Mississippi Today
Presley’s campaign tracks Hood on issues, but welfare scandal could be difference
The similarities were striking as Democratic gubernatorial candidate Brandon Presley held a news conference at the state Capitol last week to unveil his ethics reform package just as Jim Hood did in 2019.
Both also blistered their Republican opponent, Gov. Tate Reeves.
“It’s time for us to throw the money changer out of the temple — I’m talking about Tate Reeves,” then-Democratic gubernatorial candidate Hood said in October 2019 during his state Capitol news conference on ethics reform.“… He’s been transactional. Every bill he’s passed, it’s been to get campaign contributions back.”
Just a few days ago, Presley stood on the steps of the same Capitol building and said, “Tate Reeves will not tackle corruption. Let me say that again, he will not tackle corruption. He doesn’t have the guts to do it. It will make too many of his buddies mad and it will upset the system that he has benefited from for the entire time he’s been in state service.”
While there were differences in their proposals, both in general touted more governmental transparency, openness and guardrails to curb the influence of big-monied special interest groups on state government. Both proposed to prohibit campaign contributions while legislators are in session writing the laws that impact lobbyists and their clients. Both also proposed banning corporate campaign contributions. There were other similarities.
Presley, the four-term Northern District Public Service commissioner and the Democrats’ latest hope to capture the Governor’s Mansion for the first time since 1999, has gone out of his way to try to tell voters that he is not Hood and that his campaign is not destined to come up short in November like Hood’s did in 2019.
But Presley had better hope that Hood was right about at least one thing – the issues.
When it comes to the issues, in many respects, they are running the same campaign.
Both said they would move quickly if elected to bring more transparency to state government and to rein in the influence of special interests.
Both are campaigning on expanding Medicaid to provide health care coverage to primarily working Mississippians. Both also advocate for cutting or eliminating the state’s 7% tax on groceries, which is the highest state-imposed tax of its kind in the nation’s poorest state.
Reeves opposes Medicaid expansion, supports eliminating the income tax instead of the grocery tax and has never voiced governmental transparency as one of his priorities. That is true now as it was in 2019 when he defeated Hood by about 5% or about 45,000 votes.
Why will 2023 be any different? Maybe it will not.
But each election is different. Circumstances and events change that could impact the outcome.
On the positive side for Reeves, he is facing a candidate in Presley who has never run for statewide office. On the other hand, Hood was well-known across Mississippi having been elected four times to the statewide office of attorney general.
But in Presley, Reeves is facing an opponent who it could be argued has abilities as a retail politician and has communication skills that are unmatched among most Mississippi politicians.
And perhaps most importantly, Mississippi is in the midst of the largest public corruption scandal in state history. The disturbing saga of $77 million in misspent welfare funds intended for the state’s poorest citizens but instead diverted to investments in speculative drug companies, volleyball courts, fitness trainings and other activities was not public in 2019 when Hood talked about ethics.
When Hood offered his proposals, close political allies of Reeves such as Nancy New and her son Zach, who had contracts to expend the funds supposedly to help poor people, had not yet pleaded guilty to charges related to the misspending of the funds.
It was not known that Paul Lacoste, identified as Reeves’ personal trainer, had received $1.3 million in welfare funds. Text messages obtained by Mississippi Today show that John Davis, the former head of the state agency that administered the funds, told his subordinates that Reeves played at least some role in Lacoste receiving the funds.
Reeves vehemently denies any involvement in the misspending of the funds.
But what is harder to deny is that as lieutenant governor, Reeves presided over the Senate that had an obligation to provide oversight over the expenditure of the welfare funds.
Then later as governor, he had the opportunity to offer legislation to put in place safeguards to prevent such misspending of public funds from happening again.
Reeves did not offer any such legislation, and none has been passed on his watch.
Those are some underlying factors that differentiate Brandon Presley’s Capitol press conference on ethics reform from Jim Hood’s. Time will tell whether the 2023 circumstances create a different election outcome than in 2019.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Bill to revise law for low-income pregnant women passes first legislative hurdle
Low-income women would be able to access free prenatal care faster under a bill that passed the House Medicaid committee Wednesday.
The same law passed the full Legislature last year, but never went into effect due to a discrepancy between what was written into state law and federal regulations for the program, called Medicaid pregnancy presumptive eligibility.
House Medicaid Chair Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, author of the bill, revised last year’s bill to remove the requirement women show proof of income. She is hopeful the policy will garner the same support it did last year when it overwhelmingly passed both chambers.
“CMS (The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services) had some issues that they really did not approve of in our law, and after we talked it through we realized that the changes they wanted to make do no harm to the intent of the Legislature, do no harm to the law itself, do not add any costs to the fiscal note of the program,” McGee said during the committee meeting.
Changes include that a pregnant woman will only have to attest to her income – not provide paystubs – and will not have to provide proof of pregnancy.
