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Mississippi politicians appear afraid to let citizens vote on abortion like in other states

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The issue of is in a kind of limbo in Mississippi despite the state being viewed as perhaps the most staunchly anti-abortion state in the nation.

Many state politicians like to make that claim.

Because of bills passed by the and signed into law by multiple governors, abortion is prohibited in nearly every circumstance in Mississippi. Yet there is a 1990s state Supreme Court ruling that provides a right to an abortion under the Mississippi Constitution. That ruling, in theory, would trump those laws.

But still, no provider is willing to abortions in Mississippi because of the fear that law enforcement and state courts would ignore that basic legal tenet that the constitution trumps laws.

The abortion conflict could be solved by one of two ways: by the state Supreme Court overturning its earlier ruling, or by lawmakers amending the Mississippi Constitution.

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But it appears staunchly anti-abortion Mississippi legislative leaders are afraid to try to amend the Constitution because to do so would require allowing the people to vote.

Polls over the past several months surprisingly show Mississippians almost evenly divided on the emotional and contentious issue, with some polls even saying a plurality supports abortion rights.

In every state where abortion has been on the ballot during the past year, conservative controlled states, proposals to expand abortion rights have prevailed.

The latest Republican, anti-abortion state where voters might approve abortion rights is Ohio. On the same day earlier this month that Mississippi held its party primary elections, Ohioans rejected a proposal to make it more difficult to pass initiatives placed on the ballot by voters. That vote was directly related to abortion.

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Ohio's state Republican leaders, who like their counterparts in Mississippi are anti-abortion, were to make it more difficult for voters to approve a proposal to place in their constitution a right to an abortion by requiring approval by 60% instead of a simple majority of voters. An initiative that Ohio voters gathered the mandated number of signatures will be on the November ballot to guarantee that right to an abortion. Ohio voters overwhelmingly rejected the proposal to make it more difficult to pass that initiative and any future ones.

That vote in Ohio underscores the fact that while the initiative is alive and well and being protected in some states, it was taken away from Mississippians and politicians have refused to restore it. That refusal could be directly related to abortion.

Mississippi's initiative process was ruled unconstitutional on a technicality by the state Supreme Court in 2021. In both the 2022 and 2023 sessions, lawmakers did not restore it even though legislative leaders had committed multiple times to doing so.

Mississippians who abortion rights should not expect any relief from the upcoming November election. , who generally are against abortion, are expected to win and maintain their legislative supermajorities.

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And both major gubernatorial candidates say they are anti-abortion. Republican incumbent Gov. Tate Reeves is a vocal abortion opponent. Challenger Brandon Presley, like many recent statewide Democratic candidates, says he is also anti-abortion.

Perhaps the Legislature in the upcoming 2024 session will put a proposal before voters to restore the initiative process. If they do, and voters do the expected and vote to restore the initiative, they in theory could then bypass the Legislature and place an initiative on the ballot to let the public decide the abortion issue.

Presley has even called on his opponent, the incumbent Reeves, to call a special session and try to get reluctant legislators to approve restoring the initiative immediately.

But abortion supporters should not get too about a to vote on abortion even if the initiative is restored. Before the Senate under Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann killed the restoration of the initiative during the 2023 session, the House had passed an initiative proposal that would have prohibited voters from using the process to place abortion on the ballot.

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To highlight the changing dynamics of the abortion issue, it should be pointed out that the ban on a vote on abortion was the brainchild of House Speaker Philip Gunn. Before then, in 2012, Gunn had proposed placing before voters an amendment to the Constitution to ban abortion.

Now he and other Mississippi politicians appear afraid to let the public vote on abortion.

It would, no doubt, be embarrassing to those politicians if voters in the state that brought to the U.S. Supreme Court the case that overturned the national right to an abortion ended up approving abortion rights at the ballot box.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1827

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JULY 5, 1827

This illustration of the emancipation of Black Americans ran in Harper's Weekly.

A day after those enslaved were freed in the of New York, 4,000 Black Americans marched along Broadway through streets with a grand marshal carrying a drawn sword. They arrived at the African Zion Church, where abolitionist leader William Hamilton said, “This day we stand redeemed from a bitter thralldom.”

Celebrations took place as far away as Boston and Philadelphia. In New York's capital, Nathaniel Paul, pastor of the First African Baptist Society, declared, “We look forward … (to) when this foul stain will be entirely erased, and this, the worst of evils, will be forever done away … God who has made of one blood all nations of , and who is said to be no respecter of persons, has so decreed; I therefore have no hesitation in declaring this sacred place, that not only throughout the United States of America, but throughout every part of the habitable world where exists, it will be abolished.”

Among those freed by this act? Sojourner Truth, who was born into slavery and had escaped to just a year earlier. The Fifth of July is still recognized and celebrated in New York .

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=372793

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Mississippi Today

Salaries for two public university presidents creep toward $1 million a year

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mississippitoday.org – Molly Minta – 2024-07-05 06:30:00

Two public presidents in Mississippi now make almost $1 million a year each while pay for faculty and staff at the 's eight universities remains stagnant. 

The hefty salaries are largely, but not entirely, due to the private foundations for the University of Mississippi and Mississippi State University supplementing the state salaries for Glenn Boyce and Mark Keenum, respectively. 

