Mississippi Today
Powerful lawmaker helped steer millions in state dollars for his neighborhood, golf course
House Ways and Means Chairman Trey Lamar has helped steer more than $7 million in state money to improve the affluent country club neighborhood and private golf course area where he lives in north Mississippi.
In the process, he also purchased more property for himself around the projects.
The state-funded projects included $2.5 million in upgrades to the county road through his neighborhood and another $2.4 million project on and around the golf course. The stated reasoning for the golf course project is that the road project made it flood — a contention that the county engineer and road project contractor disputed in interviews with Mississippi Today.
The work included building a traffic roundabout on Country Club Road — an unusual feature for a rural-suburban street — and 10 speed humps in a 1.6-mile stretch. It also included widening the road so golf carts can more easily travel, according to the county engineer. The work also included building a new lake and concrete golf cart paths and bridges on the private golf course.
Lamar also helped steer another $200,000 in state money for the nearby city of Senatobia to buy the small water system that serves the Back Acres Country Club neighborhood in Tate County. He then helped steer another $2 million from the state to improve the system, which serves about 200 houses.
Lamar purchased a 4.5-acre piece of property where the roundabout was to be built, and he bought a strip of land bordering his backyard from the water system owner after the city bought the system.
Lamar, as House Ways and Means Committee chairman and former vice chairman, holds great sway over the state’s $7 billion budget. He’s also become the House’s de facto arbiter of “Christmas tree” bills. These are measures full of hundreds of millions of dollars worth of legislators’ pet projects for their districts. As a result, Tate County, Senatobia and his neighborhood have benefited greatly, receiving tens of millions of state dollars — dwarfing spending in similar rural areas across the state.
Lamar in an interview with Mississippi Today defended the spending on his neighborhood. He said the road project was badly needed for safety for a “very dangerous road.” He said the road project then caused flooding on the golf course and surrounding yards and the county was responsible for fixing it.
Lamar said the small water system serving the neighborhood was in terrible shape and the source of many complaints. He noted the state Public Service Commission signed off on Senatobia taking over service.
He said his purchase of property around the state-funded projects was incidental and “like any other sale or purchase … between two private entities.” He insinuated his wife handled the transaction for the roundabout property, although state records indicate he did.
Lamar cut a second interview with Mississippi Today short, saying he would not answer further questions. But he sent a written statement saying that, “After helping with thousands of projects across the state, this result is inevitable” — that he or his family would own property “in the vicinity of a public infrastructure project.”
He refused to answer any questions about his helping secure an additional $400,000 in state money to improve a quiet, already well-paved cul-de-sac in Northeast Jackson where he also owns a home.
“Any potential innuendo of wrongdoing is baseless and only diverts time and effort away from the real progress that we are making,” Lamar said in the written statement.
Country Club Work
Here is what county officials asked contractors to do on a project to upgrade Country Club Road in Tate County, according to the final plans of completed work submitted by the county engineer:
- Widened and overlaid roughly 2 miles of Country Club Road.
- Constructed a roundabout along the road.
- Removed and replaced roughly 1,600 square yards of concrete driveways.
After Tate County officials completed the first project to upgrade Country Club Road, they spent roughly $2 million more to improve drainage and flood control on the Back Acres Country Club and homes in the Back Acres subdivision.
According to revised bidding documents that outlined the scope of work for the project, here is some of the work contractors were expected to complete:
- Clear and grub 22 acres of land.
- Remove 1,560 square yards of asphalt.
- Replace roughly 270 square yards of concrete driveway.
- Remove and replace 6 golf cart bridges.
- Use 9 tons of commercial fertilizer.
- Use 12 acres of seeding.
- Use 48 tons of vegetative material for mulch.
- Use 18,000 square yards of solid bermuda sodding.
- Create 3 retention structures and 1 detention structure.
But there has been debate and questions from local residents about whether the Country Club Road project completed early last year was really needed or whether the project was overkill. They’ve also questioned the work on and around the private golf course and whether the road project really exacerbated country club flooding.
Locals created a Facebook page called “TateCounty Watchdogs,” with its posts and comments centered on the state-funded county work at the country club.
The watchdog group has questioned why, if the road project caused flooding on the golf course and surrounds, taxpayers funded the more than $2 million fix instead of the county going after surety with the contractor or engineer to cover it.
Numerous current and past Tate County supervisors declined to answer such questions or did not respond to calls requesting interviews. Others said they know very little about the country club projects.
There was a common theme among many of the dozens of residents and county and state officials including lawmakers Mississippi Today interviewed or attempted to interview: They cited fear of the powerful lawmaker Lamar in declining to comment on the record.
