Mississippi Today
My coffee-colored tap water went viral. I still don’t know what was in it.
My coffee-colored tap water went viral. I still don’t know what was in it.
On Friday, Sept. 9 – the 11th day of the water crisis in Jackson, Miss., and weeks into a citywide boil water notice – I went to brush my teeth.
I was at my apartment in Belhaven, one of the oldest and wealthiest neighborhoods in the majority-Black capital city. With the day off work, I had planned to drive to a suburb of Jackson to wash my clothes, thinking the laundromats in town were still affected by the crisis. Getting ready to leave, I turned on my bathroom sink faucet; for a second, the stream of water ran normally before it sputtered, lost pressure and turned a shockingly dark, coffee-colored brown.
My reaction was to turn off the faucet.
Earlier that week, I had seen a picture on Twitter of a bathtub, supposedly in Jackson, that was full of opaque, black water. Without more context, I had dismissed it as fake, but I wasn’t doubting anymore. I turned on my shower – it also sputtered before the water turned the same dark brown. I tried my sink again. Still brown. Then I flushed my toilet; it lurched away from the wall. I opened the lid to see chocolate-colored water slowly filling the bowl.
I took a video and posted it on Twitter with the caption, “My water just now in Jackson, MS.”
Within minutes, I was getting hundreds of retweets. That turned into dozens of direct messages, emails and phone calls from reporters around the world requesting to play the video on TV that night, and literally thousands of replies all asking the same question: What was in my water, and why was it that brown?
I had the same questions. Like all of my coworkers at Mississippi Today, I had been covering the crisis since it began on Aug. 29, but I wasn’t reporting on the condition of the water system or treatment plants.
Still, I thought I’d be well-suited to get the answers as a journalist. But more than two months later, I still don’t know what, exactly, was in my water, or why it turned brown. I've talked with experts in water quality and city officials – they gave different answers. The experts say that discolored water is a natural phenomenon in aging water systems, though the pipes in my building could've contributed. City officials are adamant my brown water was "an isolated incident," but we obtained records showing people across the city had experienced similar brown water during the height of the crisis.
The city also said they were going to test my water, but after weeks of back and forth with me, they admitted they never did.
But the first call I made that day was to my landlord’s front office. I wanted to know if other properties in Belhaven were affected or if my unit, a 1940s quadruplex, was the only one. Though the pipes in Belhaven are decades old, much of the neighborhood is downhill and nearby J.H. Fewell, the city’s secondary water plant – as a result, the homes here are often better able to weather water-related crises than those in other parts of the city.
The office manager answered the phone. Multiple properties were affected, she said. The water in Nejam Properties’ office in Belhaven Heights, a sister neighborhood on the hill across Fortification Street, was the color of “weak coffee.”
“That’s all to do with the city of Jackson and the boil water notice and stuff like that,” she said in a way that seemed intended to be reassuring.
Even before Gov. Tate Reeves declared the water emergency in a late-night press conference on Aug. 29, there was widespread confusion in Jackson about whether the water was safe to drink. Despite months of on-again, off-again boil water notices, many people, including myself, had been using the water normally. The mayor, Chokwe Antar Lumumba, had repeatedly questioned if the most recent boil water notice, which had been imposed by the state in July, was necessary.
This lack of clarity from both the city and the state continued throughout the crisis, making it hard for many Jacksonians to know what to trust. Reeves’ initial press conference did not include Lumumba or anyone from the city – and the very next day, Lumumba disputed several of Reeves’ comments, including an alarming statement that raw flood water had entered the O.B. Curtis treatment plant and was flowing into people’s homes.
In my apartment, the first clue as to what happened came a few hours after I posted the video. That afternoon, I learned my neighbor directly beneath me on the north side of the building had been getting brown water in his kitchen sink for a week if he used hot water. But on the south side, my neighbors still had clear water, albeit with low-pressure. An expert later told me this could indicate an issue with the pipes inside my section of the building – something my landlord, not the city, would be responsible for.
My water cleared up the day after I posted the video on Twitter, but it continued to gain views. By Monday, it had been watched more than 10 million times. That afternoon, I looked through my Twitter DMs.
