Mississippi Today
Mississippi’s no-knock raids have led to death and injury. Dozens of warrants lacked clear justification.
by Caleb Bedillion, The Marshall Project, Mississippi Today
March 20, 2025
This article was published in partnership with The Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system, and the Daily Journal. Sign up for The Marshall Project’s Jackson newsletter, and follow them on Instagram, TikTok, Reddit and Facebook.
During a 2015 no-knock drug raid in Mississippi’s rural northeast corner, sheriff’s deputies shot and killed 57-year-old Ricky Keeton after he came to the door with an air pistol as SWAT team members forced their way into his trailer home at 1 a.m.
Keeton’s death received little public attention at the time. Keeton’s three daughters sued, arguing that Monroe County deputies had no constitutional authority that night to burst into their father’s home with a battering ram and pry bar without first knocking and identifying themselves.
The federal wrongful death suit was settled seven years later for $690,000. This came after several judges refused to dismiss the lawsuit, ruling the defendants failed to prove there was any legal justification for the no-knock raid in the first place. The county and sheriff’s department made no admission of wrongdoing in the settlement.
Five years after Keeton’s death, no-knock searches faced increased national scrutiny after police shot and killed Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky, during a March 2020 raid in which her boyfriend shot and wounded an officer. The boyfriend later said he thought they were intruders. Similarly, Keeton’s girlfriend said that Keeton “thought somebody was breaking in” before he was shot to death.
Taylor’s shooting death ultimately amplified longstanding, bipartisan demands for reform of no-knock raids. Several states limited no-knock searches, including Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia.
Mississippi has a history of no-knock searches — with dangerous results. Police have raided the wrong homes, and in one 2020 case, officers even shot and wounded an unarmed person visiting a targeted home.
Yet as other states tightened their no-knock search laws, Mississippi officials did nothing.
Since the Keeton killing in 2015, judges in six courts across the state have approved at least 62 no-knock search warrants that failed to show that they met basic constitutional standards, an investigation by The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal found.
The news organizations showed copies of the warrants from across the state to legal experts including attorneys, law professors and former federal magistrates. The experts agreed that most of the search warrants and affidavits showed no written legal justification for the no-knock warrants.
One of those courts was in Monroe County, where, for years after Keeton’s death and the lawsuit that followed, some county-level judges continued to sign what experts deemed legally threadbare no-knock search warrants.
The Supreme Court has ruled that to obtain a no-knock search warrant from a judge, police must show that the search target is dangerous or might try to run away or destroy evidence. Experts said the vast majority of warrants and affidavits gathered by The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal didn’t state an adequate reason — if they had one at all.
“You’ve got a real mess on your hands,” said Henry Schultz, a Wisconsin-based attorney who reviewed those files for the news outlets. Some 25 years ago, Schultz helped argue the key 1997 case in which the U.S. Supreme Court required specific limits on no-knock searches.
Pointing to the search warrants from Mississippi, Schultz said the high court’s attempt to put guardrails around no-knock raids nearly three decades ago isn’t working.
There has never been a public survey of no-knock warrants in Mississippi, where many courts block access to search warrant records.
After rising scrutiny focused on Monroe County, including this reporting effort, officials there scuttled the use of boilerplate no-knock search warrant requests about two years ago.
In at least two other Mississippi courts, no-knock search warrants dropped off in recent years, according to records reviewed this year by the news outlets.
Beyond these local changes, there’s still no broader oversight of how judges in the state handle no-knock requests and no easy way to check up on them.
With no statewide restrictions, judges can disregard Supreme Court precedent at any time, with few consequences.
Judges across the country have largely avoided the same level of scrutiny that has fallen on police departments and even prosecutors over no-knock warrant abuses, said Christy Lopez, a former U.S. Department of Justice attorney, and one of the legal experts who reviewed the news outlets’ findings.
She said the investigation in Mississippi by The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal shows that judges must reckon with their share of the responsibility.
“Judges,” said Lopez, “are really failing people on no-knocks.”
In January 2020, Brandon Davis traded his deputy sheriff’s badge for a judge’s gavel after defeating an incumbent’s bid for reelection. By then, litigation over Ricky Keeton’s death was entering its fifth year.
Davis joined the bench of the Monroe County Justice Court with another newly elected judge, Sarah Cline Stevens, an attorney specializing in family law matters. Her legal education is a rarity among justice court judges in Mississippi. These judges aren’t required to be lawyers and usually only hear small civil claims and misdemeanor criminal matters. They can also sign search warrants.