For fellow lawmakers, Lamar holds the purse strings in the House for projects in their districts. For locals, Lamar’s family is a prominent one. His family law firm serves as legal counsel for Tate County, including the county board of supervisors that approved the projects in question. Lamar’s father served as county attorney before the county contracted the work with the firm. Lamar’s mother is a former state Supreme Court justice and Institutions of Higher Learning college board member.
‘Mother Nature caused the flooding’
Tate County Engineer Kevin McLeod, whose firm designed the Country Club Road and golf course projects, said the road “was mainly a safety and maintenance project.”
“Safety in that speed bumps were added, it was repaved and we added a 4- or 5-foot paved shoulder on one side so golf carts could travel safely,” McLeod said. “At public meetings, people were saying golf carts were using the road but it wasn’t wide enough for them to travel safely.”
McLeod said that despite “some residents who think that’s the case,” the road project did not cause flooding.
“The road project did not cause flooding,” McLeod said. “Mother nature caused the flooding.” He said that as the project was nearing completion, the area had two massive rains, “where even the best areas would flood.” He said residents mistook the historic deluges as the project causing more flooding.
“Soon after that we got phone calls — not many, but a few — from people who said it never did this until the road project started,” McLeod said. He said a retention pond on the front nine holes of the golf course had a bad standpipe. He said two main ditches through the country club, one through the front nine holes and one through the back nine, “had not been maintained in years.”
Bram Billingsley, owner of Ste-Bil Grading that did the Country Club Road project, said he built the road as designed and, “I find it hard to believe that what we did caused all this drainage work on the golf course.”
“All I know is we did the work as designed, or the county wouldn’t have paid us,” Billingsley said. “Now we’re being blamed … If they think it’s the fault of the contractor, then yes, the county should have done something. We’re bonded 100% on performance and payment. If we were outside our lines, then file a claim on our bond. That would be 1-2-3, just like a blank check. But they didn’t do that.”
According to minutes of the Tate County Board of Supervisors, the county received two letters claiming the road project was causing flooding, one from a homeowner and one from the Back Acres Country Club. The letters had identical wording and called for the county to fix the flooding.
But the county did not file a claim against the contractor for the road work. Instead, Lamar and the Legislature stepped in again, with an additional $2.4 million in state dollars for work to fix drainage on and around the golf course.
County Engineer McLeod said he wrote up an estimate for the drainage work, “the county sent it in, it got put on a list and they were lucky enough to get some funding for it.”
Lamar and McLeod said the county received easements for all the work it did at the country club and in neighbors’ yards. McLeod said all of the curbed concrete golf cart paths the county built “were put in to raise them up so they could act as a levy to slow the water down behind them,” not for ease of golfers getting around.
A representative of the contractor that did the golf course work did not return calls for an interview.
Tate County District Attorney Jay Hale, a former Back Acres Country Club board member who still helps the club board with legal issues, said his sister was the homeowner who wrote the complaint letter because her property had severe flooding from the road project.
“We put the county on notice that they had caused a problem,” Hale said. “… My sister and brother-in-law were getting ready to sue the county. There were numerous complaints from residents. They flooded the country club with that project. It’s moving the same amount of water, but much faster. My sister had videos of water flying down her property. At one point her pool was about to go underwater.”
Hale said Country Club Road was in bad shape and he believes the initial project was needed, though he added, “I guess that’s probably up for debate.” But he said the county was responsible for fixing the drainage afterward.
“None of the country club members wanted (the drainage project),” Hale said. “They understood it was needed for drainage, but it shut down the golf course, at least nine holes at a time, for a year.”
Jason Carter, current Back Acres Country Club board president, said, “This wasn’t a beautification project.”
Hale and Carter said the concrete golf cart paths the county built with state funds — about $200,000 worth — were to replace paths the county destroyed with its drainage work. They said the club liked the way the new paths looked, so it shelled out about $30,000 of its own money to rebuild others on the course to match. They said residents questioning the work could have confused the club’s work with the taxpayer-funded work.
Hale said some of the questions and complaints about the work could be simply because it was done for a country club neighborhood.
“There are about 300 members, out of 28,000 people in the county,” Hale said. “I guess people don’t like seeing money put into where it went.”
Watchdogs take note of ‘Trey Way’
Lamar’s scoring lots of tax dollars for his neighborhood and district has in recent years drawn the ire of some fellow lawmakers. But it has also raised questions and attracted scrutiny from his own constituents.
The TateCounty Watchdogs Facebook page was formed in June, about the same time Mississippi Today started receiving messages and questions about the work.
