Mississippi Today
Rankin sheriff says he learned at the knee of a former Simpson County sheriff, Lloyd ‘Goon’ Jones
The law enforcement official that Rankin County Sheriff Bryan Bailey regards as his mentor had a reputation for terrorizing Mississippi’s Black community.
His name? Lloyd Jones.
“Of all the law enforcement officers I have ever questioned, he was the most detestable,” said Constance Slaughter-Harvey, who served as an assistant secretary of state for Mississippi. As proof, she pointed to his 1970 deposition, where he repeatedly said “n—–” and then defended his use of the racist slur.
Now Sheriff Bailey is under Justice Department scrutiny for his office’s “Goon Squad,” which terrorized two Black men, hurled racial slurs at them, used a sex toy on them and shot one of them in the mouth.
On Nov. 30, The New York Times and the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting at Mississippi Today revealed a disturbing pattern of violence by Rankin County deputies stretching back two decades. Reporters reviewed dozens of allegations and corroborated 17 incidents involving 22 victims based on witness interviews, medical records, photographs of injuries and other documents.
The brutality harkened to the Jim Crow days when some law enforcement officers carried out violence in the name of preserving the Southern “way of life.”
Between 1956 and 1975, Lloyd Jones worked as an inspector at the Mississippi Highway Patrol. Civil rights leaders gave him the nickname “Goon,” and the nickname stuck.
The Justice Department concluded that Jones killed Ben Brown in 1967. Brown, who had been involved in the civil rights movement, happened to walk past a standoff between law enforcement officers and protesters near the Jackson State University campus.
The FBI quoted Jones as telling a coworker that he killed “the n—–” with his 12-gauge shotgun, took it home, cleaned it, wrapped it in a blanket and hid it in his attic. He admitted in a sworn statement that he fired his shotgun 10 or 15 times that night.
Three years later, Jones was over state troopers who, along with Jackson police, responded to a protest on the Jackson State University campus. Law enforcement officers fired more than 400 rounds of ammunition in less than 30 seconds in every direction, many of them into a women’s dormitory.
Jones declared under oath that a sniper had fired at troopers before they unleashed their barrage of bullets, but journalists and some Jackson police officers testified they witnessed no such sniper fire.
By the time the gunfire ended, two young men were dead: Phillip Gibbs, a political science major who was married with two children, and James Green, a Jim Hill High School senior who was walking home from work. A dozen others were struck by bullets but survived.
When the Rev. John Perkins led activists on a Feb. 7, 1970, civil rights march in Simpson County, Jones had 14 troopers watching their every move, according to court documents.
Fellow activist Doug Huemmer was arrested on a charge of reckless driving. He said a trooper had already told him that if he didn’t leave Simpson County, “he would kill me.”
Troopers hauled Huemmer and other activists to the Rankin County Jail. When Perkins heard the news, he headed that way.
After arriving at the jail, Perkins and Huemmer said they and other activists were brutalized by then-Rankin County Sheriff Jonathan Edwards and other law enforcement officers. (An appeals court judge had already concluded that Edwards and his deputies beat Black Mississippians who attempted to vote.)
Huemmer said that, after one officer whacked him four times with a blackjack, he “saw stars” and fell to the floor.
While being held in a different room, Perkins said Jones kicked him and told him, “We could have killed you a long time ago.”
He said he balled up to protect himself from blows to his head and groin. One officer shoved a fork up his nose.
Perkins said another officer jammed a pistol against his head, and he thought he was going to die. The gun clicked.
The harassment didn’t stop after their release. Six months later, Huemmer was jailed in Rankin County again, this time after making a U-turn. He said the judge was going to let him go — until the judge found out he had been involved in the Mendenhall protest and ordered him put behind bars.
Huemmer said he and Perkins became victims, not just of “a racist paradigm,” but of the authority given to Southern sheriffs following the Civil War. “Sheriffs filled a power vacuum,” he said, “but the system rotted and became corrupt.”
In 1976, Jones became sheriff in Simpson County, where the Perkins’ family lived. A sense of fear and terror pervaded the Black community, said Perkins’ son, Derek. “People were afraid. They knew he could go inside their house and arrest them. I’ve seen that done.”
The FBI quoted Jones as saying, “Those n—–s don’t mess with me in Simpson County because they know I will put them in their place.”
Mary White, who served for decades as secretary for the Simpson County NAACP branch, described that time as “rough on Black people.”