During a career of more than a decade-and-a-half in law enforcement, Davis joined many no-knock raids with the Monroe County Sheriff’s Office. In some cases, he prepared the actual applications and presented them to a judge. He didn’t play any role in the Keeton raid.
The same month he took office, court records show, Davis signed a search warrant for a Monroe County deputy.
It authorized no-knock entry.
It also repeated the major flaws of the search warrant used in the Keeton raid.
The only reference to a no-knock entry was a boilerplate sentence near the end of the search warrant — a sentence that has appeared in Monroe County search warrants in some form over many years: “The above affiant respectfully requests a no-knock search due to officer safety and the protection of further evidence.”
Neither the warrant that Davis signed nor the written affidavit that’s required to support it offered any detailed, written reasons for the no-knock request.


U.S. District Judge Sharion Aycock zeroed in on the lack of any details, written or otherwise, in the Keeton no-knock warrant during the family’s lawsuit against Monroe County and sheriff’s deputies.
“The Defendants have failed to bring forth any evidence that announcing their presence, ‘under the particular circumstances’ was dangerous,” Aycock wrote in a 2018 order dismissing Monroe County’s motion to drop the case.
The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with Aycock a year later.
Monroe County Justice Court Judge Stevens, a lawyer, was aware of the Keeton litigation when she joined the bench, and said in a 2022 interview that she studied the legal issues involved.
The homework paid off.
She received a search warrant application in February 2020. It contained the boilerplate no-knock request. She signed it, but only after handwriting additional notes on the affidavit, culled from an interview of the officer: The targeted person had been served two prior search warrants before and “he came to the door with a gun (sawed off shotgun and pistol).” A confidential informant also told officers, “Weapons are currently present.”
![A search warrant with two blocks of highlighted text that read: “The confidential informant also sent pictures of methamphetamine inside the residence and the shop behind the residence to Agent [redacted],” and “8. That within the past seventy-two (72) hours, a confidential informant contacted Agent [redacted] with the Monroe County Sheriff’s Department and stated that at [redacted] had methamphetamine inside the residence and inside the shop behind the residence.” Judge Sarah Stevens’ initials are signed near both highlighted texts.](https://cdn.mississippitoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/19215558/250319-NOKNOCKS-Annotation-Stevens-1-v3.jpg)
![A search warrant with highlighted text that shows handwritten notes by Justice Court Judge Sarah Cline Stevens: “Suspect [redacted] has previously been the person of interest under search warrants and on two different occasions he came to the door with a gun (sawed off shotgun and pistol). Highly probable that suspect will attempt to dispose of the drugs etc. if their presence is announced. Suspect is armed and dangerous. CI stated that weapons are currently present.”](https://cdn.mississippitoday.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/19215558/250319-NOKNOCKS-Annotation-Stevens-2-v4.jpg)
That’s the level of specific detail that the Supreme Court’s 1997 ruling, Richards v. Wisconsin, requires, experts agreed. Lopez, the former Justice Department attorney, said the high court set a fairly low bar — too low in her view.
Nonetheless, for years, most no-knock search warrants in Monroe County failed to clear even that low bar.
The news organizations found 14 no-knock warrants signed by Monroe County Justice Court judges since 2015, with the last such warrant found in late 2022. Since 2020, when Davis and Stevens joined the bench, court records show 11 no-knock search warrants have been signed, almost all of them by Davis, the former sheriff’s deputy.
Experts said they found all but one warrant lacking adequate written justification. Stevens signed the one with adequate support, as well as one of the 11 without adequate written support. Davis signed most of the rest, with a third judge, Adrian Haynes, signing only one. Haynes did not respond to a request for comment.
Judges and the court clerk said that the court records reviewed by The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal are incomplete, meaning the judges may have signed even more no-knock search warrants.
Stephen Smith, a retired federal magistrate from Texas, often reviewed search warrant applications during his judicial career. After looking at some of the Monroe County search warrants, he said he wouldn’t have signed them as no-knock searches.
“Every one of these granted no-knock authority,” he said, “and only one attempted to justify it.”
In a 2022 interview, Davis said he was granting no-knock search warrants to preserve officer safety and to prevent the destruction of evidence, though neither the search warrants nor the affidavits showed sufficient written evidence from the cases at hand to support those justifications.