Some locals have nicknamed Country Club Road “Trey Way.” They’ve questioned the government doing work in and around Back Acres Country Club and whether work on the golf course was more about golfing than drainage.
“This project is spending just over $2.1 million dollars on the Back Acres Country Club private golf course,” the initial Watchdog post said. “Over $200,000 is being spent on golf cart paths per itemized listing.”
A later post said: “The next step is to inspect the premise under which all this Tate County money was spent on a private golf course, rather than the abundance of the public property issues we have … Who is the responsible contractor, and why was his bond against surety company not pursued?”
Another post said: “It is common knowledge the back 9 flooded before the road project. If the damage was caused by the county road project, why can’t the county explain which contracted party is responsible?” One local commenter on the page said, “Country Club road was the best road in the county before they did the work.”
But the administrator of the TateCounty Watchdogs page, contacted through private message, declined to identify themselves or speak about the issues on the record. Numerous other residents contacted shared that trepidation.
Residents early last year did publicly voice complaints and sign a petition to the county about the large number of large speed humps on the improved Country Club Road – 10 in less than two miles. They said the speed humps, roundabout and two three-way stops were ridiculous and could impede first responders trying to traverse the road. Lamar addressed residents at a hearing about the speed humps and said they were needed for traffic safety. But after the complaints, the county came back and milled off half of the speed humps.
Residents have had trouble getting answers from county leaders. Several present and past county leaders contacted by Mississippi Today brushed off questions, claimed they knew little about the projects or didn’t return calls and messages. About a month after Mississippi Today submitted written questions, the county supplied some written statements but did not answer some main questions.
Tate County Supervisor Leigh Ann Darby represents the area. She notes she took office in January and “this project predates me.”
Darby said she knows little about the projects, but is aware of the questions being asked about them, including why the county didn’t go after contractor surety if the road caused flooding.
“I would say, yes, a lot of money was funneled into that project for a public road, then was rolled over into the golf course,” Darby said. “I know that question has been posed numerous times. I have not heard a definitive answer to that.”
Darby said she joined the Back Acres Country Club long ago but has not been an active member for years.
“I was not involved in any aspect of obtaining that money,” Darby said. “I don’t play golf. My family doesn’t, and I don’t even travel that road often … But I am for complete transparency, and I am raising questions, too … I saw the public records request you sent up here … I am for complete transparency and I don’t want Tate County hiding anything.”
Current Tate County Board President Tony Sandridge was a supervisor when the projects were approved, but he said he also knows very little about them.
“If it’s not in District 3, I’m really not sure about it,” he said.
Supervisor George Stepp said he is new to the board and knows little about it other than, “It was all state funded, no money from the county – I can tell you this … I try to stay away from some of this. I don’t get too involved.”
About a month after receiving written questions from Mississippi Today, the Tate County Board of Supervisors responded in writing with a letter signed by Sandridge, but the responses left much unanswered.
“Current elected officials and staff do not have the knowledge to answer questions surrounding the history of this project other than what is recorded on the county’s official minutes,” the written response said. “… Tate County, to our knowledge, has never made a finding as to the cause of the flooding. Whether the flooding existed prior to the road project, worsened after the road project, or was caused by extreme weather events that are the acts of God, the Tate County Board of Supervisors realized a problem existed …”
The statement said the two letters received about flooding “are the only two formal complaints ‘as a result of the project’ made to the county and spread on the minutes” but one other nearby neighbor in 2022 complained to the board about drainage.
The statement did not answer why, if the project caused or exacerbated flooding, the county did not hold the contractor or engineer accountable. Instead, Sandridge wrote, the county was doing work “necessary to promote the health, comfort and convenience of the inhabitants of Tate County.”
The county’s response noted that when the initial, partial state funding for the project was secured, the county was under the “beat system” where each supervisor manages roads in his or her district, and that former Supervisor Cam Walker who retired in 2019 was in charge of that district.
Walker, whom Mississippi Today had been unable to reach for comment, provided a brief written statement as part of the county’s response. He said the road was dangerous and he had been working to improve it since at least 2006, but was unable to secure funding. He said he attended at least two public hearings when he was in office where citizens demanded the road be “improved and made safer.”
‘That’s a private transaction’
Lamar built his home on Country Club Road on the outskirts of Senatobia in 2015.
In 2018, as the Legislature struggled to find money in austere times for badly needed infrastructure improvements statewide, Lamar helped secure $1 million for overhauling Country Club Road. The money sat in the county’s bank account for a while. In 2020, Lamar helped steer another $1.5 million to the road.