One message stood out. It was a request from the City of Jackson’s account. They asked for my address so they could come test the water.
I could send it, I replied, but I wanted to know why they were asking.
“… If the water is that brown… we want to get the address to Public works and the health department to find the reason why,” they responded.
“Gotcha!” I wrote back before sending my address. Since I work from home, I said the city could come by any time.
“Ok…,” they wrote. “I'm going to give that address to our public works person… and hopefully they'll be able to determine what the heck is going on.”
After some back and forth, the city’s Twitter account asked if my water was still brown.
“Can we get a sample of it? (I'm asking per our public works director)”
The next morning, I ran into three city contractors on the sidewalk outside my apartment. They weren’t there to test my water but to install new meters.
I showed them the video. Gesturing down at the water meter, one of the contractors remarked that their work wouldn’t prevent the discolored water from happening again.
Jackson, he said, needs to re-pipe the whole city.
The exchange prompted me to check in with the city’s Twitter account.
“When do you think y’all will send someone over?” I asked at 9:42 a.m.
Six hours later, the city replied, “Hey Hey!!!! I think they went out there this morning…”
That was my last exchange with the city’s Twitter account, but I would learn – when I reached out to the city a month later – that Public Works never tested my water.
Meanwhile, at Mississippi Today, we were trying to do our own test of my water – an effort that proved fruitless.
Our health editor, Kate Royals, had been researching how to test water and found a private lab in Ridgeland, a suburb of Jackson, called Waypoint Analytical. We ultimately submitted three tests to Waypoint over the course of a month, for a total of $137.
The first sample, which I took the same day I posted the video, had puzzling results. That Friday afternoon, I talked to the lab manager who told me I needed to collect 100 milliliters of water and could put it in Tupperware, the only clean container I had at home. We had decided to test my water for E. coli and “total coliform,” a type of bacteria used to indicate the presence of pathogens.
The water was still dark and turbid when I turned it into the lab, but the results they sent us a few days later showed the water was too dark to test.
“The sample could not be read for Total Coliform due to the dark coloration of the sample interfering with the Reading,” the results said.
So six days later, the day the boil water notice was lifted, we tried again.
The second test came back with high levels of total coliform but no E. coli. But I had committed two possible user errors. One, my Tupperware container might’ve introduced bacteria into the sample. Two, I didn’t flush out the line by running the bathroom sink faucet before taking the sample, the water-testing protocol generally recommended by the Environmental Protection Agency.
Nearly another month passed before we could get a third and final test. This time, I got more guidelines from the lab and followed them to a tee, cleaning my faucet with bleach (which yielded more brown sediment) and running the water for one minute before collecting it in a sterile container and placing it in a bag of ice.
It came back with no bacteria detected. But that's not the full story.
One expert I later consulted, Francis de los Reyes – a professor of environmental engineering and microbiology at North Carolina State University – suggested that because the lab’s test required re-growing bacteria, the bleach I had used on the faucet could've lingered in the water, killing any organisms that might’ve been present. He said I should’ve run the tap for longer than one minute to clear the bleach.
So what was in my brown water, and why did it happen? Other experts I talked to could only speculate. De los Reyes’ colleague, Detlef Knappe, who specializes in water quality and treatment, told me that because there was likely no E. coli in my water, the brown color was probably the “natural” result of a drop in pressure in the old pipes.
In a functioning water system, Knappe explained, generators push waterfrom the plant to homes, where it stays suspended in the pipes until a faucet is turned on. But in old water systems like Jackson’s, lined with cast iron pipes, a drop in pressure can cause accumulated sediment to collapse into the disrupted water stream and turn it brown. The water isn’t leaving the plant a dark brown color, Knappe said, but becomes discolored somewhere along its journey to the faucet.
Christine Kirschoff, a professor of civil and environmental engineering at Penn State University, had another perspective. Though she agreed that the brown water was likely caused by a drop of pressure in the pipes, she said it could’ve been exacerbated by the routing of the pipes in my building. That scenario would explain why my downstairs neighbor also had discolored water but my neighbors to the south never did.