Davis said that he often discussed a search warrant affidavit with the requesting officer, but that he didn’t document the conversations in writing. In Mississippi, judges can rely on sworn oral testimony beyond the affidavit in support of a search warrant. There’s no requirement to document it in writing, but Davis said that in mandatory training sessions for justice court judges that he attended, the judges were advised to do so.
“They’re telling us, you really need to include this, it needs to be on paper,” Davis said.
Jeffrey B. Welty, who teaches law in North Carolina and also helps train judges there, strongly advises against interviewing officers about their applications, especially if it won’t be documented in some fashion.
“Don’t have them tell you a bunch of stuff about the case that doesn’t appear in the application, because that’s just fraught with peril,” Welty said he tells judges. “That doesn’t seem like a good judicial practice to me.”
Davis also described approving search warrants in some cases based on his knowledge of suspects from his career in law enforcement. But judges should not rely on their own knowledge of people or places described in a warrant application; they should consider information supplied by the officer, said William Waller Jr., a retired justice of the Mississippi Supreme Court.
In response to Waller and others who reviewed his warrants, Davis in early 2025 said that he stands by the fairness of his process.
“Opinions are just that, opinions. That’s what you got when you asked other retired judges or lawyers,” said Davis. “If I am wrong, then why have I not been disciplined?”
He also added, “If the people don’t like my decisions, then they can elect another judge next election.”
Over the course of a years-long reporting effort by The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal, Monroe County’s judicial practices changed.
After that 2022 interview by the news organizations with Davis and Stevens, Davis began amending applications for no-knock search warrants with handwritten notes, though experts said they found his level of detail was still lacking. In 2023, Davis said he was doing so because of increasing scrutiny on courts.
“The last thing I want is for anybody to question my decision on something,” said Davis in 2023. “You have more people now that’s looking at the judicial system.”
A new sheriff, Kevin Crook, took office in 2020, the same year Davis and Stevens joined the bench. Crook, a former sheriff’s deputy and justice court judge, soon began to field questions about the county’s no-knock practices as local and national news investigations scrutinized the county amid the rising national outrage that year over Breonna Taylor’s death.
Crook told The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal in 2023 that the no-knock search warrants located by the news organizations weren’t always executed as no-knock searches and that his department was moving away from what he deemed “crazy tactics” used by the department when executing no-knock search warrants in years past.
In 2023, Davis also said that he was seeing fewer no-knock search warrant requests from officers.
And after those 2023 interviews, officials changed course even further.
“We took the language out,” Crook said in early 2025, referring to the boilerplate language in previous no-knock warrants. “If we need it, we are going to explain to the judge why we need it.”
Search warrants on file with the court bear this out. The boilerplate no-knock language disappeared from search warrants. The judges also instituted an on-call rotation to handle search warrant applications, an initiative intended in part to prevent the appearance that deputies were taking their warrant applications directly to a favored judge.
“This has been an issue that has brought a lot of negative light to our county,” said Stevens. “It’s something that I’ve been very sensitive to from the beginning of my first term.”
About an hour up the road from the courthouse where Davis and Stevens preside sits the Pontotoc County Justice Court, nestled in the Hills Region of northeast Mississippi.
Court records in Pontotoc County show that the justice court’s two long-serving judges, David Hall and Scottie Harrison, together signed 33 no-knock search warrants from 2020 through 2023.
After an apparent reorganization of the county’s drug task force in late 2023, court records do not show the authorization of any more no-knock searches.
But for the records examined from 2020 through 2023, no-knock searches were almost half of all search warrants found in court records. Almost all of the search warrants examined in drug cases contained no-knock permission.
Legal experts who reviewed the documents agreed that with only three exceptions, those Pontotoc County search warrants lacked written justification for no-knock entry because they failed to offer any facts to support the claim that officers might be in danger, or that suspects might escape or destroy evidence. In some cases, those experts said there didn’t even appear to be adequate written justification for a search warrant of any kind.
Hall and Harrison did not respond to requests for comment.
Including Pontotoc and Monroe counties, the news organizations found 91 no-knock search warrants, with 62 of those warrants deemed legally defective by experts . These warrants were signed by 10 judges in six jurisdictions from across the state from 2015 through 2023.
In total, the news organizations reviewed records from 20 courts looking for no-knock search warrants, reviewing thousands of pages of court filings and submitting dozens of public record requests.
Many of these no-knock search warrants contained no explanation for why a no-knock search was needed, either by the issuing judge or the requesting officer.