In 2018, Lamar defended funding for the project after it was temporarily axed from the legislative spending bill and a reporter asked about it being the road on which he lives. He said it’s a main thoroughfare that badly needed safety improvements and at least two people had been killed on it. Records show there were two traffic deaths on Country Club Road – one in 2004 and one in 2016.
Lamar said at the time, “I don’t apologize for working to help my people. That is my job.”
In 2022, Lamar helped create the Tate County Erosion Control and Repair Fund with state legislation. To date, the country club golf course area work is the only project that has been completed through the fund.
Lamar said there is nothing untoward about him buying property related to the Country Club Road project or the city takeover of the neighborhood water system after helping fund them with state dollars.
JT Delta Company LLC bought the 4.5 acres on the north of what was to become the new roundabout on the road after the state funding was approved. Lamar said, “My wife owns that LLC … and it’s a real estate company.” But state records show Trey Lamar as the only officer and registered agent of the LLC, and it appears he handled the paperwork for the purchase.
“That’s a private transaction,” Lamar said. “It had nothing to do with the county, so it’s like any other sale or purchase of real estate between two private entities … That project was already decided on when that purchase was made. I don’t design roundabouts or design intersections. So that’s something that would have been done by the county and the county’s engineer.”
Lamar said that after the city of Senatobia bought the small New Image water system serving the country club neighborhood, it hooked the area up to the city system and didn’t need the small strip of property the small system owned adjacent to Lamar’s backyard.
“It’s, I don’t know, a tenth of an acre,” Lamar said. “So when the city purchased that system, they abandoned that well, and I think they sold the equipment that was there … That system was owned by one gentleman … and left him owning a tenth of an acre or whatever … I purchased that in a private transaction … that had nothing to do with the water system.
“I’m not on city water,” Lamar said. “I wasn’t on the New Image system … I’m on a private well.”
Lamar said he made the land purchases after the state funding and projects were approved.
State law prohibits public officials from using their official positions to obtain, or attempt to obtain, financial benefit for themselves.
State Ethics Commission Director Tom Hood, speaking generally and not about Lamar or the country club projects and land deals, said a public official helping secure improvements to his neighborhood or street would not necessarily pose a legal issue. He noted a past Ethics Commission ruling that said a city could extend its water system to land owned by a mayor.
“If you’ve got to speculate about something affecting property value, then that’s not enough,” Hood said. “If there’s no pecuniary benefit, then there’s no violation. You have to prove monetary benefit to somebody caused by the government action … Even going from a gravel road to a paved road, if the only benefit is you don’t have to wash your car as much — those are difficult questions.”
Hood said a public official purchasing property around a public project also wouldn’t automatically pose an ethical question.
“That could be a problem if they were using nonpublic information for the purchase,” Hood said. “But if the information was already public, that statute wouldn’t apply … The short answer on these situations is: it depends.”
Meanwhile, TateCounty Watchdogs, which recently had more than 2,200 followers, posted: “In our opinion, even if it was all ‘State money,’ that is no justification to use public monies in this way. Every working Tate Countian pays income tax in to the state of Mississippi. The state then allocates some of that money back out to the counties for roads, infrastructure and whatnot. If our County is placing these dollars into private properties, it will require that much more in County taxes for Tate County to meet her obligations.
“Stay tuned to avoid being taken advantage of as you live your life in and around Tate County,” the post concluded.
READ MORE: Click here to return to the series summary
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Gov. Tate Reeves urges lawmakers to use unspent state revenue for tax cuts
Mississippi’s legislative leaders believe two things will happen when lawmakers convene for their next session in January: They will attempt to cut state taxes in some form, and they will have almost the same amount of money to spend during the next fiscal year as they do for the current fiscal year.
Members of the Joint Legislative Budget Committee and Republican Gov. Tate Reeves agreed on Thursday morning to estimate that the state government will collect about $7.6 billion in tax revenue during the next fiscal year, a slight increase in revenue collections of $26.9 million from the current fiscal year.
Reeves, who is strongly urging lawmakers to pass legislation to abolish the state income tax, pointed out that $600 million in tax revenue from the current fiscal year remains unspent, and that it could be used for tax cuts.
“I would encourage you for the additional $600 million that we return that back to the taxpayers,” Reeves said.
House Speaker Jason White, who is the current chair of the JLBC, has also strongly encouraged his colleagues to support eliminating the income tax and trimming the grocery tax. He joked with Reeves that there are “lots of crosshairs” on that unspent revenue.
“Now, some have different bullets than others, but targets nonetheless,” White said.
The income tax accounts for about 30% of state general fund revenue.
Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, the leader of the Senate, wants lawmakers to trim the 7% sales tax on groceries, the highest of such a tax in the nation. He told reporters after the meeting that he wants to trim the tax while also making sure the state’s public employee retirement system is adequately funded.