The NAACP collected allegations of the beatings of Black Mississippians or of having drugs and guns tossed inside their cars, she said. “We got calls on a lot of different cases.”
Perkins’ daughter, Priscilla, recalled Jones entering their Simpson County home with two other white men just as dawn was breaking. Not knowing what else to do, she pretended to sleep.
News of a new “Goon Squad” has resurrected nightmares for the Perkins family.
“The Goon Squad was eerily similar to 53 years ago when Rankin County officers tortured my father and beat him in the Rankin County Jail in February 1970,” said Perkins’ daughter, Elizabeth. “The spirit of ‘Goon’ Jones lives on through the Goon Squad. We’ve got to break this Rankin County Goon Squad cycle.”
In the early 1990s, Bailey got his first job under Jones, who had survived a shooting a few years earlier. Deputy James Barnett was killed in the incident. In 1995, Jones became a murder victim.
After the slaying, Bailey appeared on television to praise his boss. “He worked seven days a week, 12 and 14 hours a day, and he wouldn’t ask us to do anything he wouldn’t do hisself [sic],” he said. “It’s an honor for me to work with him.”
Twenty years later, Bailey posted on Facebook that Jones was his mentor and wrote: “You had such an influence on my life and my career in law enforcement … you are no doubt a part of who I am and what I am today. I loved you like a father and I still miss you so much. I remember and use everything you taught me to this day.”
Slaughter-Harvey worked as one of the lawyers who brought the litigation against Jones. She still remembers the lawman glaring at her when she questioned him in Rev. Perkins’ lawsuit.
“He looked like he could kill me,” she said. “John Perkins forgave him, which is more than I can do. I can try to forgive him, but I can’t forget.”
In 2014 and 2015, a series of police pursuits of suspects from Rankin and other surrounding counties into the capital city made headlines after some car crashes led to injuries and deaths. Jackson Police Chief Lee Vance told the Clarion Ledger that “chasing people down busy streets during a busy time of day, pursuing misdemeanor suspects is something I don’t agree with.”
Jackson City Councilman Kenny Stokes drew national attention when he suggested that rocks, bricks and bottles be thrown at officers who chase misdemeanor suspects into Jackson.
Sheriff Bailey responded angrily that Rankin County citizens elected him “to keep them safe. That’s what we’re going to continue to do.”
He told Therese Apel, now CEO of Darkhorse Press, “The day’s not going to come where people think they can commit a crime in Rankin County and race back to Jackson …. We’re coming after ‘em. They started this. We didn’t. They came over here and committed a crime.”
He told Stokes to “keep those thugs over in the ward with him. … In my opinion, Kenny Stokes represents everything that is wrong with the city of Jackson and why it’s going downhill. … He says this is racism. Yes, it is racism — racism against every officer, against every deputy who bleeds blue. Just makes me sick for him to incite hatred and violence against the officers.”
Stokes is “standing behind his city limits in Jackson and talking all his big talk,” Bailey said. “I challenge him to cross this river, and I’ll drive my car over there and let him throw a rock at me. I’ll have him picking up trash on the side of the road for the next few years.”
He said if any Rankin County officer “gets hurt over there, we’re going to do our best to take everything he has — his state retirement, his paycheck and everything else.”
On Feb. 7, 2017, Bailey joined one of those chases after carjacking suspects and fired his gun into a fleeing vehicle. The bullet went through the rear passenger door and hit a teenager.
Former deputies say Sheriff Bailey remained obsessed with Braxton, a village of less than 200 where Jones once lived. Part of the community is in Rankin County and part of it is in Simpson County. Bailey grew up in the nearby village of Puckett, where he graduated high school in 1985.
Deputies had responded to a series of calls at 135 Conerly Road in Braxton involving aggravated assault, drug sales and a drug-related murder. That is the house where the Goon Squad later tortured the two Black men.
Brett McAlpin, chief investigator for the Rankin County Sheriff’s Department under Bailey, lived just a mile from that house. He had been involved in the investigation of the drug-related murder at that same house.
The charges that McAlpin and other officers have pleaded guilty to detailed what they did on Jan. 24 at that house.
That evening, a white neighbor told him several “suspicious” Black men had been staying at that four-bedroom home, which was owned by a white woman.
McAlpin asked Investigator Christian Dedmon to take care of it, and Dedmon reached out to a shift of officers known as “The Goon Squad,” because of “their willingness to use excessive force and not to report it,” according to the charges.