“Facts matter; specifics matter,” said Brian Owsley, a retired federal magistrate judge from Texas who signed hundreds of search warrants while on the bench. “Are the targets dangerous? Are they armed? Are they armed and apt to shoot?”
That’s where Mississippi’s no-knock search warrants so often go wrong.
“In these warrants, I don’t really see that discussion at all,” Owsley said.
Other search warrants offer only meager supporting evidence, including anonymous phone calls or old information. Some of these warrants were directed toward locations where a no-knock entry doesn’t seem necessary. In Pontotoc County, Hall signed two no-knock warrants authorizing searches of gas stations. The written application didn’t request no-knock authority.
Two search warrants signed by Ricky Farmer, a former justice court judge in Stone County, near the Gulf Coast, authorized no-knock entry to search unoccupied cars at towing lots. These applications also didn’t ask for no-knock permission.
Some warrants were rife with sloppiness and sometimes even possible errors, said several experts, including Welty, who trains judges in North Carolina.
Another warrant from Stone County signed by Farmer directed officers to search one address in the warrant, but the requesting affidavit contained an entirely different address outside the judge’s jurisdiction. The mistake was likely due to a copying error on the warrant.
Farmer did not respond to requests for comment.
Unlike justice courts in Pontotoc and Monroe counties, some courts offered a more mixed bag. In the Southaven and Greenville municipal courts, the news organizations found a number of no-knock search warrants that did contain sufficient written justification alongside a few warrants that experts said did not.
In Southaven, municipal court judges haven’t issued a no-knock search warrant since 2020.
Unlike justice court judges, municipal court judges in Mississippi typically have law degrees.
But whether these kinds of warrants are rising, declining or holding steady, judges should handle no-knock requests with particular care given the potentially dangerous and even lethal consequences, said civil rights attorneys and legal experts.
For a judge to do otherwise, said Lopez, the former Justice Department attorney, is “shocking” and shows “no sense of the potential harm of what they’re doing.”
In the Mississippi city of Vicksburg, an elderly couple sued after state narcotics agents raided their home by mistake with a no-knock search warrant in hand and forced them onto the ground at gunpoint. A judge awarded them $50,000 in 2019. Two other lawsuits in the state involving death or serious injuries during no-knock raids have been settled since 2022, including the Keeton litigation. Two additional lawsuits over no-knock raids remain ongoing, including a case in Jones County involving mistaken entry at the wrong apartment.
The search warrant problems uncovered by this investigation are by no means unique to Mississippi. Welty conducted a similar review of no-knock search warrants in North Carolina. He said the legal justifications offered were better than the Mississippi search warrants he reviewed, but they were still sometimes thin.
In 2018, a Washington Post columnist found search warrants from Arkansas lacking any legally sufficient reason for no-knock entry. A larger investigation in 2020 by the news outlet found hasty, superficial reviews of no-knock search warrant applications across the county.
Even the search warrant used in the deadly Breonna Taylor raid — one of five similar no-knock search warrants police had obtained — lacked legal justification for a no-knock entry, according to some legal observers.
Looking back at his involvement in the key 1997 case from the U.S. Supreme Court, Schultz, the attorney in Wisconsin, said the ruling felt significant at the time.
“For a while, it looked like things were going to change,” he remembered.
But in a later 2006 opinion, the high court said that even when police unlawfully force their way into a home, they can still use evidence seized in the raid. Other violations of the Fourth Amendment typically bar prosecutors from using any evidence seized in court.
Civil rights advocates have frequently blamed that 2006 ruling for undermining the significance of prior rulings limiting no-knock entries.
Schultz agreed. Taking stock of the Mississippi search warrants he reviewed and the absence of larger reforms in the state as well as many other parts of the country, that 1997 Supreme Court ruling often doesn’t feel like it matters much anymore.
“We’re back to where we were,” said Schultz. “It’s kind of depressing that we would be in this spot.”
Some reporting for this article was done with the support of ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network.
How we reported the story
No one tracks or monitors search warrants in Mississippi. Statewide rules for courts do require that search warrants must be returned to court, however, and filed by the clerk.
As previously reported by the Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal and ProPublica, many courts violate court rules and don’t actually have these records. Others do have them on file but refuse to make them available to the public.
However, The Marshall Project – Jackson and the Daily Journal continued a years-long effort to obtain search warrants where they were available. We visited courthouses and looked through thousands of pages of court files, scoured electronic court records and submitted dozens of public records requests.