The last week of September, I went on vacation and promptly got food poisoning. I would later learn that as I was laid up on my couch – subsisting on chicken nuggets and Uncrustables and using up the last of the bottled water I’d bought the first week of the crisis – the mayor had commented on my water at a town hall the same week.
A recording of the town hall at the New Jerusalem South Church on Sept. 27 shows Lumumba, microphone in hand, standing in front of poster boards of graphs, pictures of O.B. Curtis and a spreadsheet labeled “IMMEDIATE NEEDS.” He starts talking about my water around the 12-minute mark in a tangent about re-watching an interview he gave on national TV.
By now, my tweet had helped shape the national perception of Jackson’s water crisis.
“I was upset, because I did an interview," Lumumba said. "And y’all know when I do these interviews, I can't see the packages they're running, I can't see the images that they're running in the background – all I see is a blank screen. And they keep showing this black water coming out of a faucet, right?”
My water, Lumumba went on to say, represented an “extremely rare situation” issue at “one isolated building.”
“That is not what is coming out of your water treatment facility, right?” he said. “You're not having black water going to every resident. Y'all – y'all live in Jackson. Y’all – how many times have you seen a black water come out of your faucet? Right? I have residents tell me time and time again that they don’t know where that was, right?”
For me, this raised several new questions. Did the city actually send anyone to test my water? How were they able to determine the brown water was isolated to my building? What other discussions did they have about my water? Why didn’t the city reach out to me with their conclusion?
On Oct. 13, I sent an email asking if the city had tested my water to Melissa Faith Payne, the city’s public information officer.
“I believe the discolored water at your building was an isolated incident … and not indicative of the water that actually comes from the plant,” she responded the next day. “I think it had more to do with the lines/pipes at your building. I'll Loop our public works team in to get more information for you.”
I followed up. What was the mayor’s basis for his comments at the town hall? If it was easier, I suggested, I would be happy to talk with the Public Works employee that tested my water.
“I briefed the Mayor just before the town hall,” Payne replied, adding that she was still waiting on an answer from Public Works.
About a week later, I got a statement from Jordan Hillman, the interim director of Public Works. The department could not make any employees available for an interview, she said, due to the workload of maintaining the water system, but Hillman did explain why the city thought my water was an isolated incident.
“This incident was indicative of a local pipe issue for a variety of reasons including knowledge of water condition leaving plants, water color at nearby fire hydrants, and experience with similar issues,” Hillman said. “There were extremely limited reports of similar water discoloration through our report tool.”
The tool that Hillman is referring to is an online survey the city created for residents to report the color of their water. My coworker Alex Rozier, who has been covering the crisis closely, recommended I fill it out the same day I posted the video.
I asked the experts what they thought of Hillman’s reply.
Knappe, the NC State professor, told me that the water from a fire hydrant isn’t necessarily representative of the color of water inside a home, because the pressure and speed at which water comes out of a hydrant is much greater than a faucet. Kirschoff said that it depends on where the fire hydrant that the city examined was located relative to my apartment.
Unsatisfied, I put in several public records requests. I asked for copies of any communications about my water, which the city has only partially fulfilled.
After a few more days of inquiries, Hillman finally told me that “no samples were taken from your specific home or area at that time.”
I also asked for responses to the report tool. Despite the fact that the mayor said my experience was an “extremely rare situation,” the submissions from other Jacksonian detailing discolored water seem to say otherwise. Out of565 responses, including mine, to the form since Aug. 29, 423 – or 74% – reported discolored water. The submissions came from across the city but about a third were concentrated in northeast Jackson.(We did not filter duplicates from this count.)
Responses from more than 20 people, a little more than 4%, contained descriptions of brown, gritty water that matched what I had seen in my home. Though far more people used the word "brown" to describe their water, I couldn't tell if their report matched my experience because the city was supposed to send me pictures that had been uploaded in response to the form but hasn't.
“Reddish brown water in both toilets strong enough to leave a brown ring,” one person wrote.
“When I boil my water it turn my pot brown inside my bath water have dirt in it,” another person said.
“My water is brown and leaves deposits of dirt..” a third submitted.
I asked Hillman and Payne why the city thought these responses were "extremely limited" on Nov. 4 but I haven't heard back.