At 9:28 p.m. Dedmon texted three members of the Goon Squad, “Are y’all available for a mission?”
Because there was a chance of cameras, he told them to “work easy,” rather than kick the door down. Deputy Hunter Elward responded with an eyeroll emoji. Deputy Daniel Opdyke texted back an image of a crying baby.
Dedmon texted the group, “No bad mugshots,” greenlighting excessive force on the body that wouldn’t be captured in a photo.
After kicking in the carport door, they entered the house. They had no warrant.
Tasers are designed to incapacitate a suspect by transmitting a 50,000-volt electric shock. Deputies used them instead to torture Michael Jenkins and Eddie Parker after handcuffing them.
When Dedmon demanded that Parker tell him where the drugs were, Parker replied there were no drugs. Dedmon took out his gun and fired it into the wall.
Dedmon again demanded to know where the drugs were. Parker responded again that there were no drugs.
Deputies hurled racial slurs at the Black men, accused them of having sex with the white woman and told them to stay out of Rankin County and go back to majority-black Jackson.
When Opdyke found a dildo, he forced it into the mouth of Parker. But before he could do the same to Jenkins, Dedmon grabbed it and slapped the two Black men in the face with it and taunted them.
Dedmon also threatened to anally rape the men with the dildo, but stopped when he discovered Jenkins had defecated on himself.
Elward put his gun into Parker’s mouth and pulled the trigger. The unloaded gun clicked.
Elward racked the gun again, but when he pulled the trigger this time, the gun fired. The bullet lacerated Jenkins’ tongue and broke his jaw before exiting his face.
As Jenkins lay bleeding, officers huddled on the porch to devise a false story to cover up their crimes. They planted a gun next to Jenkins, claiming Elward shot Jenkins in self-defense.
McAlpin told Parker that if he stuck to the false story, he would be released from jail.
Richland narcotics investigator Joshua Hartfield threw the men’s soiled clothes into the woods behind the house. He also removed the hard drive from the home’s surveillance system and threw it into a creek in Florence.
Dedmon took meth that had yet to be entered into evidence and submitted it to the State Crime Lab as belonging to Parker.
McAlpin and Middleton told officers that if any of them revealed what happened, they would “kill them,” according to the charges.
Sentencing hearings for the five former deputies and the former Richland police officer are set for Jan. 18 and 19 in the U.S. District Court in Jackson.
After these guilty pleas, Sheriff Bailey denied he knew anything about the Goon Squad.
But he did know the background of the Goon Squad leader, Lt. Middleton, who pleaded guilty to culpable-negligence manslaughter for speeding at 98 mph in his patrol car without sirens or flashing lights before colliding with Desmonde Harris in 2005. A Hinds County judge awarded Harris’ family $500,000.
Sheriff Bailey also knew about McAlpin, whom several former deputies described as a “bully” known to “rough up” suspects. The Times and Mississippi Today interviewed more than 50 people who say they witnessed or experienced torture at the hands of the Rankin County Sheriff’s Department. The investigation found McAlpin was involved in at least 13 of the arrests and was repeatedly described by witnesses as leading the raids.
McAlpin was named in at least four lawsuits and six complaints going back to 2010, but that didn’t stop the sheriff from naming him “Investigator of the Year.”
Christian Dedmon shot up the ranks of the Rankin County Sheriff’s Department to become a narcotics investigator, despite his family background. His first cousin, Deryl Dedmon, is still serving 50 years in federal prison for a hate crime that ended with the beating and killing of a Black man, James C. Anderson, in 2011.
Deryl Dedmon was part of a group of 10 young people, all white, from Rankin County who conducted raids into Jackson, which they called “Jafrica.”
The FBI investigation showed that the raids into the capital city started with the beating of homeless men. When this white mob stumbled upon a Black man at a service station, they beat him mercilessly. One Black man at a golf course begged for his life.
“Like a lynching, for these young folk going out to ‘Jafrica’ was like a carnival outing,” said Carlton Reeves, the second Black federal judge in Mississippi history. “It was funny to them — an excursion which culminated in the death of innocent, African-American James Craig Anderson. On June 26, 2011, the fun ended.”
In sentencing Deryl Dedmon, Carlton Reeves described those raids: “ A toxic mix of alcohol, foolishness and unadulterated hatred caused these young people to resurrect the nightmarish specter of lynchings and lynch mobs from the Mississippi we long to forget.