Ultimately, we gathered search warrants from 20 different jurisdictions, focusing primarily on justice courts, where judges often have no law degree and frequently authorize search warrants, but also including some municipal courts.

Some document caches were well-organized and went back many years. In other places, clerks had incomplete records, or even no records, and we only obtained a few search warrants.
Of the 20 courts where we obtained search warrants, six had at least some no-knock search warrants. Pontotoc County Justice Court and the Greenville Municipal Court each had more than 20.
In some of the places where the news organizations found some no-knock search warrants, search warrant records are not widely available from the court, making it difficult to assess how frequently no-knock search warrants have been issued or if they are still being issued.
The final reporting looked only at search warrants signed within the last decade.
In some counties with lawsuits over alleged no-knock raids, including Coahoma County, there were no judicially authorized no-knock search warrants among the court records. In other places with no-knock search warrants among the files, including Monroe County, law enforcement officials claimed that such warrants aren’t always, or even normally, executed as no-knock searches.
Law enforcement officers can also execute a standard knock-and-announce search warrant with a no-knock entry based on emergency conditions at the time the warrant is executed.
We asked eight legal experts to review the warrants and accompanying affidavits that we found and to evaluate their legal justification under the requirements of the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in a 1997 case, Richards v. Wisconsin.
These experts included retired federal magistrates, who frequently handled search warrant requests from the federal bench, as well as practicing attorneys and law professors.
No one expert reviewed the entire batch of records. To ensure a diversity of viewpoints, we showed some of the same search warrants to multiple experts. Experts consistently agreed about which no-knock search warrant requests were justified with written support and which were not.
Here are the places where we found no-knock search warrants, with the total number of no-knock search warrants since 2015 and the total number of no-knock search warrants without written support:
Greenville Municipal Court: 23 no-knock search warrants, eight without written support. All were signed by Municipal Court Judge Michael Prewitt.
Monroe County Justice Court: 15 no-knock search warrants, 14 without written support. Most signed by Monroe County Justice Court Judge Brandon Davis. Two signed by Monroe County Justice Court Judge Sarah Cline Stevens. One signed by Monroe County Justice Court Judge Adrian Haynes. Stevens signed the only no-knock search warrant identified in this county with sufficient written support.
Pontotoc County Justice Court: 33 no-knock search warrants, 30 without written support. All were signed by Pontotoc County Justice Court Judges David Hall and Scottie Harrison.
Southaven Municipal Court: 13 no-knock search warrants, five without written support. Of the 13 total no-knock search warrants, 10 were signed by Southaven Municipal Court Judge David Delgado, and three were signed by Southaven Municipal Court Judge Joseph Neyman. Of the five without sufficient written support, Delgado signed four and Neyman signed one.
Stone County Justice Court: Six no-knock search warrants, four without written support. All were signed by former Stone County Justice Court Judge Ricky Farmer.
Yazoo County Justice Court: One no-knock search warrant, one without written support. Signed by Yazoo County Justice Court Judge Pam May.
Only Judges Davis and Stevens from Monroe County agreed to interviews or responded to requests for comments. Their comments are in the story. The remaining judges did not respond to requests for comment.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1957
March 20, 1957
Award-winning filmmaker Spike Lee was born in Atlanta.
His first film, “She’s Gotta Have It,” with a budget of only $175,000, helped pioneer the independent film movement of the 1980s and changed how Black characters were depicted in film. The film that cemented his reputation as a premier filmmaker, “Do the Right Thing,” took a searing look at racism in America through a hot summer day in Brooklyn. Movie critics Ebert & Siskel picked it as the best film of the year, but the Academy Awards failed to even nominate the movie for Best Picture, giving the award instead to “Driving Miss Daisy.”
Ebert described Lee’s “Malcolm X” as “one of the great screen biographies” and called it the best film of 1992. Denzel Washington, who portrayed the civil rights leader, received an Oscar nomination for Best Actor, but lost, drawing Lee’s ire.
His 1997 documentary about the KKK’s 1963 bombing of a Birmingham church that killed four girls received an Oscar nomination, but again didn’t win. In 2015, he received an honorary Academy Award for his work, and the Library of Congress selected several of his films for preservation in the National Film Registry. In 2019, he finally won an Academy Award, albeit for Best Adapted Screenplay for “BlacKkKlansman.”
“I think it’s very important that films make people look at what’s forgotten,” he said.