Both presidents now pull $950,000 a year, with taxpayers supporting $500,000 of their salaries and the foundations making up the rest, according to IHL board meeting minutes

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That constitutes a $100,000 raise, which Keenum and Boyce received after the Institutions of Higher Learning Board of Trustees conducted performance reviews for the two presidents at the end of last year, John Sewell, a spokesperson, wrote in an email.  

“University presidents play a critical role not only at their respective institutions but across the state,” Sewell wrote, “as Mississippi's public university system is poised to have an $8 impact on Mississippi's over the next six years.” 

The board also reviewed Nora Miller, the president of Mississippi University for Women, but Miller did not receive a raise, and it's unclear if she requested one. Miller will continue to make $300,000, plus a $5,000 foundation supplement, in her new four-year contract. 

When Miller was hired in 2018, the state paid her $215,000, and she received a $30,000 foundation supplement, according to IHL board records. In 2022, the board gave every college president a raise and reduced the foundation supplements to $5,000 for every university but and Mississippi State. 

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Last month, the board also approved significant “retention” plans for Boyce and Keenum, a kind of bonus paid for by the university foundations that no other college president in Mississippi receives. Keenum has an opportunity to get up to $1.4 million from the MSU foundation if he stays at Mississippi State through the end of his contract in 2028, and Boyce can receive up to $800,000 from the one at Ole Miss. 

It is unclear if either president is planning to retire or their universities. While Mississippi taxpayers pay the university presidents significant sums of money, the board considers its salary decisions confidential. 

Sewell declined to answer further questions about the purpose of the plans, writing that “information about specific evaluations and salary decisions are personnel matters and are considered confidential.” 

A document obtained by Mississippi last year shows the criteria the board used to evaluate the eight college presidents as of January 2023, including “provides effective leadership in enrollment management,” “supports initiatives and programs that promote student retention” and “provides effective leadership in acquiring and sustaining regional and professional accreditations.” 

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Under Keenum, the National Science Foundation has ranked Mississippi State as a top research institution. Boyce's “Now and Ever” campaign has raised more than $1.5 billion in private support for Ole Miss. 

“I am most grateful to the IHL trustees, Commissioner Rankins, and our university foundation board members for their vote of confidence in my leadership,” Boyce said in a statement. “More importantly, I am mindful that our university is thriving because of the unending commitment of our faculty and staff to deliver on our mission of education, research, service and each and every day.”

The IHL board first approved retention pay for Boyce in 2022. When the board granted Keenum that opportunity in 2021, he asked the Mississippi State University Foundation to “use a majority—if not all—of this incentive for scholarships.” 

Sid Salter, an MSU spokesperson, declined to answer questions about whether the foundation used Keenum's retention pay for scholarships. 

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“The portions of those compensation packages that may rely on private MSU Foundation funds are not required to be disclosed beyond what the College Board has already provided,” Salter wrote. “The university has no additional comment.” 

The IHL board also released its legislative priorities for the next year, including increasing pay for faculty and staff who make less than average compared to their peers at other Southern universities. 

Since 2016, the average faculty member in Mississippi has actually seen a nearly $11,000 pay cut due to , according to an analysis of federal data. In fall 2022, the average faculty salary in Mississippi was $68,676. 

Though IHL has obtained nominal wage increases for faculty and staff, inflation and insurance premium increases have put meaningful raises out of reach, the board has said. 

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READ MORE:USM's new president making $650,000; all public college presidents saw raises this year'

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1963

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JULY 4, 1963

Clyde Kennard — railroaded in 1960 because he dared to try to enroll at an all-white college in Mississippi — died of cancer just months after being freed from prison. He died on the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, which promised “all are created equal.”

After World War II ended, Kennard taught denazification classes to German . Years later, he served as a paratrooper in the Korean War. Afterward, he attended the of Chicago, where he worked on a political science degree, only to have to return home to his mother after his stepfather died.

He started a chicken farm to help her make ends meet and tried to finish his degree by applying to attend the nearby college, now known as the University of Southern Mississippi.

The State Sovereignty Commission, headed by the governor, used Black to try and dissuade Kennard from enrolling at the all-white college. When that failed, there was a plot to plant a bomb in the Mercury car he drove.

On Dec. 6, 1958, he wrote a letter to the editor of the , questioning the logic of the “separate but equal” approach: “After our paralleled graduate schools, where do our parallels of separate but equal go? Are we to assume that paralleled hospitals are to be built for the two groups of ? Are we to build two bridges across the same stream in order to give equal opportunities to both groups of engineers? Are we to have two courts of law so as to give both groups of lawyers the same to demonstrate their skills; two legislatures for our politically inclined, and of course two governors?”

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Months later, when he attempted to enroll at the college, constables claimed they found whiskey under the seat of his car, despite the fact he was a teetotaler. When he continued his fight to attend, he was on charges, this time for reportedly stealing chicken feed.

Kennard went to Parchman prison, where he was forced to pick cotton from daylight to dark. In 1961, he was diagnosed with colon cancer, but wasn't released from prison until two years later, just months before he died.

In 2005, the man who testified against Kennard admitted that Kennard had done nothing illegal. A year later, a judge tossed out Kennard's conviction, clearing his name for good. A new book by Devery Anderson details Kennard's and what Anderson calls a “slow, calculated lynching.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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