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Preparing for a pandemic that never came ended up setting off another − how an accidental virus release triggered 1977’s ‘Russian flu’

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theconversation.com – Donald S. Burke, Dean Emeritus and Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of Health Science and Policy, and of Epidemiology, at the School of Public Health, University of Pittsburgh – 2024-09-04 07:28:24

Vaccine research quickly picked up to try to prevent a possible flu pandemic in 1976.

AP Photo

Donald S. Burke, University of Pittsburgh

Nineteen-year-old U.S. Army Pvt. David Lewis set out from Fort Dix on a 50-mile hike with his unit on Feb. 5, 1976. On that bitter cold day, he collapsed and died. Autopsy specimens unexpectedly tested positive for an H1N1 swine influenza virus.

Virus disease surveillance at Fort Dix found another 13 cases among recruits who had been hospitalized for respiratory illness. Additional serum antibody testing revealed that over 200 recruits had been infected but not hospitalized with the novel swine H1N1 strain.

masked nurse and military man stand above patient in bed

Officials worried about a repeat of something like the 1918 flu pandemic, which took hold in soldiers and spread globally.

PhotoQuest/Getty Images

Alarm bells instantly went off within the epidemiology community: Could Pvt. Lewis’ death from an H1N1 swine flu be a harbinger of another global pandemic like the terrible 1918 H1N1 swine flu pandemic that killed an estimated 50 million people worldwide?

The U.S. government acted quickly. On March 24, 1976, President Gerald Ford announced a plan to “inoculate every man, woman, and child in the United States.” On Oct. 1, 1976, the mass immunization campaign began.

Meanwhile, the initial small outbreak at Fort Dix had rapidly fizzled, with no new cases on the base after February. As Army Col. Frank Top, who headed the Fort Dix virus investigation, later told me, “We had shown pretty clearly that (the virus) didn’t go anywhere but Fort Dix … it disappeared.”

Nonetheless, concerned by that outbreak and witnessing the massive crash vaccine program in the U.S., biomedical scientists worldwide began H1N1 swine influenza vaccine research and development programs in their own countries. Going into the 1976-77 winter season, the world waited – and prepared – for an H1N1 swine influenza pandemic that never came.

piles of cardboard boxes and two men lifting them

By September 1976, New York State Health Department workers were unloading cartons of swine flu vaccine for distribution.

AP Photo/Jim McKnight

But that wasn’t the end of the story. As an experienced infectious disease epidemiologist, I make the case that there were unintended consequences of those seemingly prudent but ultimately unnecessary preparations.

What was odd about H1N1 Russian flu pandemic

In an epidemiological twist, a new pandemic influenza virus did emerge, but it was not the anticipated H1N1 swine virus.

In November 1977, health officials in Russia reported that a human – not swine – H1N1 influenza strain had been detected in Moscow. By month’s end, it was reported across the entire USSR and soon throughout the world.

Compared with other influenzas, this pandemic was peculiar. First, the mortality rate was low, about a third that of most influenza strains. Second, only those younger than 26 were regularly attacked. And finally, unlike other newly emerged pandemic influenza viruses in the past, it failed to displace the existing prevalent H3N2 subtype that was that year’s seasonal flu. Instead, the two flu strains – the new H1N1 and the long-standing H3N2 – circulated side by side.

Here the story takes yet another turn. Microbiologist Peter Palese applied what was then a novel technique called RNA oligonucleotide mapping to study the genetic makeup of the new H1N1 Russian flu virus. He and his colleagues grew the virus in the lab, then used RNA-cutting enzymes to chop the viral genome into hundreds of pieces. By spreading the chopped RNA in two dimensions based on size and electrical charge, the RNA fragments created a unique fingerprint-like map of spots.

dark spots in a funnel shape on a lighter background

Researchers were surprised to see the ‘genetic fingerprint’ for the 1977 H1N1 Russian flu strain closely matched that of an extinct influenza virus.

Peter Palese

Much to Palese’s surprise, when they compared the spot pattern of the 1977 H1N1 Russian flu with a variety of other influenza viruses, this “new” virus was essentially identical to older human influenza H1N1 strains that had gone extinct in the early 1950s.

So, the 1977 Russian flu virus was actually a strain that had disappeared from the planet a quarter century early, then was somehow resurrected back into circulation. This explained why it attacked only younger people – older people had already been infected and become immune when the virus circulated decades ago in its earlier incarnation.