“Like the marauders of ages past, these young folk conspired, planned, and coordinated a plan of attack on certain neighborhoods in the City of Jackson for the sole purpose of harassing, terrorizing, physically assaulting and causing bodily injury to black folk. They punched and kicked them about their bodies — their heads, their faces. They prowled. They came ready to hurt. They used dangerous weapons; they targeted the weak; they recruited and encouraged others to join in the coordinated chaos; and they boasted about their shameful activity. This was a 2011 version of the N—– hunts.”
The judge wondered aloud, “How could hate, fear or whatever it was that transformed genteel, God-fearing, God-loving Mississippians into mindless murderers and sadistic torturers?”
He had no answer.
Bailey worked in Simpson County alongside Paul Mullins, and the two teamed up again in Rankin County.
Mullins worked for 21 years in the Rankin County Sheriff’s Department under several different sheriffs.
After Bailey became sheriff in 2012, Mullins served as lieutenant over the late shift. The sheriff never asked him to do anything wrong or illegal, he said. “He let me run my shift.”
While working there, he never participated in any violence or witnessed any, he said. “My dad always told me to ‘do unto others as you would have them do unto you.’”
Mullins said the first time he ever heard anything about the Goon Squad was in August when Rankin County deputies pleaded guilty to charges. He called what happened “a black eye for everybody in Rankin County.”
In 2022, the late shift created challenge coins that read “Rankin County Sheriff’s Department” on one side and “Goon Squad” on the other, featuring a drawing of mobsters.
A deputy, who asked not to be named for fear of retribution, told Mississippi Today that Lt. Jeffrey Middleton, the lieutenant over the Goon Squad, ordered about 50 challenge coins.
“What they did set back law enforcement another 25 years,” the deputy said.
After Mullins was elected sheriff of Simpson County in 2019, Rankin County, at Bailey’s request, gave Mullins an unmarked 2019 Chevy Tahoe, a winch and a winch bumper, plus a Motorola mobile radio and a Motorola portable radio, according to the Dec. 26, 2019, minutes of the Rankin County Board of Supervisors.
Mullins also received a 9mm Glock, an AR-15 with a red dot scope, a Nikon Black Rangex 4K Laser Rangefinder and a Stihl chainsaw.
The cost to taxpayers? At least $75,000, according to prices for those items.
The justification for giving away these items: they were “surplus.”
Five days after Christmas in 2019, Clint Pennington slashed a nearly 7-inch gash in the back of his then-wife, Amanda, before cutting his own throat. (Pennington is the son of former Rankin County Sheriff Ronnie Pennington and the brother of Kristi Pennington Shanks, Sheriff Bailey’s girlfriend, who also serves as his administrative assistant.)
In 2022, Clint Pennington pleaded guilty to aggravated domestic violence, and the judge sentenced him to five years in prison. He is slated to be released in less than 18 months. Under Mississippi law, he could have received a sentence of up to 30 years.
Rather than being locked up in state prison, however, he is spending his days at the Simpson County Jail.
Mullins said he originally kept Pennington because “his daddy used to be sheriff and his wife was working at the Rankin County jail.”
Pennington hasn’t had any infractions since coming to the Simpson County Jail, Mullins said. “He works on the road crew.”
He said the Mississippi Department of Corrections asked him to house Pennington after his sentencing, presumably for safety reasons.
“Some people in the public think I’m doing it for Bryant Bailey,” he said, “but I would do it for anybody.”
Sheriff Bailey now faces his toughest challenge as sheriff: a federal investigation into his office.
At an Aug. 3 press conference following the officers’ guilty pleas to torturing Jenkins and Parker, the sheriff talked about how the crimes had hurt him. “I have 115 other deputies trying to keep this a safe county, trying to build a good reputation,” he said, “and they have robbed me of all of this.”
He shifted the blame to the officers. “My moral boundary is set by my Christian faith,” he said. “Do I cross that boundary? Sometimes I do. These guys were so far past any boundary that I know of. It’s unbelievable what they did. This is a bunch of criminals that did a home invasion.”
He acknowledged that he knew his deputies well. Asked how he didn’t know about them beating and torturing these two Black men, he replied, “The complaint has to come in. The reports have to come in. Something has to come in that I’ve been notified. That’s what I’ve got supervisors for.”
Under the sheriff’s system at the time, all complaints went to the supervisors. Two of those were McAlpin and Middleton, who have each pleaded guilty to federal charges in the Goon Squad’s activities.
