Mississippi Today
Mississippi spends less on college grant aid than nearly every Southern state
Mississippi spends less money on college financial aid programs than almost every state in the Southern region.
This holds true for both total dollars spent in Mississippi – about $45 million – and the average amount of grant money each college student receives. Other states, including deep-red neighbors Arkansas and Louisiana, dole out more money for college on a per-student basis while charging roughly the same or less for tuition. Even West Virginia, with close to half of the population, spends double Mississippi.
Not many lawmakers today know why this is, but several factors may be the cause: Financial aid policy is complex, and the Legislature tries to keep tuition low through funding the colleges and universities. Plus college financial aid is not a core function of government, many lawmakers say, such as roads and bridges or paying teachers.
But a change may be underway this legislative session. Amid increased interest in workforce development — not to mention Mississippi’s $700 million surplus — lawmakers are no longer asking the state’s financial aid office to make its programs less expensive.
Instead, they want to know: If Mississippi spends more, what will we get for it?
“If you look at it, that student, their life is an economic development project,” said Sen. Daniel Sparks, R-Belmont. “If we can get them from $26,000 to $66,000 a year (in income), that’s the most important economic development project in that person’s life.”
Earlier this week, the agency responsible for Mississippi’s college financial aid programs presented its new proposal to the Senate Colleges and Universities Committee that would pump $30 million into adult, part-time and many low-income students who, by law, have been ineligible for the Mississippi Resident Tuition Assistance Grant since it was created nearly three decades ago.
Depending on family income, an estimated 37,000 students would get an additional $500 to $1,000 toward the cost of tuition. And, unlike past proposals, this one would be enacted without cuts to the only state grant program that helps low-income students pay for college. It has already passed the House Colleges and Universities Committee.
The main question posed during the Senate meeting is how will Mississippi benefit from the increased funding. Though Mississippi’s overall investment in financial aid would remain low, the proposal’s price tag would nearly double what the state spends on helping students afford college, surpassing Alabama.
“Do we have metrics?,” asked Sen. Bart Williams, R-Starkville. “Can we show an ROI (return on investment)? We’re talking … about all this including everybody. What are we getting from it?”
There is no data, responded Jennifer Rogers, the director of the Mississippi’s Office of Student Financial Aid. Lawmakers have never required performance-based funding for the programs she administers.
But the research on state financial aid spending is clear.
What research shows on college aid spending
Though not a cure-all, financial aid programs pay off in all the areas lawmakers want to tackle this session: College-going and completion rates, career-readiness and workforce development.
In general, college financial aid of any kind increases graduation rates. In Mississippi, research requested by OSFA found all three grant programs increased college graduation rates.
But exactly how much is typically a function of a student’s income.
Because higher education costs money, financial aid that goes to students from families who can’t afford to pay for college on their has been shown to yield greater results, said Tom Harnisch, the vice president for government relations at the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association. It can be the difference between these students finding time to be involved on campus or working second jobs to pay for rent.
“Those are the students that are really going to move the dial,” Harnisch said.
For every $1,000 of grant aid spent on low-income students, research has shown college retention rates increase between 1 and 5%. In Florida, an additional $1,300 in need-based aid increased six-year graduation rates by nearly a quarter. In Texas, a grant program for low-income students was found to have freed 75 to 84 hours they would have spent working their first two years. For first-time students who receive a full federal Pell Grant, each additional $1,000 increase in grant aid is associated with more than $1,000 increase in earnings four years after enrollment.
When states spend more on financial aid, more students pursue higher education. Community colleges in particular see an increase in enrollment.
Sandy Baum, a nonresident senior fellow at the Urban Institute who has studied Mississippi’s financial aid programs, said the new proposal would be an improvement on MTAG’s current structure because it would direct more dollars to students who can’t afford to pay for college on their own.
“Of course Mississippi needs to spend more,” Baum said.
Other states have dramatically increased financial aid spending, the Urban Institute has found. After Arkansas legalized a lottery in 2008 and used it to fund college scholarships, the state’s spending on financial aid increased by $100 million.
So why hasn’t Mississippi?
A longstanding preference for less-expensive merit aid programs may be a reason.
Mississippi’s best and brightest
When lawmakers created MTAG in 1995, their goal was to help middle-class students afford college. The legislation was championed at a pivotal time by Eddie Briggs, the first Republican lieutenant governor in Mississippi since the Reconstruction era. To this day, the grant primarily benefits Republicans’ traditional constituents: White, middle-class Mississippians.
“This program will help to keep Mississippi’s best and brightest here at home,” Briggs wrote in an op-ed at the time.
Two years later, lawmakers created the state’s Higher Education Legislative Plan for Needy Students. But unlike MTAG, which lawmakers were required to fund from one year to the next, HELP was available only if the money was. In the program’s first year, Mississippi budgeted just $500,000 for HELP but spent $900,000, a fraction compared to MTAG’s $12 million.
Today, HELP is the most expensive grant program, because it pays for all four years of college. Of the three, it’s also the most effective at what it was created to do. And yet it benefits the fewest Mississippians: Just 4,538 students received HELP last year, less than a third that received MTAG.
Mississippi’s spending on college financial aid is also tied to state revenue, said Sen. Briggs Hopson, R-Vicksburg, the chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee who in 2018 led discussions to change Mississippi’s grant programs.
Adequate funding of the colleges and universities, Hopson said, helps keep tuition low.
“It is an overriding theme that we want to keep our colleges affordable, and I think we are,” he said. “It’s always a moving target.”
With this latest proposal, lawmakers’ tune may be changing on need-based aid as Mississippi’s colleges and universities, teetering on the edge of a demographic shift that will mean fewer high school graduates go to college, need more students in seats.
And, there’s an increased push for workforce development programs, which have been called the “message of the day” in Jackson.