More than two months after my water turned brown, I haven't had an issue. I've gone back to using my water to cook, wash my dishes, and brush my teeth, but every morning, I see reminders and warnings – representations of what could happen again. The grainy water left permanent, hair dye-like splotches on my toilet bowl, bathtub, and sink basin. Now, I always run my water for one minute before I use it.
The city and state seem to have returned to the contentious relationship that preceded the crisis, with both sides accusing the other of providing incorrect information, which only further weakens public confidence in the system.
There's no sign this will change. As winter sets in, raising the possibility that another freeze could shut down the system, the state is considering if it will lift the emergency declaration. Multiple lawsuits have been filed. And though it’ll become public soon, just last week, the city inked an agreement with the federal government to fix the water system – in secret.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
PERS overhaul sputters: Securing the future, or giving new state employees ‘worst of both worlds’?

The House on Tuesday night killed Senate legislation that aimed to shore up the state’s underfunded public employee retirement system by offering less benefits to future hires.
The measures died after the House Accountability, Efficiency and Transparency Committee failed to take them up by a Tuesday night deadline. Earlier in the day, it appeared the measures would survive, after the House State Affairs Committee passed them after some debate, and on voice votes that sounded clearly like a majority of the committee voted no despite the chairman’s ruling they passed.
It’s unclear whether the retirement system overhaul, one of Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann’s top priorities, can be revived this late in the legislative session. Last year, a bill to alter the PERS board and limit its authority died with a similar deadline, but was revived late in the legislative session and a compromise version passed.
Proponents of this years proposed overhaul, authored by Sen. Daniel Sparks, R-Belmont, say PERS, with an unfunded liability of $26 billion, could potentially founder from recession or natural disaster. They say increased contributions from state and local government “employers” — hence taxpayers — are unsustainable. They say failing to make major changes now endangers current employee and retiree benefits and taxpayers down the road.
“For me, my commitment from the day I was elected is to honor the obligation we have to current employees, retirees and beneficiaries,” Sparks said. “… For me, this is two-fold, honoring the commitment we have made, and two, coming up with a plan that provides flexibility for the future. Keeping doing what we’re doing, is so out of whack from what the system should look like. It’s a fact that no one has taken a real look at it and had real solutions.”
Opponents, including public education and teachers’ advocates, say drastically reducing benefits for future state employees will make it impossible to recruit, and especially retain, teachers, police and others in relatively low-paying government jobs. They say the system, which has assets of about $35 billion, can be shored up for the long term with less drastic cuts for future retirees.
“I’ve been looking at this through specifically the lens of the educator pipeline …” said Toren Ballard, a public education advocate and independent researcher who has been critical of the proposed PERS overhaul. “If you look at the general career of a teacher, you lose a ton of people in the first few years … but generally, after a decade or so, they usually stay around at that point … (PERS) is a great deal if you stay in, and by taking away that incentive — I think we’re taking that level of retention we get from (PERS) for granted.
“People keep talking about we are going to treat government employees more like the private sector, and we don’t have pensions in the private sector anymore,” Ballard said. “But the problem is, if you don’t then make the salary like the private sector, you’re giving teachers and other public employees the worst of both worlds.”
PERS currently covers about 350,000 current public employees or retirees — about 10% of the state’s population. Changes to the system can have substantial economic impact on the state in the future.
While Mississippi’s pay for government jobs typically falls short of others in the Southeast, the Magnolia State’s defined benefit pension plan is relatively generous. It includes an annual 3% cost of living adjustment, compounding. This is typically referred to as the “13th check,” because employees can opt to take the COLA in a lump sum annually.
Some lawmakers in recent years have lamented that the Legislature in the late 1990s was too generous when it added the guaranteed COLA and increased other benefits. Others defend it, saying PERS is the only way Mississippi can compete for and retain employees, especially in teaching.
Sparks’ main PERS overhaul bill, SB 2439, would change benefits for employees hired after March 2026 to a “hybrid” retirement, part defined benefit and part defined contribution. Employees would still have 9% withheld from their checks, with 4% going into a defined benefit plan, and 5% going into a defined contribution plan, such as a 401(a) account, similar to the 401(k) plans popular in the private sector. There would be no guaranteed COLA, or 13th check, as current state employees would receive, although Sparks said state agencies or local governments could in the future offer increases or one-time adjustments as incentives, if budgets allow.

