it’s personal, I don’t understand it.”
In another 2023 email to Cox reviewed by Mississippi Today, Republican Rep. Lee Yancey wrote that some were concerned the bill “might be a deterrent to adoption if their identities were disclosed.”
The 2023 legislative session was the first time a proposal to guarantee adoptees access to their birth certificates was introduced under the state’s new legal landscape surrounding abortion.
In 2018, Mississippi enacted a law that banned most abortions after 15 weeks. The state’s only abortion clinic challenged the law, and that became the case that the U.S. Supreme Court used in 2022 to overturn Roe v. Wade, its landmark 1973 ruling that established a nationwide right to abortion.
Roe v. Wade had rested in part on a woman’s right to privacy, a legal framework Mississippi’s Solicitor General successfully undermined in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. Before that ruling, anti-abortion advocates had feared allowing adoptees to obtain their birth certificates could push women toward abortion rather than adoption.
Abortion would look like a better option for parents who feared future contact or disclosure of their identities, the argument went. With legal access to abortion a thing of the past in Mississippi, Cox said she sees a contradiction.
“Mississippi does not recognize privacy in that matter, as far as abortions and all that. So if you don’t acknowledge it in an abortion setting, how can you do it in an adoption setting?” Cox said. “You can’t pick and choose whether you’re going to protect my privacy.”
Opponents to legislation easing access to birth certificates for adoptees have also argued that such proposals would unfairly override previous affidavits filed by birth parents requesting privacy.
The 2025 bill, proposed by Republican Rep. Billy Calvert, would direct the state Bureau of Vital Records to issue adoptees aged 21 and older a copy of their original birth certificate.
The bill would also have required the Bureau to prepare a form parents could use to indicate their preferences regarding contact from an adoptee. That provision, along with existing laws that guard against stalking, would give adoptees access to their birth certificate while protecting parents who don’t wish to be contacted, Cox said.
In 2021, Cox tried to get a copy of her birth certificate. She asked Lauderdale County Chancery Judge Charlie Smith, who is now retired, to unseal her adoption records. The Judge refused because Cox had already learned the identity of her biological parents, emails show.
“With the information that you already have, Judge Smith sees no reason to grant the request to open the sealed adoption records at this time,” wrote Tawanna Wright, administrator for the 12th District Chancery Court in Meridian. “If you would like to formally file a motion and request a hearing, you are certainly welcome to do so.”
In her case and others, judges often rely on a subjective definition of what constitutes a “good cause” for unsealing records, Cox said. Going through the current legal process for unsealing records can be costly, and adoptees can’t always control when and how they learn the identity of their biological parents, Cox added.
After Cox’s biological mother died, her biological uncle was going through her things and came across the phone number for Cox’s adoptive parents. He called them.
“My adoptive mom then called to tell me the news — just hours after learning I was expecting my first child,” Cox said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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