Hosemann said he has an ideal rate in mind for where he would like to see a new grocery tax reduced to, but he declined to share it with reporters ahead of the 2025 legislative session.
Corey Miller, the state economist, told the lawmakers that Mississippi’s economy this year will grow slightly more than anticipated, but predicts the state economy, like the U.S. economy, will slow slightly in 2025 and 2026.
Miller also said sales tax collections have slumped compared to last year, but income tax collections have increased in recent months. He attributed the increase in income tax revenues to anecdotal reports of an increase in the number of new businesses started.
The Thursday meeting is typically a pro forma part of the state’s budget writing process. The more important meeting will occur in early spring when the committee will adopt a final revenue estimate to determine how much money lawmakers can spend before they pass a budget and adjourn.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Willie Manning faces execution, despite a crumbling case
When death row speaks
It comes truly from the heart
It’s a lonely situation
The frustration’s just a start.
— Willie Manning
Unless a court intervenes, the state of Mississippi will execute Willie Manning, despite the fact much of the case against him has crumbled.
If the Mississippi Supreme Court doesn’t give Manning another hearing, justices are expected to grant Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s request to set an execution date.
He remains on death row, convicted of the 1992 murders of two Mississippi State University students, Jon Stephen Steckler and Pamela Tiffany Miller, but the scientific evidence that helped convict him has gone up in smoke.
At trial, an FBI examiner told jurors that bullets fired into a tree, allegedly by Manning, matched those used to kill the couple to the exclusion of all other guns. The FBI later said such a conclusion was not supported by scientific standards.
Another FBI examiner testified that hairs found in Miller’s car belonged to someone Black. Steckler and Miller were white, and Manning is Black. The FBI later called such hair analysis invalid.
Beyond such evidence, the jailhouse informant who implicated Manning has since recanted.
“In this case, there are no fingerprints, fibers, DNA, or other physical evidence linking Manning to the murders or the victims,” wrote Manning’s defense team, which includes attorneys David Voisin and Robert Mink Sr. as well as Krissy C. Nobile, director of the Mississippi Office of Capital Post-Conviction Counsel. “All that remains in his case is recanted testimony and debunked forensic science.”
Fitch said Manning needs to be executed.
“The Court should not allow Manning to abuse the system by citing inapplicable rules, raising baseless claims, and incorrectly relying on this Court’s precedent to further delay execution of his lawful punishment,” she told the justices. “This Court should reject Manning’s latest attempt to further delay execution of his lawful sentence imposed thirty years ago.”
Two double homicides
Two weeks before Christmas in 1992, Mississippi State students were celebrating the end of final exams when the bodies of 19-year-old Steckler and 22-year-old Miller were found on a blood-spattered road at 2:15 a.m., a little more than an hour after they were last seen leaving Steckler’s fraternity house.
Steckler had been shot and run over by Miller’s car. She had been shot twice, and one leg was out of her pants and underwear, but authorities found no evidence of sexual assault.
A month later, the bodies of 90-year-old Alberta Jordan and her 60-year-old daughter, Emmoline Jimmerson, were found slashed to death in their apartment in Starkville.
Both double homicides went unsolved.
The couple’s murders took place on the same night that Steckler’s fraternity brother, John Wise, had his Chrysler Eagle Talon burglarized. He said several items were stolen from his car: a CD player, a silver huggie, a leather bomber jacket and $10 in change, plus a restroom token. Steckler’s watch, gold necklace and Cathedral High School class ring were also missing. So was Miller’s ring.
Wise identified the token found at the murder scene as identical to the one taken from his car, and authorities theorized that Steckler and Miller had interrupted a burglary outside the fraternity house.
In April 1993, firefighters in Starkville found a silver huggie, which Wise identified as his. At this point, Manning became a primary suspect, Oktibbeha County Sheriff Dolph Bryan testified, but he didn’t explain why. Manning lived out of town, five miles from where the huggie was found.
A month later, the sheriff arrested Manning, previously convicted of burglary, robbery and grand larceny, and charged him with both double homicides.
A day later, the sheriff got a visit from Earl Jordan, who was back in jail after spending more than two years in prison. He had been on the sheriff’s list of suspects because he and another man had reportedly barged into a fraternity house, swiped cash, threatened to steal a car and said, “We are not afraid to kill anybody.”
He told the sheriff that his cousin, Manning, had admitted burglarizing a car with another man, that they forced Steckler and Miller into her car, drove them to a remote location and killed them.
Jailhouse snitches seeking deals
Manning went on trial for the murders of Steckler and Miller.