But how did the older strain come back from extinction?

black and white photo of people sitting on subway in Moscow, 1977

Though called the Russian flu, the virus appears to have been circulating elsewhere before being identified in the Soviet population.

Gilbert UZAN/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images

Refining the timeline of a resurrected virus

Despite its name, the Russian flu probably didn’t really start in Russia. The first published reports of the virus were from Russia, but subsequent reports from China provided evidence that it had first been detected months earlier, in May and June of 1977, in the Chinese port city of Tientsin.

In 2010, scientists used detailed genetic studies of several samples of the 1977 virus to pinpoint the date of their earliest common ancestor. This “molecular clock” data suggested the virus initially infected people a full year earlier, in April or May of 1976.

So, the best evidence is that the 1977 Russian flu actually emerged – or more properly “re-emerged” – in or near Tientsin, China, in the spring of 1976.

A frozen lab virus

Was it simply a coincidence that within months of Pvt. Lewis’ death from H1N1 swine flu, a heretofore extinct H1N1 influenza strain suddenly reentered the human population?

Influenza virologists around the world had for years been using freezers to store influenza virus strains, including some that had gone extinct in the wild. Fears of a new H1N1 swine flu pandemic in 1976 in the United States had prompted a worldwide surge in research on H1N1 viruses and vaccines. An accidental release of one of these stored viruses was certainly possible in any of the countries where H1N1 research was taking place, including China, Russia, the U.S., the U.K. and probably others.

Years after the reemergence, Palese, the microbiologist, reflected on personal conversations he had at the time with Chi-Ming Chu, the leading Chinese expert on influenza. Palese wrote in 2004 that “the introduction of the 1977 H1N1 virus is now thought to be the result of vaccine trials in the Far East involving the challenge of several thousand military recruits with live H1N1 virus.”

Although exactly how such an accidental release may have occurred during a vaccine trial is unknown, there are two leading possibilities. First, scientists could have used the resurrected H1N1 virus as their starting material for development of a live, attenuated H1N1 vaccine. If the virus in the vaccine wasn’t adequately weakened, it could have become transmissible person to person. Another possibility is that researchers used the live, resurrected virus to test the immunity provided by conventional H1N1 vaccines, and it accidentally escaped from the research setting.

Whatever the specific mechanism of the release, the combination of the detailed location and timing of the pandemic’s origins and the stature of Chu and Palese as highly credible sources combine to make a strong case for an accidental release in China as the source of the Russian flu pandemic virus.

black and grey bubbly blobs

The H1N1 influenza virus identified at Fort Dix wasn’t the one that ended up causing a pandemic.

CDC/Dr. E. Palmer, R.E. Bates, 1976 via Getty Images

A sobering history lesson

The resurrection of an extinct but dangerous human-adapted H1N1 virus came about as the world was scrambling to prevent what was perceived to be the imminent emergence of a swine H1N1 influenza pandemic. People were so concerned about the possibility of a new pandemic that they inadvertently caused one. It was a self-fulfilling-prophecy pandemic.

I have no intent to lay blame here; indeed, my main point is that in the epidemiological fog of the moment in 1976, with anxiety mounting worldwide about a looming pandemic, a research unit in any country could have accidentally released the resurrected virus that came to be called the Russian flu. In the global rush to head off a possible new pandemic of H1N1 swine flu from Fort Dix through research and vaccination, accidents could have happened anywhere.

Of course, biocontainment facilities and policies have improved dramatically over the past half-century. But at the same time, there has been an equally dramatic proliferation of high-containment labs around the world.

woman fully contained in personal protective gear reaches across glass bottles

Across the globe, researchers work on dangerous pathogens in labs that are part of biocontainment facilities.

AP Photo/Michael Probst

Overreaction. Unintended consequences. Making matters worse. Self-fulfilling prophecy. There is a rich variety of terms to describe how the best intentions can go awry. Still reeling from COVID-19, the world now faces new threats from cross-species jumps of avian flu viruses, mpox viruses and others. It’s critical that we be quick to respond to these emerging threats to prevent yet another global disease conflagration. Quick, but not too quick, history suggests.The Conversation

Donald S. Burke, Dean Emeritus and Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of Health Science and Policy, and of Epidemiology, at the School of Public Health, University of Pittsburgh

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Rents rise faster after disasters, but a federal program can help restrain excesses

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theconversation.com – Anthony W. Orlando, Assistant Professor of Finance, Real Estate and Law, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona – 2025-01-14 13:02:00

Two people embrace on Jan. 9, 2025, in Altadena, Calif., amid property destroyed by the Eaton Fire.
Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

Anthony W. Orlando, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona

The wildfires raging across Los Angeles are setting the scene for a real estate nightmare.

