Mississippi Today
Reddit AMA recap: Medicaid expansion in Mississippi with Senior Political Reporter Geoff Pender
Reddit AMA recap: Medicaid expansion in Mississippi with Senior Political Reporter Geoff Pender
Mississippi's growing health crisis threatens to close at least a dozen hospitals across the state and puts Mississippi in the lead nationally for rates of uninsured people.
Studies have shown and advocates have long touted the benefits of Medicaid expansion, but state leaders remain steadfast in their opposition. As such, Mississippi remains one of only 11 states in the country not to expand the federal-state program.
Mississippi Today launched an ongoing series looking at the impact of the health care crisis on the people and institutions of the state.
As part of that project, Senior Political Reporter Geoff Pender answered readers' questions on Reddit about Medicaid expansion (or the lack thereof) in the state. Here's a recap:
Click to jump to a specific question
Q: Thank you for doing this and continuing to push on this topic.
As I sit here seeing the Greenwood hospital closing while the governor touts tax breaks for companies and the state government refuses this aid… I just do not get it.
Unless I think of all of the non-rational reasons for it.
A: Unfortunately, we are hearing from many corners that Greenwood may be the canary in the coal mine right now. We have heard some dire predictions of late from state hospital and other officials. State Health Officer Dr. Edney recently warned that we're looking at at least half a dozen hospitals on the brink, and others are saying our entire system is troubled. I don't know that Medicaid expansion would be the panacea for all that, but most experts are saying the influx of billions of federal dollars for health care would stave off many of these problems.
Q: As the Q&A article describes, there are political and economic arguments against expansion, but what in your opinion are the underlying motives for the stance? Are the politicians perhaps more driven by financial incentive from opposition groups in addition to maintaining their political platforms for the sake of the party? And as for general people, do you think it’s related to a mentality of being against handouts and of “pulling yourself up by your bootstraps”? What do you think are the underlying feelings and motivations to these stances?
And lastly, how do you think these underlying reasons can be negotiated with to make progress towards achieving expansion?
A: As far as the current drivers of opposition to expansion, I would say they are now more political than economic, and have been so for quite a while. For one thing, we have empirical evidence from other states, including now Louisiana and Arkansas, that show expansion isn’t the budget-buster our leaders once feared.
We also have reams of studies and evidence from other states showing we would see net positive benefits – thousands of jobs created, savings of double-digit percentages in uncompensated care for hospitals, more workforce participation (ours is typically lowest in the country), net GDP growth and even projected growth in population. Also, we’ve seen firsthand over the last two years that Mississippi, with our economy so heavily dependent on federal spending, sees booming state budget growth when there is an influx of billions of federal dollars. We’re sitting on more than $2 billion in basically surplus state money right now, largely the result of the influx of federal pandemic spending.
And again, this expansion is aimed primarily at the “working poor,” people in the gap between being poor enough for other help or being able to afford private insurance or pay medical bills out of pocket. As many have pointed out, a lot of the folks we’re talking about with this are working more than one job. As for pulling one’s self up by bootstraps, too many folks are one ER visit away from not having any bootstraps, and once someone gets a chronic illness because of lack of preventive care, it costs taxpayers anyway (and more).
No, the opposition now would appear to be more purely political (partisan) and philosophical – not wanting expansion of “Obamacare,” and opposition to expansion of a government program, even if in the long run it’s projected to benefit the workforce and private sector.
That opposition to government programs, however, appears to be selective among state leaders. One recent anecdote struck me in particular. Gov. Reeves recently held a press conference to trumpet the state’s work on expanding broadband internet across rural Mississippi. This is being funded with federal tax dollars. Instead of lamenting such government largesse, Reeves vowed to see that “we not only get our fare share, but that we get more than our fair share.” It would appear it’s OK to take hundreds of millions of federal dollars for internet service to areas where the private sector won’t do it, but not OK to take federal money to help keep people alive and well and working.
As for how this opposition might be overcome – I don’t know that anyone has a simple answer to that. One thing I hear all the time, though, even from some who have opposed expansion, is time. I have heard over and again in recent years that it’s probably just a matter of time before Mississippi expands Medicaid. Polling in recent years would indicate the populace may already be a bit ahead of our politicians on this policy … and, of course, look at other states relenting, such as Arkansas, Louisiana.
We attempted to delve into some of this opposition, past and present, here.
READ MORE: Who’s opposed to Mississippi Medicaid expansion and why?
Q: Can Medicaid expansion prevent local hospitals from closing?
A: It's unclear if it definitely would — rural hospitals in particular are facing major headwinds with personnel shortages and costs, supplies, inflation, uncompensated care. But most projections by experts have shown net benefits, and we've seen in other states that expansion helped. Particularly, in Louisiana, rural hospitals saw reductions in uncompensated care costs in the 55% range. This alone could give struggling rural hospitals some breathing room.
This study indicates hospitals in expansion states are less likely to close.
Q: With Medicaid expansion costing far more than initially predicted in other states, it delivering consistently poor health outcomes for those on the program, and it failing to ultimately help save rural providers as seen in Colorado and Indiana…why advocate so intensely for expanding a program that’s heading toward insolvency besides the fact that it will pad the pockets of and expand profits for big hospitals?
A: As for costing more than predicted, as I understand, this has not truly been the case at least on the state level. Some states have seen more people than initially predicted, but that has also been offset by people shifting from their traditional Medicaid to that with the higher match rate from the feds, and other non-direct economic benefits.
As for Colorado, I just recently read a report that rural hospitals there are "about 6 times less likely to close than hospitals in non-expansion states, according to a study by researchers at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus." I'm not sure what you are looking at, but would like to see it if you can forward a link.
As for poor health outcomes, I'm not sure Mississippi would have anywhere to go but up. Mississippi Medicaid has had poor health outcomes, but that has been primarily because only the sickest of the sick, so to speak, are on its adult population. Proponents say that the working-poor expansion population would receive more preventive care and improve outcomes — but you are right, that has been one major argument against expansion in Mississippi.
I don't know that expansion would pad the pockets and profits of big hospitals. It would help ameliorate the $600 million or so in uncompensated care that is hammering, in particular, smaller rural hospitals.
READ MORE:
• The Mississippi Health Care Crisis
• Mississippi moms and babies suffer disproportionately. Medicaid expansion could help.
• How Medicaid expansion could have saved Tim’s leg — and changed his life
• Q&A: What is Medicaid expansion, really?
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1770