Witnesses testified that Manning attempted to sell a ring and watch matching the general description of Steckler’s missing jewelry.
Wise testified about the items stolen from his car and identified the token found at the murder scene as identical to the restroom token stolen from his car. One witness said Manning sold him a CD player, which matched the serial number of Wise’s CD player.
Manning admitted he fenced the CD player, according to the sheriff’s notes, but he repeatedly denied being responsible for the couple’s murders.
At trial, two jailhouse informants told the jury, made up of 10 white and two Black jurors, about statements they said Manning had made. Jordan testified that Manning confessed to the murders, and Frank Parker said he overheard Manning talk about selling a gun.
Manning’s former girlfriend, Paula Hathorn, told jurors that Manning fired a gun into a tree in the yard, and FBI examiner John Lewoczko concluded that those bullets matched the ones that killed the couple “to the exclusion of every other firearm … in the world.”
Hathorn told jurors Manning didn’t come home for days after the shooting and gave her a leather jacket, which Wise identified as his.
In closing statements, District Attorney Forrest Allgood pointed at the babyfaced Manning. “He doesn’t look like a blood-thirsty monster,” he said. “Monsters never do.”
The jury convicted Manning.
A day later, the defense lawyer begged for his life, saying vengeance belonged to the Lord.
Allgood said Manning deserved execution for murdering these young students. “They were living bright with promises,” he said. “They were bright with dreams of tomorrows that went on forever. Now they are so much rotting flesh.”
If this “slaughter,” he said, “doesn’t justify the death penalty, then we need to apologize to every other individual on death row.”
The jury agreed, and the judge sent Manning to prison to be executed.
Witnesses recant
Over a five-year period, Hathorn had wracked up 88 bad check charges.
At the time of the murders, she faced 33 of those charges and owed $10,000. Worse than that, she faced up to 10 years in prison.
When she mentioned possible time behind bars, she said Sheriff Bryan told her, “You ain’t going to have to worry about that.”
The sheriff picked her up sometimes and bought her Church’s chicken. She said he also bought her furniture and paid some of her bills.
The sheriff wrote out questions for her to ask Manning and recorded all of her conversations with him in person and over the phone. The defense never knew about these recordings in which Manning said he had nothing to do with the murders.
Before testifying, she said the sheriff coached her, and after the conviction, he took her to the bank and gave her $17,500 in reward money. Authorities dropped all but one of her charges.
She told jurors that she saw him on Dec. 9, 1991, but she did not see him again until Dec. 14.
In a 2023 sworn statement, she said she saw him the day of the Dec. 11 killings. They were both at his mother’s house, which didn’t have running water. They had to boil water on the stove and wash in the sink.
“I never saw Willie Manning with any clothes that had blood on them,” she said, “and I never saw him trying to clean blood off him or off any of his clothes.”
As for Jordan, he initially pointed his finger at two suspects in the murders and passed a lie detector test.
Authorities ruled the men out and arrested Manning. A day later, Jordan told the sheriff that Manning had described carrying out the burglary and murders with Jessie Lawrence.
The problem? Lawrence was in an Alabama jail that day.
There was a logistical problem as well. How did four people cram into Miller’s two-seater sports car?
After Manning’s conviction, Jordan received reward money and pleaded guilty to a reduced charge. He admitted he lied in 2012, but he wouldn’t sign anything until 2023 when the sheriff and district attorney were both out of office.
“Manning never told me he killed anyone,” he said in a sworn statement.
He said he lied at the time because he knew he could have been charged as a habitual offender. When the sheriff shared details about the murders, “I changed some words to the way the sheriff said he thought it happened,” Jordan said. “The sheriff was satisfied.”
At trial, jailhouse informant Frank Parker testified that Manning talked to his cellmate about selling a gun, but that cellmate, Henry Richardson, denied that Manning ever spoke to him about a gun. “All we did was play cards,” he said.
In a sworn statement, Parker’s uncle, former law enforcement officer Chester Blanchard, called his nephew a thief and a liar. “I would not take his word for anything,” he said.
In other statements, two men described seeing Manning at the 2500 Club close to midnight on the same night the murders took place. One said Manning asked him for a ride home, which he declined to do.
In another statement, a woman described parking at the apartments besides Miller’s sports car at 1 a.m.
Manning’s lawyers said this narrow timeframe, combined with his lack of a car, made it impossible for him to have carried out the murders more than 3 miles away.
The lone potential link between the burglary of Wise’s car and the murders was the token found at the murder scene.
Manning’s lawyers questioned whether the token came from Wise’s car since he testified his token was “dirty” while the sheriff described it as “a bright shiny gold colored coin.” A photograph of that token mirrors the sheriff’s description.