Thousands of homes and other structures are destroyed and hundreds of thousands of residents have been evacuated at various times. Many will not return for months, if ever. Homeless in an instant, they are now flooding the housing market, desperately seeking shelter.

The Los Angeles housing market is poorly equipped for this crisis. It is already one of the nation’s most expensive markets to buy or rent a place to live, largely due to a significant and growing shortage of affordable housing. That shortage will become only more dire with the destruction of so many fire-ravaged buildings.

For the past two years, I have been studying the effects of natural disasters like this one on rental housing markets. As a professor of real estate, I have analyzed the question from a distance, sifting through data.

This time, however, as a resident of Pasadena, I have seen the carnage up close. I watched the Eaton Fire spread across the mountains from my back porch. I helped friends evacuate before their neighborhood was consumed in flames. Now, they’re sitting at my dining table as they process what they’ve lost and search for a new place to live.

Unfortunately, from my research, I have no doubts about what comes next.

Why disasters drive up rents

Scarcity is the enemy of affordability. This is one of the central tenets of economics. When too many people chase too few goods, prices rise.

So, you might expect that a natural disaster, which destroys housing and inundates the remaining units with new renters, would drive up rents, at least in the short run.

That is exactly what my research has found – but it’s not just the short run.

Two years ago, I worked with a team of researchers to prepare a report for the Brookings Institution, where we compiled a database of natural disasters across a variety of major markets throughout the country from 2000 to 2020. We measured the change in rents in places such as Atlanta, Detroit, Miami and San Francisco that landlords were asking for apartments in disaster-impacted neighborhoods. We then compared those cities with similar neighborhoods that weren’t impacted by the disasters.

We found that natural disasters increased rents during those two decades by 4% to 6%. That means rents were at least 4% higher than they would have been in the absence of the disaster.

These rent hikes were especially clear and pernicious after wildfires in California.

These weren’t just short-term effects. It took 18 months for the full effects to be felt in the market, and they never fully went away. Even four years after the disaster, renters were still paying 2% to 3% more than they would have been without the disaster.

In short, we found that disasters permanently change rental housing markets. They eliminate older, affordable housing, allowing developers to build newer, higher-end and even luxury housing in its place. Those changes drive up insurance costs, and the disasters motivate cities to adopt stricter building codes that in turn add to construction costs for the sake of weathering future disasters better.

How much rents increase, however, depends on how communities and the authorities respond to the disaster.

A burnt-out area following a big fire.
Burned homes are seen from above near the Los Angeles neighborhood of Pacific Palisades on Jan. 9, 2025, after massive fires engulfed whole neighborhoods and displaced thousands of people.
Josh Edelson AFP via Getty Images

Federal aid can slow the growth of rents

We found that rents did not grow as fast when the government stepped in to help.

Specifically, we investigated markets where Congress had used the Community Development Block Grant Disaster Recovery – CDBG-DR – program, providing grants through the Department of Housing and Urban Development. This federal funding typically comes with strings attached and “rental requirements” often mandating that a significant portion of the money be used to build affordable housing.

At least one of these disaster relief grants was issued every year from 2003 to 2020. In some years, Congress allocated as many as 27 different grants across the country to different disaster-impacted areas.

In these markets, we found that rents still rose after disasters – but at a significantly slower pace than in the markets where Congress didn’t send these disaster relief funds.

We dug deeper into several case studies in 2024 to understand why the CDBG-DR program is associated with lower rent hikes over the long run. In this new study, we found that housing markets that benefited from these disaster relief grants were able to build more rental units, easing the housing shortage. They improved affordability by tackling the scarcity problem directly.

Rental units were the key to solving the rent crisis. These cities, where affordability was better post-disaster, didn’t build more single-family homes than the other cities. They built more apartment units.

In these markets, these disaster relief grants saved the average renter between $780 and $1,080 in annual housing costs in 2023.

We believe that this finding shows why it is important not only to rebuild the houses destroyed in disasters like the Los Angeles fires but also to create new rental opportunities in all kinds of housing.

Hope in the aftermath

Here in Los Angeles, the clock is already ticking.

News reports are mounting of landlords raising rents to eye-popping levels.