But Ballard said: “So, there’s two parts of the hybrid plan. You have the much-reduced, guaranteed pension aspect of it. If you make it eight years, you qualify for at least some of that. But the other half is more a 401(k)-styled plan that’s kind of standard in the private sector, but in the private sector, you generally get an employer match … I’m not against a defined contribution plan, in theory. But if you’re not offering an employer match, why not just let the employee keep that 5% of their salary and do it on their own at that point.”
Ballard and others — including some lawmakers and at least one PERS board member — have proposed the Legislature consider less drastic changes for future employees, including having a 1% COLA instead of 3% and-or tie such increases to the consumer price index.
But Sparks notes the PERS board endorsed the plan he’s now pushing, and said a proposal for such a lesser change and continued defined benefit plan failed to garner a second when proposed to the system’s board.
“To go in and have a defined benefit with fewer benefits — there’s still a risk factor,” Sparks said. “… Along with the board, I believe a pure defined benefit system is not what we see in the private sector and a hybrid is more in line with that corporate America is doing and could provide us some flexibility.”
Any proposed changes to PERS would not immediately true the system, but would take decades to balance the systems books. Ballard said actuaries have shown that within 30 years or so, there’s not a huge difference in the proposed new plan and “doing nothing” on balancing the books. He said projections on reducing the COLA from 3% to 1% have shown similar results long-term for the funded ratio of PERS.
And in the meantime, PERS will likely seek more money from taxpayers on the state and local levels.
The state House did not float a PERS overhaul plan of its own this session, but instead proposes in its major tax restructuring plan to divert state lottery money — roughly $100 million a year — to the PERS plan.
Last year, lawmakers stripped a key power from the PERS board, its authority to set the percentage governmental entities contribute on behalf of employees.
To deal with long-term financial issues, the PERS board last year had planned a 5% increase over three years to 22.4% that the employers or governmental entities contributed to each paycheck. Governmental entities, particularly local governments and school districts, said to pay for the increase they would be forced to reduce services and lay off employees.
While stripping the power from the PERS Board to set the employer contribution rate, the Legislature also enacted a 2.5% increase over five years instead of the 5% increase over three years planned by the PERS Board.
In addition, the Legislature last year provided a one-time infusion of $110 million into the system.
Ballard said reducing PERS retirement benefits might eventually mean the state cannot afford to recruit and retain employees, particularly those with experience.
But Sparks said savings gained from overhauling the system would eventually free up dollars where agencies or local governments could afford raises and other benefits to help with recruiting.
The House on Tuesday also kept alive a bill authored by Sparks to reduce benefits for institutions of higher learning employees in the Optional Retirement Plan, and eliminate the plan for new hires. ORP is a defined compensation plan where university employees can opt out of PERS and still receive a relatively large contribution from their employer for their plan. Sparks said the plan is not sustainable, and contributes billions to PERS underfunding.
“They’re getting a 15.5% (government) match on a 9% employee contribution,” Sparks said. “That’s unconscionable … My bill would cap it at 9%.”
House Minority Leader Robert Johnson III, D-Natchez, a State Affairs Committee member, questioned the proposed ORP changes.
“Has there been any consideration that this is a major recruiting tool for our universities?” Johnson said. “I don’t usually get calls from Ole Miss, Mississippi State … but I have been getting calls about this. If they call me, it means they really, really, really have a problem.”
State Affairs and the House Accountability, Efficiency and Transparency committees passed the two PERS Senate bills before Tuesday night’s deadline, but only after “reverse repealers” were added to the bill to prevent them becoming law without more debate and sending the measures back to the Senate. But the bills were “double referred” to the AET Committee, which did not take them up before the deadline.
House State Affairs Chairman Hank Zuber, R-Ocean Springs, ruled the bills passed his committee by a voice vote despite the “Nos” being magnitudes louder, and he ignored calls from committee members asking for a counted vote.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1770

March 5, 1770

Crispus Attucks, who had escaped slavery, became the first of five killed by British soldiers in the Boston Massacre, a precursor to the American Revolution.