He won an Emmy and Peabody for his documentary on Hurricane Katrina’s devastation in New Orleans, “When the Levees Broke,” and later received the prestigious Gish Award: “We honor Spike Lee for his brilliance and unwavering courage in using film to challenge conventional thinking, and for the passion for justice he feels in his soul.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
“Give me more”: One voter seeks more than ideas from mayoral candidates
‘Give me more’: One voter seeks more than ideas from mayoral candidates
Bianca Jones is fired up about voting.
She attended a mayoral candidate forum hosted by League of Women Voters at Millsaps College Tuesday night. As a senior at the college, she organized a week-long voter drive coordinated by One Vote and Mississippi Votes.
“Voting is extremely, extremely important because it represents our voice and our autonomy as people and as citizens,” Jones said. “We need to make use of our voice and we need to make use of the rights that we’re given before anyone tries to infringe upon them or take them away.”
Jones took a seat near the front of the nearly half-full auditorium. It was a formal event, with each candidate’s speech punctuated by the ring of a bell. The crowd itself seemed mostly attentive, though a couple of heads had started to nod off by the halfway point.
The candidates had good ideas, Jones said, but she was left with more questions.
“What I really look for in a candidate is concrete and focused plans, not like the generalized, ‘Oh, well, we’ll do this.’ Well, yeah, but give me more. I don’t want to settle for anything,” she said.
Thirteen of the 19 mayoral candidates participated in the event Tuesday night, laying out their platform and fielding questions on the Jackson Zoo and affordable early-childhood programs.
Most laid out crime as one of the first items they would tackle in their first 100 days if elected as mayor. Others pinpointed the need for accountability within the local government.
But a big campaign issue for Jones is accessibility of Jackson’s streets. She walks everywhere, she said, and crumbling streets and a lack of dedicated walking paths don’t make her journey easy. None of the candidates spoke about walkable streets.
“I think about everyone who doesn’t have a car, who doesn’t have certain privileges in Jackson, and they’re not even being considered,” she said. “I came here, tried to use the public transportation system. It wasn’t nothing. I had to walk at least an hour to get to where I was going from the bus.”
Jones said she’s looking for a risk taker, a candidate running to get things done for the people with a touch of empathy, not to line their own pockets.
“I think I respect politicians more if they go out and do right and earn nothing from it,” she said. “What does Jackson look like in comparison to your paycheck?”
While Jones pondered about sidewalks, candidates tallied off ideas for how to fix Jackson’s Zoo.
“Zoo’s gone. We’re not going to be wasting money on that,” said Kim Wade, a local radio host running as an independent. “No matter how emotionally you’re attached to it. If we wanted to have the zoo, we would have taken better care of it.”
Another independent candidate that stood out to Jones, child development director Lillie Stewart-Robinson, said that she would relocate the zoo northeast to Lefluer’s Bluff Complex, home to the Mississippi Children’s Museum and Museum of Natural Science.
“The land that the zoo is now occupying, I would set up a theme park,” she said. “This would create jobs for our youth, and it will bring the community together.
Businessman and Democratic candidate Socrates Garrett said that he wants to create an entertainment district anchored at the zoo. He also points to establishing educational programs so that Jacksonians can care for the animals.
“I want Jackson State University to have a veterinarian program where we’re training veterinarians, not only at Mississippi State University, but we have all of these animals there at the zoo,” said Garrett.
Jones said she appreciated Stewart-Robinson’s idea about creating a children’s entertainment plaza, moving the zoo to a space where kids are already gathering.
“That’s really important to me, because my first time going to the Jackson zoo, I remember being kind of, for lack of a better term, underwhelmed,” said Jones. “It was in a bad state.”
Because Jones walks to work at the Children’s Museum, the idea of having more attractions within a stone’s throw appeals to her.
“I appreciate candidates who think that way, who think about what resources we don’t have in Jackson,” said Jones. “It’s easy to be like ‘Oh, you can drive there.’ But what if you can’t, or what if you don’t have transportation? How can we best support the people of Jackson within their accessibility to resources instead of having to go out to the city next to us?”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
A Jackson resident of Ward 3, due to city error, votes in Ward 1 primary
A Jackson resident of Ward 3, due to city error, votes in Ward 1 primary
For the last 10 years, north Fondren resident Patricia Ice has called private investment advisor Ashby Foote, the lone Republican on the Jackson City Council, her councilman.
But after the city redrew its ward maps last year due to population declines, the shape of the voting district Ice used to live in, Ward 1, shifted east, meaning she now lives in Ward 3.