Seven people told reporters they had mailed letters, filed formal complaints or called the sheriff personally to tell him about the abuse they experienced. One, a deputy of a neighboring county at the time, said the sheriff hung up on him.
Bailey disputed that he tolerates violence, saying, “If somebody comes back there [to jail] with a black eye, there better be an explanation.”
But the Times and Mississippi Today found at least seven jail mugshots that show injured people, including then-Hinds County Deputy Rick Loveday, who said jailers correctly guessed that McAlpin had beaten him up.
“How would they know,” Loveday asked, “unless a lot of people walked in looking like me?”
Bailey told reporters the only thing he’s guilty of is “trusting grown men that swore an oath to do their job correctly. I’m guilty of that.”
Informed that several high-ranking deputies were involved in arrests that had sparked accusations of brutal treatment, the sheriff replied, “I have 240 employees, there’s no way I can be with them each and every day.”
Former Mississippi Corrections Commissioner Robert L. Johnson, who previously served as police chief for the city of Jackson, called the sheriff’s response “a piss-poor excuse. You just can’t have that kind of activity and not be aware of it.”
Over the past two decades, nearly a dozen lawsuits have accused Rankin County deputies of brutality. Bailey, however, said he had no idea any such violence was taking place.
Johnson said he made sure he read every lawsuit filed against the Mississippi Department of Corrections so that he could know “what the hell is going on, and I was supervising 4,000 people instead of 240.”
Brian Howey, Nate Rosenfield and Ilyssa Daly contributed to this report. This article was reported in partnership with Big Local News at Stanford University and supported in part by a grant from the Pulitzer Center.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
More allegations of sexual abuse emerge against ex-counselor
Another client of former licensed professional counselor Wade Wicht is accusing him of sexual abuse, joining two other women who have already filed criminal complaints with Hattiesburg police.
“Wade saved my life,” she said, “but he also betrayed me.”
Wicht’s lawyer, Michael Reed of Hattiesburg, did not respond to requests for responses regarding the women’s accusations. The Hattiesburg police continue to investigate the complaints and have declined to comment.
Police are also investigating a third criminal complaint filed against Wicht. The Mississippi Child Protective Services has previously investigated the matter.
“My understanding is the allegations reported to CPS were unsubstantiated,” Reed said. “Of course, Mr. Wicht wholeheartedly denies the allegations.”
‘Real love doesn’t do that’
In a sworn statement, a woman, who asked not to be named for fear of retribution, said Wicht sexually abused her during the time he counseled her.
The young woman went to him in 2016 because she was still reeling from a 28-year-old man sexually abusing her when she was 8. “I was the kid who took a shower with my underwear on,” she said.
Wicht’s counseling helped her immensely, but some of the things he did also disturbed her, she said. He once asked if she looked at child porn and when she angrily replied no, she said he asked, “Why are you reacting like that?”
While she was still counseling with Wicht, she called him drunk, she said. “I’m out in the woods. I’m bawling. I’m mad at God.”
He drove to where she was, took her home and insisted she head to the bathroom, she said, but when she did go, he refused to leave the bathroom while she urinated.
He encouraged her to sleep on her parents’ couch, rather than her bedroom, and after she closed her eyes to sleep, she said she felt his hand go down into her jogging pants and underneath her panties.
When she objected, she said he pulled his hand back out and said, “Oh, it’s OK. It’s OK.”
Earlier this year, she said she confronted Wicht about that night, and he said nothing in response.
She had confronted him before, she said, accusing him of being a sex addict. “Your mind is sick, and your heart is seared,” she quoted herself as saying. “You can’t work multiple women over at the same time and call it love. Real love doesn’t do that. You have confused love with something else.”
In response, he wept and spoke of being truly sorry and changed by God, she said.
She credited God, journaling, counseling from others, expressing her feelings through art and distance from Wicht with helping her heal. “There would have been no healing if God hadn’t given me the courage to go to counseling,” she said. “My faith is central to who I am.”
Unlike the other women, she has no plans to file a criminal complaint against Wicht because she doesn’t want to go through the same agony she did in testifying against her 28-year-old abuser. She said Wicht’s sexual abuse of her could only be prosecuted as a misdemeanor because Mississippi law requires penetration in order to be classified as a felony.
Her past made her an easy target
Jenny Green is going public with what she said Wicht did to her during counseling sessions.