These tokens were produced for two service station restrooms in Mississippi as well as other restrooms across the U.S.
Hathorn said the sheriff gave her a much different reason for the murders. She said he drove her out to the gravel road where the killings took place and told her, “It was a drug deal gone bad.”
Manning’s lawyers have wondered if the killings might have been carried out by someone she knew. Miller was shot twice in the face at close range, which might suggest a personal killing. Her sports car was double-parked at an apartment complex not far from her trailer, and her missing ring was found between that trailer and her car.
One woman told police that on the night of the murders, she heard a man yelling after midnight from the direction of Miller’s trailer. Defense lawyers obtained statements from two people who said they heard what sounded like a white man yelling, followed by two gunshots.
Dashed hopes
In 2004, Manning learned he was getting a new trial.
It was the first good news he had heard in years. He had two different lawyers appointed to handle his post-conviction relief in Mississippi. They failed to file anything, and the statute of limitations for filing expired in federal court.
After the state Legislature created the Capital Post-Conviction Relief office in 2000, Voisin and Mink both took on the case and filed Manning’s first post-conviction relief request.
That filing led the Mississippi Supreme Court to conclude that prosecutors at Manning’s trial had been guilty of reversible error because they tried to enhance Jordan’s credibility as a witness by asking him if he had volunteered to take a lie detector test.
Justices had recently reversed a criminal case for the exact same reason. Now they reversed Manning’s conviction.
Lawyers for the attorney general’s office asked the high court to reconsider its ruling. They called the evidence against Manning “overwhelming” and suggested that the court adopt the U.S. Supreme Court’s limited retroactive standard.
In 2006, the justices followed the attorney general’s advice, reversed their original decision, took away Manning’s hope for a new trial and sent him back to death row.
Voisin called the ruling baffling. “Prosecutors improperly bolstered his [Jordan’s] credibility,” he said, “and we can’t get a hearing.”
Reprieve with four hours to spare
On the morning of May 7, 2013, Manning prepared to be executed. Tonight would be his final meal when he could dine on steak, shrimp or anything else he fancied. He found it strange that they would feed him so well just before they killed him.
Four hours before the 6 p.m. execution, word came that the Mississippi Supreme Court had issued a stay in an 8-1 vote.
Days earlier, the state had received letters from Justice Department officials, who said the ballistics tests were in “error” and that an FBI examiner had overstated conclusions about hair analysis by saying the hair came from an African American.
After halting the execution, justices reversed their denial of a defense request to reexamine a rape kit, fingernail scrapings, hairs and fingerprint evidence in the case. The rape kit again yielded no DNA.
Authorities identified 33 fingerprints inside Miller’s Toyota MR2. Sixteen belonged to Miller or Steckler, but none of them matched Manning.
In hopes of finding other matches, defense lawyers ran the fingerprints through a database known as the Automated Fingerprint Identification System. None was found.
DNA tests on the rape kit provided no additional clues, either.
After raising money to pay for a lab to test the hair from Miller’s car, the hair fragments proved too small and degraded to obtain a DNA profile.
A specialized lab told defense lawyers that it could do the testing, but Circuit Judge Lee J. Howard IV rejected that request because it had taken longer than three years and because “identifying the mitochondrial DNA of seven hair samples obtained from vacuum sweeping and debris from the car will not call into question [Manning’s] conviction as it is irrelevant to the issue of guilt.”
The Mississippi Supreme Court backed that rejection, saying even if another DNA profile was “discovered from the crime scene evidence, no proof has been shown that it would change the outcome of Manning’s case,” Justice Robert Chamberlin wrote.
After avoiding execution, Manning returned to his death row cell and resumed what he had been doing for decades. Waiting.
He penned a poem:
How many times have I shed tears?
How many people have to die
Before this nation starts to realize
That this system’s all a lie?
Another death penalty, more witnesses recant
In 1996, Manning went on trial for the murders of Jordan and Jimmerson.
Kevin Lucious said that he and his girlfriend, Likeesha Harris, and their baby lived in the same apartment complex as the victims.
Lucious told jurors that he saw Manning push himself into the victims’ apartment and later tell him if he had known “they” only had $12, he would not have done anything to them.
The jury convicted Manning, and he was sentenced to death.
In a 2011 evidentiary hearing, Lucious, who was serving three life sentences in Missouri, recanted his testimony against Manning, saying he was afraid he would be charged with the murders.
The apartment where Lucious testified that he lived with his girlfriend was actually vacant at the time the killings took place. The Starkville police knew this, but concealed the information from both prosecutors and defense lawyers.