McGee’s bill also makes changes to the time frame for presumptive Medicaid eligibility. Last year’s legislation said women would only be eligible for 60 days under the policy, with the hopes that by the end of those 60 days her official Medicaid application would be approved. Federal guidelines already have a different timeframe baked in, which state lawmakers have included in this bill.
The federal timeframe, now congruent with McGee’s bill, says a pregnant woman will be covered under presumptive eligibility until Medicaid approves her official application, however long that takes – as long as she submits a Medicaid application before the end of her second month of presumptive eligibility coverage.
“Let’s say a woman comes in for January 1 and is presumed eligible. She has until February 28 to turn her application in,” McGee said, adding that if Medicaid took a month to approve her application, the pregnant woman would continue to be covered through March.
Eligible women will be pregnant and have a household income up to 194% of the federal poverty level, or about $29,000 annually for an individual.
The bill does not introduce an additional eligibility category or expand coverage. Rather, it simply allows pregnant women eligible for Medicaid to get into a doctor’s office earlier. That’s notable in Mississippi, where Medicaid eligibility is among the strictest in the country, and many individuals don’t qualify until they become pregnant.
An expectant mother would need to fall under the following income levels to qualify for presumptive eligibility in 2025:
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
WATCH: Auditor Shad White calls Senate chairman ‘liar,’ threatens to sue during budget hearing
A Wednesday budget hearing for the State Auditor’s Office devolved into shouting and a tense back and forth that culminated in Auditor Shad White calling Sen. John Polk of Hattiesburg a liar and threatening to sue the legislator for defamation.
In what would normally be a mundane meeting at the state Capitol, the Appropriations subcommittee hearing erupted over questions related to NFL hall of fame quarterback Brett Favre and a $2 million dollar consultant’s study White commissioned to determine ways state leaders could save money.
“You’re not a lawyer — this is not a cross examination,” White told Polk, the Republican who helps set his agency’s budget.
The first argument between the two occurred when Polk questioned how White’s agency calculated the dollar figure for investigative fees and unpaid interest the auditor alleges Favre owes the state in connection to the state federal welfare scandal.
“I’ve had several numbers people look at the court record and look at what you’re saying (Favre) owes, and nobody can make it come to your number,” Polk said. “Does that surprise you?”
White did not address the specific instance of how the agency calculated the figure, but he said generally the agency tracks the number of hours certain investigators spend on a case. But White took issue that Polk was questioning that dollar figure at all.
“I have never once been called before this body to testify before any sort of hearing on the DHS scandal,” White responded. “The largest public fraud in state history. And the first question I get in my time as state auditor from a state senator is ‘Hey did you get the Brett Favre number correct?’”
The other major argument that erupted in the hearing was when Polk questioned a $2 million contract that White’s agency executed with Massachusetts-based consulting firm Boston Consulting Group to find wasteful spending in state agencies.
White believes the contract with the firm was necessary to determine how state leaders can trim the fat in state agencies. But Polk has questioned whether auditor skirted the appropriations process by not getting legislative or gubernatorial approval to conduct the study, and whether the study was more to help White’s future political ambitions than address government spending..
Polk alleged that White did not conduct a proper Request for Proposal, a process government bodies use to solicit services from private companies. The process is used to encourage competition among businesses and net the lowest price.
“You are a liar,” White said of Polk. “You’re making this up right now.”
Polk responded that the Department of Finance and Administration told him White’s agency did not use an RFP.
The Forest County lawmaker also asked White if any of his family members had worked for Boston Consulting Group. The auditor said no and if Polk insinuated that any of his family had, then he would sue the legislator for defamation.
“This line of questioning feels less about policy and it feels more about politics to me,” White said. “That’s exactly what it feels like. I’ve never been questioned on an audit like this right up until the moment where the lieutenant governor thinks I might be the thing standing between him and the governor’s office.”
Both White and Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann have publicly said they’re considering running for governor in 2027. Hosemann, the presiding officer of the Senate, appoints senators to lead committees.
Polk told Mississippi Today in an interview that Hosemann had not directed him to ask any specific question, and the lieutenant governor gives deference to committee leaders on how to manage committee functions. Rather, Polk said he was the one who originally raised his concerns with Hosemann.
Polk said his line of questioning simply stemmed from his role on the money-spending Appropriations Committee, which sets his agency’s budget, and was to ensure that White’s agency was spending money efficiently.
“So that’s my only thing here — is to make sure the citizens of Mississippi and the taxpayers of Mississippi get their money’s worth from you or anyone else in state government,” Polk said. “And I’ll be honest with you, your calling me a liar previously is so uncalled for.”