Fortunately, there are government policies and programs that can help Angelenos find shelter today and that may help the Los Angeles housing market not get even less affordable tomorrow.The Conversation

Anthony W. Orlando, Assistant Professor of Finance, Real Estate and Law, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona

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How the CIA director helps the US navigate a world of spies, threats and geopolitical turbulence

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theconversation.com – Matthew Clary, Senior Lecturer in Political Science, Auburn University – 2025-01-14 12:44:00

The CIA is the U.S.’s premiere spy agency.
Mark Wilson/Getty Images

Matthew Clary, Auburn University

Today, the United States is navigating an increasingly unsettled world. The positions advising the president on national security are as important as ever. One such position, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, is key to providing the president and Cabinet with timely intelligence and analysis.

So, what is the job of director of the CIA? What role does the director play in U.S. national security? How has the position changed over time?

The CIA’s role in national security

The CIA director leads the government agency responsible for conducting espionage and covert action. The CIA director is a Cabinet level position but reports to the director of national intelligence.

The CIA was established by the National Security Act of 1947 as America’s premiere civilian-led foreign intelligence agency. The agency carries out espionage and covert action exclusively outside the U.S.

The CIA is organized into five directorates – analysis, operations, science and technology, digital innovation, and support – and 11 regional and topical mission centers. The number of CIA employees is classified.

Espionage activities include the use of spies tasked with collecting useful information from influential people in countries around the world. This information, referred to as human intelligence, often provides depth and context about threats posed to the U.S.

In addition to collecting intelligence, the CIA analyzes and interprets it. The agency employees thousands of expert analysts who assess the information’s implications for U.S. national security. It is this in-depth analysis that is often presented to the president and Cabinet to inform their decision-making.

Covert action is an activity intended to influence political, economic or military conditions abroad without the role of the U.S. being apparent. Such actions include programs such as disinformation campaigns, counterterrorism operations and military raids such as the one used to kill 9/11 attack organizer Osama bin Laden.

a group of people stand in front of a wall with a three-story concrete building in the background
The CIA tracked 9/11 attack mastermind Osama bin Laden to this house in Pakistan, where U.S. special operations forces killed him.
AP Photo/B.K. Bangash

During the Cold War, from 1947 to 1991, the agency conducted numerous controversial covert actions. These included conducting coups in Iran and Guatemala and attempted or successful political assassinations in Congo, the Dominican Republic, Chile and Cuba. It also carried out highly effective programs such as the U-2 spy plane and Operation Argo, which rescued six Americans stranded in Iran after the 1979 revolution.

Effective espionage and covert action are likely to prove crucial for blunting threats that nations such as China, Russia, Iran and North Korea pose to the U.S. They will be key to monitoring the activities of these nations and enabling the director to deliver timely and valuable analysis to the president.

CIA director’s changed role

During the Cold War, the director of central intelligence had autonomy to conduct these covert actions with limited oversight. The position was extremely powerful at the time because the director was in charge of overseeing all U.S. intelligence activities, not just those of the CIA. This left the director of the CIA as the primary voice on intelligence matters to the president.

Since significant reform of the U.S. intelligence community in 2005 in response to the failure to prevent the 9/11 attacks, the role of the CIA director has changed. The most significant of these changes is that the CIA director no longer manages all U.S. intelligence. The reforms gave that responsibility to the more independent director of national intelligence.

The reform also saw the CIA director’s influence diminished because the position is no longer the primary intelligence adviser to the president. This has created tension between the two positions at times, with the CIA maintaining a high degree of independence from even the director of national intelligence.

In 2017, for example, President Donald Trump restored the CIA director as a formal member of the president’s Cabinet. Later, the CIA director was made a regular attendee of the National Security Council, the president’s principal forum for national security deliberations.

While there is more oversight of the CIA today from Congress and the director of national intelligence, the agency remains relatively independent in conducting espionage and covert action. These include covert actions during the Syrian civil war and during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

black and white photo of armed men around a boat on a beach
These Cuban soldiers helped defeat the CIA-organized Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba in 1961.
Keystone/Getty Images

Another change has been the increased size of the intelligence community. The CIA today is only part of a much larger group of intelligence agencies. These include the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency and more specialized agencies like the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency.

In spite of this more capable and larger intelligence community, the CIA remains the premiere U.S. intelligence agency. This ensures that the CIA director will remain a key player in any presidential administration. The director possesses an immense responsibility to protect the U.S. from foreign threats.

Although the CIA director’s role has changed over time, what remains clear is its central importance to the success of U.S. national security efforts. This has become only more apparent given the increasing turbulence in world affairs.