Sparks, senator from Belmont, said he would like to see changes to MTAG encourage people to pursue well-paid careers. He liked that last year’s proposal offered a bonus for students to major in certain subjects deemed “high-value pathways” by the state’s workforce development office. That seemed like a way to ensure the spending has a return-on-investment, Sparks said.
“I don’t want to get into choosing what you (students) go take,” Sparks said. “But on the other hand, if I’m looking for someone else to pay the way or pay a portion of the way, they’re going to have more input than if I went in and said, ‘I got this myself.’”
Universities v. community colleges?
As with last year’s bill, this proposal is likely to come down to a tug-of-war between universities and community colleges.
During the Senate meeting, Hopson asked if the extra dollars might be better spent in direct appropriations to the public institutions considering the new program would also benefit Mississippi’s private colleges.
“If we put $31 million into Kell (Smith)’s budget or into Al Rankin’s budget, they’d probably say give me the $31 million,” Hopson said. “But the private colleges would probably like this better because they’re going to get some part of this.”
Hopson asked if it would be possible to instead ask the public colleges and universities to use the additional funding for institutional scholarships. Rogers replied that money “doesn’t always trickle down.”
“I think probably you know exactly what their response is going to be,” Rogers said. “But I guess, from my perspective, someone has got to stand up and fight for the students who are facing a huge affordability puzzle.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
On this day in 1997
Dec. 22, 1997
The Mississippi Supreme Court upheld the conviction of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the 1963 murder of Medgar Evers.
In the court’s 4–2 decision, Justice Mike Mills praised efforts “to squeeze justice out of the harm caused by a furtive explosion which erupted from dark bushes on a June night in Jackson, Mississippi.”
He wrote that Beckwith’s constitutional right to a speedy trial had not been denied. His “complicity with the Sovereignty Commission’s involvement in the prior trials contributed to the delay.”
The decision did more than ensure that Beckwith would stay behind bars. The conviction helped clear the way for other prosecutions of unpunished killings from the Civil Rights Era.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Medicaid expansion tracker approaches $1 billion loss for Mississippi
About the time people ring in the new year next week, the digital tracker on Mississippi Today’s homepage tabulating the amount of money the state is losing by not expanding Medicaid will hit $1 billion.
The state has lost $1 billion not since the start of the quickly departing 2024 but since the beginning of the state’s fiscal year on July 1.
Some who oppose Medicaid expansion say the digital tracker is flawed.
During an October news conference, when state Auditor Shad White unveiled details of his $2 million study seeking ways to cut state government spending, he said he did not look at Medicaid expansion as a method to save money or grow state revenue.
“I think that (Mississippi Today) calculator is wrong,” White said. “… I don’t think that takes into account how many people are going to be moved off the federal health care exchange where their health care is paid for fully by the federal government and moved onto Medicaid.”
White is not the only Mississippi politician who has expressed concern that if Medicaid expansion were enacted, thousands of people would lose their insurance on the exchange and be forced to enroll in Medicaid for health care coverage.
Mississippi Today’s projections used for the tracker are based on studies conducted by the Institutions of Higher Learning University Research Center. Granted, there are a lot of variables in the study that are inexact. It is impossible to say, for example, how many people will get sick and need health care, thus increasing the cost of Medicaid expansion. But is reasonable that the projections of the University Research Center are in the ballpark of being accurate and close to other studies conducted by health care experts.
White and others are correct that Mississippi Today’s calculator does not take into account money flowing into the state for people covered on the health care exchange. But that money does not go to the state; it goes to insurance companies that, granted, use that money to reimburse Mississippians for providing health care. But at least a portion of the money goes to out-of-state insurance companies as profits.
Both Medicaid expansion and the health care exchange are part of the Affordable Care Act. Under Medicaid expansion people earning up to $20,120 annually can sign up for Medicaid and the federal government will pay the bulk of the cost. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not opted into Medicaid expansion.
People making more than $14,580 annually can garner private insurance through the health insurance exchanges, and people below certain income levels can receive help from the federal government in paying for that coverage.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, legislation championed and signed into law by President Joe Biden significantly increased the federal subsidies provided to people receiving insurance on the exchange. Those increased subsidies led to many Mississippians — desperate for health care — turning to the exchange for help.
White, state Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney, Gov. Tate Reeves and others have expressed concern that those people would lose their private health insurance and be forced to sign up for Medicaid if lawmakers vote to expand Medicaid.
They are correct.
But they do not mention that the enhanced benefits authored by the Biden administration are scheduled to expire in December 2025 unless they are reenacted by Congress. The incoming Donald Trump administration has given no indication it will continue the enhanced subsidies.
As a matter of fact, the Trump administration, led by billionaire Elon Musk, is looking for ways to cut federal spending.
Some have speculated that Medicaid expansion also could be on Musk’s chopping block.
That is possible. But remember congressional action is required to continue the enhanced subsidies. On the flip side, congressional action would most likely be required to end or cut Medicaid expansion.
Would the multiple U.S. senators and House members in the red states that have expanded Medicaid vote to end a program that is providing health care to thousands of their constituents?
If Congress does not continue Biden’s enhanced subsidies, the rates for Mississippians on the exchange will increase on average about $500 per year, according to a study by KFF, a national health advocacy nonprofit. If that occurs, it is likely that many of the 280,000 Mississippians on the exchange will drop their coverage.
The result will be that Mississippi’s rate of uninsured — already one of the highest in the nation – will rise further, putting additional pressure on hospitals and other providers who will be treating patients who have no ability to pay.
In the meantime, the Mississippi Today counter that tracks the amount of money Mississippi is losing by not expanding Medicaid keeps ticking up.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1911
Dec. 21, 1911
Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia.
When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs.
He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame.
The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays.
Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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