“He’s a free man, and nothing has happened to him,” said Green, who has filed a criminal complaint with Hattiesburg police. “I want to do all I can to help make sure he can’t do anything like that again.”
Her past made her an easy target, she said, because she had been sexually abused as a minor.
A 17-year-old tomboy who bloomed late, she had few friends, she said.
Then a teacher began to stalk her, praised her looks and intelligence, and listened to her share how the only boyfriend she ever had left her for someone else, she said. “He saw someone in a fragile place and pounced.”
At night, he would call and converse, she said, and the words he shared helped fill the emptiness she felt.
One night after returning to school from a track meet, she said the teacher plied her and a girlfriend with wine coolers. It was the first alcohol she had ever had, and she became drunk, she said.
The next thing she knew she was in a bedroom, and he was on top of her, she said. “I was a virgin.”
Afterward, she said, “I asked him, ‘Did we just have sex?’ I was clueless.”
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, at least 1 in 4 girls in the U.S. are victims of sexual assault.
Like a number of other victims, Green suffered disassociation, she said. “It was almost like I wasn’t in my own body. I didn’t feel like I was there.”
Such disassociation is the brain’s way of placing distance between the victim and the traumatic event, scientists say.
She later wrote poems about what happened.
Keep quiet
Don’t cry
We can pretend it didn’t.
We can lie.
Her teacher told her she must never breathe a word about this, and if she did, he would kill himself. She said she believed him.
Your body
It is like none other.
It’s beautiful,
But you must never tell your mother.
Each school day, she sat in his class, and when he gazed at her, guilt and shame washed over her , she said. “I thought what the teacher did was my fault.”
Unable to sleep, she finally woke her mother to tell her what happened. “I didn’t know how to say, ‘My teacher raped me,’” she said. “I didn’t have the verbiage.”
For the first time in her life, she visited a gynecologist, who determined she wasn’t pregnant.
When her family decided against pursuing charges, she blamed herself. “I was told to never talk about it,” she said, “and for 20 years, I didn’t.”
Marriage counseling gone wrong
In April 2021, Green and her husband walked into Wade Wicht’s office.
She had been pushing for marriage counseling, and Wicht was the only counselor her husband would see.
What the couple didn’t know was that Wicht had already had sex with a client, according to an order from the State Board of Examiners for Licensed Professional Counselors, which oversees and licenses counselors.
After a few sessions, Wicht suggested separate counseling sessions, she said. Her husband’s sessions lasted 40 minutes or so; hers lasted up to two hours.
In a separate session with Wicht, she said she confessed her nervousness in talking about private matters and joked about needing a drink. She said he poured drinks for both of them — a habit he continued at times.
He steered conversations to the sexual, discussing the size of her breasts and asking if she had implants, she said. When she came to one counseling session after a workout, he questioned why she had a jacket tied around her waist, she said.
“Covering up a little bit,” she replied.
“Why are you doing that?” she recalled him asking.
Another time, she said he told her, “You need to be careful where your gaze goes. You stare at my crotch.”
His words mortified her, she said, because it was a ridiculous lie.
After each session, he tried to hug her, and she recoiled. “He said I needed to be comfortable hugging,” she said. “He said I was stiff and uncomfortable.”
When she showed up one day with coffee, he told her to get him a coffee next time. “He mentioned that again and again,” she said. “I realize now he was seeing what he could get me to do.
“He eventually did get me to bring him a coffee. He did eventually get me to hug him.”
She said this was reminiscent of what her teacher did, getting her to bring him a Snickers candy bar and a Coke during each break.
The torment exhausting
The self-doubt to no end
The shame a coat of many colors
The secrets all held within.
‘It devastated me’
In October 2021, when her husband talked of possible harm to himself or others, Green said she felt scared and hopeless. She called Wicht’s office, and he rushed to their house.
After that, her trust and dependence on the counselor “went through the roof,” she said.
In her sessions, she said she confessed to Wicht that she was experiencing some transference, that is, redirecting her feelings from her husband to him.
He responded this could be beneficial for her therapy, she said. “Instead of passing me off to someone else, he used that to his advantage.”
The hugging progressed, she said. He began to hug her from behind and tell her it was therapeutic, she said.
He also put his hand on her knee and told her she needed to learn to say no, and in each session that followed, he touched her knee higher, she said. “Every time he touched me, I froze. I didn’t give consent.”