March 5, 1770

Crispus Attucks, who had escaped slavery, became the first of five killed by British soldiers in the Boston Massacre, a precursor to the American Revolution.
His ancestry included Black and Native American roots, and he made his way to Boston at age 27 after escaping slavery. He worked on whaling ships and was also a rope-maker.
At 6-foot-2, he was an imposing man, 6 inches taller than the average American man, and future U.S. president John Adams described him as someone “whose very looks was enough to terrify any person.”
Attucks and others faced the danger of being seized by the British and forced to join the Royal Navy. On that wintry night, Attucks led the crowd that confronted the British soldiers, “the first to defy, the first to die,” the famous poem declared.
An estimated 10,000 people — more than half of Boston’s population — joined in the procession of the five caskets to Granary Burying Ground, where Paul Revere, Samuel Adams and John Hancock were later buried. A Boston monument honoring Attucks bears John Adams’ words: “On that night, the foundation of American independence was laid.”
Martin Luther King Jr. called him one of the most important figures in Black history, “not for what he did for his own race, but for what he did for all oppressed people everywhere.”
Schools, museums and foundations throughout the U.S. now bear Attucks’ name. In 1998, the U.S. Mint issued a silver dollar to honor him.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Mississippi lawmakers keep mobile sports betting alive, but it faces roadblock in the Senate