His ancestry included Black and Native American roots, and he made his way to Boston at age 27 after escaping slavery. He worked on whaling ships and was also a rope-maker.
At 6-foot-2, he was an imposing man, 6 inches taller than the average American man, and future U.S. president John Adams described him as someone “whose very looks was enough to terrify any person.”
Attucks and others faced the danger of being seized by the British and forced to join the Royal Navy. On that wintry night, Attucks led the crowd that confronted the British soldiers, “the first to defy, the first to die,” the famous poem declared.
An estimated 10,000 people — more than half of Boston’s population — joined in the procession of the five caskets to Granary Burying Ground, where Paul Revere, Samuel Adams and John Hancock were later buried. A Boston monument honoring Attucks bears John Adams’ words: “On that night, the foundation of American independence was laid.”
Martin Luther King Jr. called him one of the most important figures in Black history, “not for what he did for his own race, but for what he did for all oppressed people everywhere.”
Schools, museums and foundations throughout the U.S. now bear Attucks’ name. In 1998, the U.S. Mint issued a silver dollar to honor him.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Mississippi lawmakers keep mobile sports betting alive, but it faces roadblock in the Senate

A panel of House lawmakers kept alive the effort to legalize mobile sports betting in Mississippi, but the bill does not appear to have enough support in the Senate to pass.
Hours before a Tuesday evening legislative deadline, the House Gaming Committee inserted into two Senate bills the language from a measure the full House passed last month to permit online betting. The legislation would put Mississippi on track to join a growing number of states that allow online sports wagering.
But the House Gaming Committee had to resort to the procedural move after its Senate counterpart declined to take up its bill. Senate Gaming Chairman David Blount, a Democrat from Jackson, said he does not support the measure, prompting frustration from House Gaming Chairman Casey Eure, a Republican from Saucier. Eure said he implemented suggested changes from the Senate after lawmakers couldn’t agree on a final proposal in 2024.
“This shows how serious we are about mobile sports betting,” Eure said. “I’ve done everything he’s asked for … I’ve done everything they’ve asked for plus some.”
In a February 88-10 vote, the House approved a new version of the Mississippi Mobile Sports Wagering Act, which Eure said was reworked to address concerns raised by the Senate last year. The new version would allow a casino to partner with two sports betting platforms rather than one. Allowing casinos to partner with an extra platform is designed to assuage the concerns of casino leaders and lawmakers who represent areas where gambling is big business.
Last year, some lawmakers raised concerns that gambling platforms would have no incentive to partner with smaller casinos, and most of the money would instead flow to the Mississippi Gulf Coast’s already bustling larger casinos.
Other changes include a provision that prevents people from placing bets with credit cards, a request from the Senate to guard against gambling addiction.
Blount said there were growing concerns in other states that have legalized online sports betting, including over what consumer protections can be put in place and the impact legalization could have on existing gambling markets.
“This is a different industry than any other industry because it is subject to forces outside of the control of the folks who are on this business,” Blount said. “And so what I think we need to do as a state, and we have done this for decades, is we have provided a stable regulatory environment, regardless of who is in the legislature, regardless of who the governor is, without a lot of drama.”
The proposal would levy a 12% tax on sports wagers, with revenue reaching all 82 counties via the Emergency Road and Bridge Repair Fund. Eure said he believes the state is losing between $40 million and $80 million a year in tax revenue by keeping mobile sports betting illegal.
Proponents also say legalization would undercut the influence of illicit offshore sports betting platforms.
Since the start of the NFL season this year, Mississippi has recorded 8.69 million attempts to access legal mobile sportsbooks, according to materials presented to House members at an earlier committee meeting. That demand fuels a thriving illegal online gambling market in Mississippi, proponents have said. Opponents say legalization could devastate the bottom line of smaller casinos and lead to debt and addiction among gamblers.
Mobile sports betting is legal in 30 states and Washington, D.C., according to the American Gaming Association.
The House panel inserted the mobile sports betting language into SB 2381 and SB 2510. The bills now head to the full chamber for consideration.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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