Studies show that many victims of sexual abuse or assault report “freezing.” That’s because fear can block the neural circuits that signal the body to move, scientists say.
Green said Wicht urged her to quit initiating sex with her husband and falsely claimed she suffered from sex addiction. “It devastated me,” she said.
When Wicht suggested she spend weeks at a treatment center, she said she balked, saying she couldn’t leave her husband and children.
He offered an alternative approach. He said he was a certified sex therapist, and she could do that therapy with him, she said.
In his 2018 letter to the licensing board, Wicht listed Chemical and Process Addictions as an area of certification, but not sex therapy.
Green said Wicht asked her to share intimate details about her past abuse, including whether she bled, she said.
When she wouldn’t share details about what she liked sexually, he urged her to masturbate so he could observe, she told police in her complaint. She refused.
Lie to myself or subconscious
Should I say?
Lie like a good girl.
Be the perfect prey.
‘I became a scared little girl’
Four days after Christmas, Green suffered a meltdown. Three family members suffered from serious illness, and memories of her teacher’s abuse haunted her, she said. “I was crying uncontrollably.”
In desperation, she telephoned Wicht, who called her to his office.
This time, when he hugged her from behind, he began to caress her breasts over her clothing, she said. “He said, ‘This is loving touch,’ and I’m just sobbing.”
She continued to reel from depression. In a March 2022 session, she said he asked her to remove her clothes. She had refused to do this before, but this time she said she broke down and gave in, crying the whole time.
The commands he gave her echoed some of the same commands she had been given as a child, she said. “That day at the office, I became a scared little girl. I had no choice but to be compliant. I was the perfect prey.”
Wicht made her put a blindfold on, made her lie on her stomach and spread her bottom cheeks, and “he proceeded to penetrate me with his fingers,” she told police. When he finished, “he held me and acted as if it had been a caring moment,” she told police. “That was the last time he touched me.”
She froze, just as she had before, she said.
One study showed that 70% of 298 women who came to a rape clinic for treatment reported “paralysis” or an inability to resist during the assault.
Throughout Wicht’s abuse, Green told police, “He would remind me I could never in my life breathe a word of it. Said someone could die or be killed if I did. This was triggering as my abuser from teen years threatened to kill himself if I told anyone.”
After this abuse, she said thoughts of self-harm flooded her mind. She posted the suicide prevention hotline number on her wall, and sometimes slept in the closet.
The stillness. The peace.
The madness. The dire.
When will it end?
I long to expire.
After the alleged abuse, Green sought treatment from another therapist, whom she said helped rescue her from her despair.
She has since spoken to other of Wicht’s alleged victims, some of whom have yet to file complaints, she said. “He convinced women that they’re damaged, and you’re going to be beholden to him so that you don’t tell anybody,” she said.
Counselors have power over their clients, she said. They can groom, lie, manipulate and coerce those they treat into obeying their commands because “we believe we must do as we are told,” she said.
It’s bad enough for a trusted person to exploit you, but when it’s a counselor, who knows so many intimate details about your life, she said, “It rapes every part of your soul and mind.”
How sick
And how twisted and who
The f— let that happen?
Keep quiet
Don’t cry
We can pretend it didn’t.
We can lie.
‘The law protects the guilty’
Wicht has already admitted to having sex with two women he counseled, a violation of the ethical code that prompted the loss of his counseling license.
One of those was Kimberly Cuellar, who has filed a criminal complaint against Wicht. She told police that in one counseling session, he had her lay on the floor, pulled down her pants and digitally penetrated her without her consent, claiming it was for his research. She said he continued to touch her sexually in sessions, claiming it was therapeutic.
In addition to those allegations, she said he tried to rape her while she was sleeping in her parents’ home in 2023. She said she awoke to him on top of her. “You moved my shorts, and you absolutely tried to get inside me,” she wrote in text exchanges she shared with Mississippi Today.
“Omgoodness, what??!! … What you’re accusing me of is criminal, Kimberly! … I touched you with my fingers, and I was touching myself,” he responded. “I was NOT trying to have sex with you while you were sleeping.”
She told him “no” multiple times, but he refused to stop, she wrote. “You then touched me without consent while you ejaculated on my body after all the no’s I had given. Attempted rape? Absolutely.”
In April, another licensed professional counselor in Mississippi, Dr. Philip Raymond Baquie of Oxford, surrendered his license after he admitted having sex with a female client during a counseling session in December 2023.