The girlfriend, Harris, testified that as soon as she read in the local newspaper about Lucious’ testimony, she knew it wasn’t the truth. “Kevin was trying to get himself off by any means necessary,” she said. “He lied.”
In a 7-2 vote in 2015, the Mississippi Supreme Court granted Manning a new trial because the state withheld critical information.
“Any attorney worth his salt would salivate at impeaching the State’s key witness using evidence obtained by the Starkville Police Department,” Justice Michael K. Randolph wrote.
Manning’s attorneys never got a chance. Prosecutors dismissed his charges before a new trial ever began.
That dismissal marked the sixth exoneration in the same judicial district, according to the National Registry of Exonerations. All the cases came under longtime district attorney, Allgood, featured in Netflix’s documentary series on cases of wrongful convictions, “The Innocence Files.”
“These numerous wrongful convictions stemming from the same judicial district and prosecutor fit a template: flawed and false forensics and-or official misconduct,” Manning’s defense team wrote. “Manning’s current case follows that template.”
All but one of those exonerated were Black.
Sheriff Bryan denied in testimony that race played any role in the investigation, but he acknowledged creating a list of 13 possible suspects in the murder. All of them were Black.
Black Americans are seven times more likely than white Americans to be wrongly convicted of serious crimes in the U.S., according to a report by the National Registry of Exonerations.
Of the 29 Mississippians exonerated since 1989, 83% were Black. In fact, Black Americans convicted of murder are about 80% more likely to be innocent than other Americans convicted of murder.
As for false testimony, evidence shows it can often lead to wrongful convictions. Studies show that nearly two-thirds of wrongful murder convictions since 1989 have resulted from false testimony, and nearly half of wrongful capital convictions have resulted from the false testimony of informants.
“The witness intimidation and false testimony in the Jordan-Jimmerson case was an intended feature, not a ‘flaw,’” lawyers Ayanna Hill and Thomas M. Fortner wrote in a friend of the court brief for the ACLU, the NAACP and the Mississippi Office of State Public Defender. “When law enforcement is willing to frame a man twice for murder, it is almost beyond question that more aspects of Mr. Manning’s trial would fall far short of what he was constitutionally entitled to.”
What is justice?
Manning, now 56, sits on death row. Unless a court intervenes, he will be strapped down and injected with a drug to stop his heart.
The same Mississippi Supreme Court that tossed out his conviction in one case is denying him a new hearing in the other. In a 5-4 decision, the chief justice called the evidence against Manning “overwhelming,” saying even Jordan’s recanted testimony “would not have changed the verdict.”
Manning “has had more than a full measure of justice,” he wrote. “Tiffany Miller and Jon Steckler have not. Their families have not. The citizens of Mississippi have not.”
In his dissenting opinion, Presiding Justice Jim Kitchens wrote, “Today the Court perverts its function as an appeal court and makes factual determinations that belong squarely within the purview of the circuit court judge.”
Without Jordan, the case against Manning is circumstantial, and this is why a circuit judge needs to hold a hearing on the truthfulness and timeliness of the recanted testimony, he wrote.
Mississippi’s attorney general said it’s time for Manning to face justice and called on the high court to set an execution date.
His “fruitless trip to the circuit court for DNA testing brought the litigation of this case to an end,” Fitch wrote. “Manning’s pending motion is a blatant attempt to delay his lawful execution.”
Former District Attorney Allgood agreed. “There are a lot of deserving individuals for the death penalty,” he said. “[Manning is] certainly one of them.”
Former Sheriff Bryan could not be reached for comment.
Manning’s defense team said if the state of Mississippi goes forward with his lethal injection, it will execute an innocent man.
“What measure of justice is served if the wrong man is put to death?” the lawyers asked. “Will Mississippi allow a man to be executed when it has been proven that corruption, coercion, and false forensics lie at the core of his conviction and death sentence?”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1960
Nov. 14, 1960
Federal marshals escorted 6-year-old Ruby Bridges into William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans. Day after day, whites jeered at the Mississippi native and three other Black children, Leona Tate, Gail Etienne and Tessie Prevost, who became the first to attend all-white elementary schools in the South.
Many white families left the school in protest, but Barbara Henry stayed and taught Bridges. Norman Rockwell depicted Bridges’ entry in his painting “The Problem We All Live With,” and she received the Presidential Citizens Medal in 2001. There is now a statue of her outside the elementary school, which bears her name.
“I was an innocent child that knew absolutely nothing about what was happening that day,” she recalled, “but I learned a very valuable lesson — we should never look at a person and judge them by the color of their skin. That’s the lesson I learned in first grade.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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