With that came a new city representative, and from appearances, a polar opposite one: Democrat Kenny Stokes, a 33-year veteran on the council known for eccentric quotes delivered in a thick Southern accent. “The mayor must stop smoking that dope,” he said to the local TV station in 2022.
But because of an error that was later corrected, Ice and dozens of her neighbor’s addresses were initially left out of the move, resulting in Ice casting an invalid Ward 1 ballot in this year’s municipal primary election.
For some, the snafu has caused anxiety surrounding an election that, with 19 candidates in the mayoral race alone, has already proven difficult for residents to navigate.
“So when we vote, will our votes count or matter, since the ballots will be erroneous? Sounds like it could turn into a mess,” one of Ice’s neighbors wrote in a group messaging app.
In February, the Jackson City Clerk’s Office sent out some 6,000 letters to people who, like Ice, experienced a ward change, notifying them ahead of the April 1 primary Election Day which council race they would be voting in.
Ice’s neighbors on bordering streets received the mail confirming they’d been switched to Ward 3. They discussed it in the group chat. But Ice’s letter never came.
Ice called the city clerk, Angela Harris, and the Hinds County Circuit Clerk, Zack Wallace. She recited to them her Kings Highway address and they told her she still lived in Ward 1 – disregarding the published maps that showed her house inside Ward 3. Since Ice is over 65 years old, she had the opportunity to cast an absentee vote.
“That’s when I went to vote early because I said, ‘I’m going to see what’s on my ballot,’” Ice said.
On Mar. 7, Ice cast her vote in the Democratic primary election for Ward 1. Her preferred Ward 1 council candidate is an independent, so on the Democratic ballot, she wrote in her own name for that race. Harris told Mississippi Today Wednesday that Ice was the only person from the impacted section of Kings Highway to vote absentee.
The Secretary of State, which oversees elections, directed questions about this story to the local clerk, but told Mississippi Today that “any errors in redistricting that allow a voter to vote in the wrong district may result in an elections challenge.”
The 2020 U.S. Census found Jackson’s population fell by about 20,000 since 2010, with the decline especially affecting Ward 5 and 3, WLBT reported. The 1964 Voting Rights Act requires that the city’s population be evenly distributed among the districts, with no ward deviating in size by more than 10%, and requires governments to reevaluate every 10 years after the census.
The city commissioned the Central Mississippi Planning and Development District to help it redraw the lines and held public hearings to discuss the changes, which were adopted last August. Part of the hope was that in redrawing cleaner lines, the city could cut down on the number of split precincts, that is, the polling places that serve people of different wards and must manage handing out different ballots on Election Day.
Harris told Mississippi Today that she gave the new maps to the city’s GIS department, which culled the list of addresses that changed wards. Harris gave that list to Wallace, who was responsible for updating the voter registration database and pulling the names of residents who would need to be notified. But Wallace said the two-block section of Kings Highway from Meadowbrook to Northside Drive was left out of the spreadsheet of addresses he received.
“So those 50 something people are still right now in Ward 1,” Harris told Mississippi Today last week, not indicating a change would be made before the election.

If true, those Kings Highway residences would represent an island of Ward 1 voters inside Ward 3. Legally, wards must be contiguous, City Attorney Drew Martin said at a hearing last year.
“They cannot have islands or donuts within them,” Gray Ouzts, Principal Planner for the local planning and development district, told Mississippi Today.
After Mississippi Today spoke to Foote about the error last week, he added an agenda item to discuss the issue at the council’s Tuesday meeting. Then Harris took action, sending Wallace a list Monday of the Kings Highway addresses that had been left out. Wallace quickly updated the voter registration database to reflect their correct ward and letters went out to those residents the same day.
Another impacted Kings Highway resident, Jennifer Baughn, spoke to Mississippi Today before the correction was made. It may not have made a difference on the outcome of the race, but to Baughn, the error threatened to lock her out of the democratic process. Baughn concluded that if she’d received a Ward 1 ballot, she’d have voted for someone who wouldn’t actually represent her.
“That’s the essence of disenfranchised. And yet, there’s no acknowledgement from the city clerk … It’s ridiculous,” Baughn said before her voter registration was corrected. “I wasn’t super happy about being moved, but now I’m feeling like we won’t be getting representation from either (council member), because the Ward 1 candidate is going to know that we’re not going to be voters the next time, so why put the effort into our street? And we have major issues.”