More than half the states consider sex between mental health professionals and their patients a crime. Mississippi isn’t one of those states.
In 2023, the Mississippi House passed a bill that would have made it a crime for therapists, clergy, doctors and nurses to have sexual contact with those they treat or counsel.
But the bill died in the Senate Judiciary B Committee after some senators questioned the need for a law. Committee Chairman Joey Fillingane has said if something like this happens in a church-affiliated organization, the church can fire that person.
Brad Eubank, a pastor for First Baptist Church in Petal who serves on the Southern Baptist Convention’s sex abuse task force, said firing those guilty of sexual abuse isn’t enough.
“We must stop this scourge of sexual abuse and put a stop to any counselor, medical professional, social worker or clergy who would take advantage of an individual who finds themselves in a vulnerable state seeking help,” said Eubank, a victim of sexual abuse himself. “We need clear laws with stiff penalties to be a severe deterrent to stop this from ever happening as well as providing justice for those victims when it does happen.”
Green said she’s willing to testify to lawmakers to let them know that when counselors use their power to sexually abuse their clients, they deserve to be punished.
Because there is no videotaping of sessions, the counselor’s office provides “the perfect setting for that crime,” she said. “That’s why there needs to be protection.”
This crime damages victims for life, she said. “Sexual abuse distorts, if not destroys, the victims’ ability to express romantic love in a healthy way. Stealing that part of us should not go without consequences.”
Under Mississippi’s current statute, “the law protects the guilty,” she said. “We as sexual abuse victims don’t stand a chance.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1919
Dec. 27, 1919
Black World War I veteran Powell Green was lynched by a mob of white men near Franklinton, North Carolina.
Many returning Black soldiers, who wanted their full rights as citizens, became targets of violence. Green was arrested for allegedly killing a “prominent” white movie theater owner, but he was never able to defend himself in a court of law. A mob of masked white men abducted him as while officers were transporting the 23-year-old from the jail in Franklinton to the jail in Raleigh.
During that kidnapping, Green broke free from the mob, but they managed to overtake him and tied him to a car, and he was dragged for at least a half mile before they shot him and hung him.
In the days that followed, crowds flocked to the site of his lynching. According to press accounts, “souvenir hunters” cut buttons and pieces of clothing from the body and later cut down the tree for more keepsakes. One news account seemed to suggest Green was to blame for his death, saying that he “was disposed to think well of himself and was self-assertive.”
No one was ever prosecuted for his killing, one of at least 80 lynchings that took place in 1919.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1908
Dec. 26, 1908
Pro boxing pioneer Jack Johnson defeated Tommy Burns, becoming the first Black heavyweight boxing champion.
Johnson grew up in Galveston, Texas, where “white boys were my friends and pals. … No one ever taught me that white men were superior to me.”
After quitting school, he worked at the local docks and then at a race track in Dallas, where he first discovered boxing. He began saving money until he had enough to buy boxing gloves.
He made his professional debut in 1898, knocking out Charley Brooks. Because prizefighting was illegal in Texas, he was occasionally arrested there. He developed his own style, dodging opponents’ blows and then counterpunching. After Johnson defeated Burns, he took on a series of challengers, including Tony Ross, Al Kaufman and Stanley Ketchel.
In 1910, he successfully defended his title in what was called the “Battle of the Century,” dominating the “Great White Hope” James J. Jeffries and winning $65,000 — the equivalent of $1.7 million today.
Black Americans rejoiced, but the racial animosity by whites toward Johnson erupted that night in race riots. That animosity came to a head when he was arrested on racially motivated charges for violating the Mann Act — transporting a woman across state lines for “immoral purposes.”
In fact, the law wasn’t even in effect when Johnson had the relationship with the white woman. Sentenced to a year in prison, Johnson fled the country and fought boxing matches abroad for seven years until 1920 when he served his federal sentence.
He died in 1946, and six decades later, PBS aired Ken Burns’ documentary on the boxer, “Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson,” which fueled a campaign for a posthumous pardon for Johnson. That finally happened in 2018, when then-President Donald Trump granted the pardon.
To honor its native son, Galveston has built Jack Johnson Park, which includes an imposing statue of Johnson, throwing a left hook.
“With enemies all around him — white and even Black — who were terrified his boldness would cause them to become a target, Jack Johnson’s stand certainly created a wall of positive change,” the sculptor told The New York Times. “Not many people could dare to follow that act.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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