A panel of House lawmakers kept alive the effort to legalize mobile sports betting in Mississippi, but the bill does not appear to have enough support in the Senate to pass.
Hours before a Tuesday evening legislative deadline, the House Gaming Committee inserted into two Senate bills the language from a measure the full House passed last month to permit online betting. The legislation would put Mississippi on track to join a growing number of states that allow online sports wagering.
But the House Gaming Committee had to resort to the procedural move after its Senate counterpart declined to take up its bill. Senate Gaming Chairman David Blount, a Democrat from Jackson, said he does not support the measure, prompting frustration from House Gaming Chairman Casey Eure, a Republican from Saucier. Eure said he implemented suggested changes from the Senate after lawmakers couldn’t agree on a final proposal in 2024.
“This shows how serious we are about mobile sports betting,” Eure said. “I’ve done everything he’s asked for … I’ve done everything they’ve asked for plus some.”
In a February 88-10 vote, the House approved a new version of the Mississippi Mobile Sports Wagering Act, which Eure said was reworked to address concerns raised by the Senate last year. The new version would allow a casino to partner with two sports betting platforms rather than one. Allowing casinos to partner with an extra platform is designed to assuage the concerns of casino leaders and lawmakers who represent areas where gambling is big business.
Last year, some lawmakers raised concerns that gambling platforms would have no incentive to partner with smaller casinos, and most of the money would instead flow to the Mississippi Gulf Coast’s already bustling larger casinos.
Other changes include a provision that prevents people from placing bets with credit cards, a request from the Senate to guard against gambling addiction.
Blount said there were growing concerns in other states that have legalized online sports betting, including over what consumer protections can be put in place and the impact legalization could have on existing gambling markets.
“This is a different industry than any other industry because it is subject to forces outside of the control of the folks who are on this business,” Blount said. “And so what I think we need to do as a state, and we have done this for decades, is we have provided a stable regulatory environment, regardless of who is in the legislature, regardless of who the governor is, without a lot of drama.”
The proposal would levy a 12% tax on sports wagers, with revenue reaching all 82 counties via the Emergency Road and Bridge Repair Fund. Eure said he believes the state is losing between $40 million and $80 million a year in tax revenue by keeping mobile sports betting illegal.
Proponents also say legalization would undercut the influence of illicit offshore sports betting platforms.
Since the start of the NFL season this year, Mississippi has recorded 8.69 million attempts to access legal mobile sportsbooks, according to materials presented to House members at an earlier committee meeting. That demand fuels a thriving illegal online gambling market in Mississippi, proponents have said. Opponents say legalization could devastate the bottom line of smaller casinos and lead to debt and addiction among gamblers.
Mobile sports betting is legal in 30 states and Washington, D.C., according to the American Gaming Association.
The House panel inserted the mobile sports betting language into SB 2381 and SB 2510. The bills now head to the full chamber for consideration.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Key lawmaker reverses course, passes bill to give poor women earlier prenatal care

A bill to help poor women access prenatal care passed a committee deadline at the eleventh hour after a committee chairman said he wouldn’t bring it up for a vote.
The policy was signed into law last year, but never went into effect because of administrative hiccups.
Last week, Senate Medicaid Chair Kevin Blackwell, R-Southaven, told Mississippi Today that he would not be taking up the House’s bill to fix the issues in the program, calling it “his prerogative as chairman.”
However, on deadline day, Blackwell called the bill up in his committee. It passed unanimously and without discussion. It will now move on to the floor vote in the Senate, where it passed with overwhelming support last year.
Blackwell declined to comment on why he changed course.
Blackwell had previously added the policy to another Medicaid bill, but was criticized by House Medicaid Chair Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, for attaching her legislation to what she called a “$7 million laundry list of unrelated lobbyist requests.”
In addition, the policy in Blackwell’s tech bill included language that the Centers for Medicaid and Medicare Services – the agency charged with overseeing state Medicaid programs – denied last year.
Presumptive eligibility for pregnant women allows low-income women who become newly eligible for Medicaid once pregnant to receive immediate coverage as soon as they find out they’re pregnant – even if their Medicaid application is still pending. The program is especially effective in states that have not expanded Medicaid.
Mississippi is currently one of only three states with neither expansion or presumptive eligibility for pregnant women.
An expectant mother would need to fall under the following income levels to qualify for presumptive eligibility in 2025:

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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