Baughn said a new nightclub opened up within a block of her house, and the music and traffic have kept her awake into the wee hours of the night.
She said she’s also run into similar ambiguity about which of the separate police forces in Jackson are there to serve her. Take a noise complaint, for example. She said when she calls Jackson Police Department, an employee has told them she is in the jurisdiction of Capitol Police, and when she’s called Capitol Police, they’ve told her they don’t deal in city ordinance enforcement.
“We have no one to call. We call the police and they say, ‘Oh you need to talk to your council person,’ and I’m like, ‘Okay who is our council person?’” Baughn said.
Though he hasn’t made contact with his new constituents yet, Stokes is apparently up to speed on the issues residents in that area are facing, bringing up nightclubs unprompted. “I ride, I ride my whole ward,” Stokes said. “I ride, I look, I observe, and I pay attention to the different patterns that’s taking place.”
Abigail Hartman, president of the Fondren North neighborhood association, said her community was generally pleased when they learned they would be represented by Stokes, who they feel is more responsive to constituents, rather than Foote.
While Foote tinkers away in his office on maps he had made of all state-owned tax forfeited property in Jackson, a driver of blight across the city, Stokes appears at community events he’s organized, shaking hands and wearing his signature black hat with white serif font reading, “STOKES”.
Ironically, despite their quite different tacks, constituents of Stokes and Foote currently receive very similar representation on the council since the two men nearly always vote together, particularly on items where they have a chance to oppose Mayor Chokwe Lumumba.
“Politics makes for strange bedfellows,” Foote said. “We’ve both had differences with the mayor.”
In 2022, during a spat over selecting a new garbage contractor, Lumumba accused both Foote and Stokes of taking bribes from one of the vendors, which they both denied. (Hence, Stokes’ “smoking dope” quote).

Later, at the end of Foote’s term as council president, the Ward 1 councilman had replica black and white ball caps made for himself and all the other council members spelling their own names in “the Stokes lettering,” Foote said.
From hurling taunts like “Yo mama” or suggesting Black leadership “throw rocks and bricks and bottles” at suburb police to calling out Lumumba, who was eventually indicted by federal prosecutors, “Stokes has evolved a lot over the last eight years,” Foote said.
“I think he’s seen more as a voice of common sense now,” Foote said.
There are a total of 52 candidates running for either mayor or council this year, including Lumumba and 11 challengers in the Democratic primary for mayor April 1. Foote chose to run as an independent as a way to encourage his supporters to participate in the Democratic primary, which commonly determines the winner for mayor. Foote, who represents a whiter, wealthier part of the city in northeast Jackson, will face two challengers in the general election – the Democratic nominee and one independent. Four are running for Ward 1 in the Democratic primary.
So the north Fondren residents who moved from Ward 1 to Ward 3 have a little easier decision this election. Stokes does not face a challenger until the General Election in June, when he runs against one independent.
But once Hartman learned some residents in her association were told they’d still be voting in Ward 1, “We’re having to research double the amount of candidates,” she said.
“I’ve never had to work so hard in an election season,” Hartman said.
Adding to the confusion, campaign signs and mailers for Ward 1 candidates began popping up in Hartman’s neighborhood, causing residents to wonder who exactly was mistaken.
“If anything, it should have been caught. It’s sad that it took some of the individuals in the neighborhood to dig into this and find the information for themselves,” Hartman said.

Ice received a letter Tuesday notifying that her vote had been voided and she’d have to go back to City Hall to cast a new absentee ballot for Ward 3. But unlike some of her neighbors, she wasn’t too bothered. “I don’t mind going down there to vote again,” she said.
“I was never that worried about it,” Ice said. The only thing she’s sought from the council was, years ago, for them to add some speed bumps to her street, which never materialized.
The longtime immigrant rights attorney is much more concerned about what’s happening on a national level, the new Trump administration’s dismantling of federal programs and threats towards democracy, which she described as a coup d’état.
The local election ordeal did, however, remind Ice of the impression she had when she moved to Mississippi from her hometown of Detroit in 1998. She’d heard of Mississippi’s notorious history of voter intimidation and disenfranchisement, a legacy still visible today through the state’s attachment to some of the most restrictive voting laws in the nation. When Ice registered to vote in Mississippi for the first time, she said she was required to get the signature of a sponsor in her area.
“This is really true,” she remembered thinking, “they really do have a hard time voting here.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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