Polk recently requested and received an attorney general’s opinion that said White overstepped his authority in hiring the consultant for $2 million. An AG opinion does not carry the force of law, but serves as a legal guideline for public officials.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Jackson State faculty senate president sues for wrongful termination
The Jackson State University’s president and governing board are facing a lawsuit from the faculty senate president who last fall was placed on leave pending termination.
Dawn McLin’s lawsuit comes more than two months after a faculty panel reviewed the university’s basis for her termination and recommended she be reinstated to her position as a psychology professor.
But the university’s president, Marcus Thompson, has yet to respond to the panel’s recommendation, putting McLin in what she alleges is a state of limbo meant to force her to resign.
“Their intentional delay prevents Dr. McLin’s reinstatement and continued oversight of her research grants while, at the same time, rendering it impossible for Dr. McLin to pursue alternative employment in academia,” the lawsuit states.
McLin has received support from the Jackson State faculty senate, as well as state and national organizations that support academic freedom, including the American Association of University Professors. Thompson has ignored multiple letters from the professional organization, which has called his delay in reinstating McLin as “extremely disturbing.”
A Jackson State spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment by press time. A spokesperson for the Institutions of Higher Learning Board of Trustees said the board does not comment on pending litigation.
McLin’s lawsuit is not the only legal action that Thompson is contending with on the heels of his first year as president of Mississippi’s largest historically Black university. A federal judge recently allowed a former administrator’s lawsuit against IHL for hiring Thompson to proceed, prompting individual trustees to appeal the decision to the 5th U.S. Court of Appeals.
This month, another former administrator named Linda Rush filed a lawsuit alleging discrimination when Thompson demoted her to hire a less-experienced man, Kylon Alford-Windfield, to lead the university’s division of enrollment management. Sixty days later, the lawsuit claims, Alford-Windfield fired Rush without cause.
Reached for comment, Alford-Windfield said he had not read the lawsuit before murmuring “hm, that’s funny” after a reporter described the complaint.
A ‘sham investigation’ in retaliation
McLin’s lawsuit alleges that Jackson State undertook a “sham investigation” at IHL’s behest to remove her from the university after she oversaw repeated no-confidence votes in the administration.
This prompted an associate provost named Brandi Newkirk-Turner to “seek revenge” through her close relationship with Thompson and the IHL commissioner, Alfred Rankins, according to the lawsuit.
On Aug. 1, shortly after McLin’s contract was renewed, she was given a letter from Thompson stating his intent to terminate her for cause, including “hostile conduct, bullying, harassment and intimidation of fellow JSU employees (including those over whom you have no supervisory responsibilities), interference in the re-accreditation process, abuse of your position as president of the Faculty Senate, and interference in departmental business operations.”
Though Thompson stated multiple grievances and complaints had been filed against McLin, his letter named just one specific example, a time when McLin allegedly turned her chair in a “show of disrespect” to a faculty member who was giving a presentation.
That professor was Newkirk-Turner, McLin alleged in the lawsuit.
When McLin requested a hearing in front of a faculty panel, Jackson State took over six weeks to respond, the lawsuit alleges, even though university policies state that when an employee is suspended or placed on leave, an investigation must move forward as quickly as possible.
The university allegedly gave McLin 10 days to prepare for the hearing, but refused to provide her employment contracts, post-tenure reviews, personnel file or the investigative file underpinning her termination.
During the hearing, McLin’s attorney was not allowed to speak on her behalf, even though Jackson State appeared to the panel through an attorney named Charles Winfield, the lawsuit alleges.
Winfield did not present any witnesses to support the university’s allegations, the lawsuit states. It is unclear if he presented more allegations against McLin than Thompson’s letter did.
The faculty panel ultimately found that Thompson’s firing of McLin was “retaliatory in nature, ultimately promoted by [Dr. Newkirk-Turner], and moved along by a ‘fact finding mission’ initiated by IHL.”
Demoted, then allegedly fired without reason
When Thompson was named president by the IHL board, a longtime administrator at Jackson State named Linda Rush was serving as the interim vice president for enrollment management.
Rush, who had worked at Jackson State for more than 25 years, allegedly told Thompson she wanted to remain in the position. Thompson praised her contributions to the university, calling her “a gift” who “will not be going anywhere because she is JSU.”
But in mid-January, Thompson demoted Rush to executive director of admissions, hiring in her place Alford-Windfield, who had about five years of experience in higher education, the lawsuit alleges.
Thompson and Alford-Windfield were connected: The two were candidates in Jackson State’s executive doctoral program in urban higher education. Days after Thompson’s appointment as president, he went on an international trip with Alford-Windfield and other students from the program.
After that, Rush alleges that Alford-Windfield left her to perform all aspects of his job, including preparing his cabinet reports and speaking notes, while he posted daily Instagram stories.
Sixty days later, Alford-Windfield fired Rush without reason, offered to write her a letter of recommendation and had her escorted from campus.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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