This story is part of a series of profiles of Cabinet and high-level administration positions.The Conversation

Matthew Clary, Senior Lecturer in Political Science, Auburn University

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Terrorist groups respond to verbal attacks and slights by governments with more violence against civilians

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theconversation.com – Brandon J. Kinne, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Davis – 2025-01-14 07:48:00

Yazidi women in Iraq mourn the victims of Islamic State group attacks.
Ismael Adnan/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

Brandon J. Kinne, University of California, Davis; Iliyan Iliev, The University of Southern Mississippi, and Nahrain Bet Younadam, University of Arizona

After an Islamic State group-inspired attack in New Orleans killed 14 people on New Year’s Day 2025, President Joe Biden warned that terrorists would find “no safe harbor” in the U.S.

Governments often condemn terrorist groups in this way, as well as making threats and engaging in what we call “verbal attacks.”

But such an approach may be counterproductive; extremist groups tend to respond to such comments by ratcheting up violence against civilians. That’s what we found when we analyzed six years of data on incidents of terrorist violence and their proximity to government denunciations.

Our study focused primarily on the Islamic State group.

The extremist organization came to the world’s attention in early 2014, when it began seizing territory in Iraq and Syria. At the height of its power in 2015, the Islamic State group controlled over 100,000 square kilometers (39,000 square miles).

Although it has declined substantially since then, the group remains the world’s deadliest terror organization – responsible for nearly 2,000 deaths in 2023.

The rapid metastasis of the Islamic State group – it has affiliates across the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia – combined with the extreme brutality of its tactics, triggered waves of condemnations by foreign governments. Former U.S. president Barack Obama initially referred to the Islamic State group as the “JV team” in 2014, implying that the group was not as formidable an opponent as more established groups like al-Qaida. A year later, he vowed to “destroy” the group.

Our motivating research question is whether these and similar statements affect terrorists’ behavior.

Traditionally, researchers have dismissed statements like this as “cheap talk.” And government officials similarly do not take seriously the possibility that such statements might have unintended consequences or inflict actual costs.

But when extremist groups commit terror attacks, they always have an audience in mind. And the Islamic State group closely monitors how governments respond to its actions.

Terrorist groups use attacks on civilians to illustrate the extreme measures they are willing to take to achieve their goals. Our research suggests that when governments denounce terrorists, reject their demands or make retaliatory threats, targeted groups infer that they are not being taken seriously. As a result, they commit further atrocities against civilians, with the intent of signaling their intentions and capabilities even more forcefully.

To confirm this, we used a large-scale machine-coded dataset known as the Integrated Crisis Early Warning System to extract daily data on all events involving the Islamic State group for the period 2014 to 2020. We then employed a coding system known as CAMEO to identify events where governments threatened, denounced or otherwise verbally attacked the group.

We found that when governments initiated any form of verbal attack against the organization, the Islamic State group responded by targeting civilians, typically within two days of a verbal attack.


Iliyan Iliev, Nahrain Bet Younadam, Brandon J Kinne, CC BY-SA

Our model showed that every three verbal attacks by governments led to an additional, otherwise unexpected attack by the Islamic State group on civilians. These attacks averaged over six deaths per attack, so the humanitarian consequences of this effect are substantial.

Why it matters

Government leaders face enormous pressures to address national security threats, and terrorism is a powerful source of anxiety for citizens.

Yet, counterterrorism is expensive, risky and logistically difficult.

As such, publicly threatening or denouncing an organization offers a tempting alternative strategy. But there has been little research into how government leaders’ words might backfire, encouraging extremists to attack civilians.

At the same time, although the Islamic State group has diminished greatly in capacity, transnational terrorism continues to flourish. And the resurgence of the Islamic State group remains a threat to security in the Middle East and beyond.

What still isn’t known

We extended the analysis to the terrorist groups Boko Haram in Nigeria and Al-Qaida in Iraq, and we found similar results. But further research is needed to determine whether this pattern holds for terrorist groups in general.

Our theory argues that extremists respond so strongly to verbal attacks because they view those remarks as questioning the group’s credibility – a phenomenon we refer to as a “credibility deficit.”

But terrorists have many motivations, including the desire to control territory and repress dissent. We don’t yet know the magnitude of these influences relative to credibility.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.The Conversation

Brandon J. Kinne, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Davis; Iliyan Iliev, Associate Professor of Political Science, The University of Southern Mississippi, and Nahrain Bet Younadam, Postdoctoral Research Associate in the School of Government and Public Policy, University of Arizona

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