Mississippi Today
Mississippi Legislature bigger than most even as population lags


At noon on Jan. 2, one of the largest law-making bodies in the country – the Mississippi Legislature – will convene for a 120-day regular session.
Mississippi has one of the largest legislatures even though the state ranks as the 35th most populous of the nation’s 50 states. And Mississippi’s population ranking has been dropping in recent decades. In 2000, for instance, Mississippi was the 32nd most populous state.
But for decades, Mississippi has had one of the nation’s biggest legislatures in terms of number of members.
Whether the fact the Mississippi Legislature is so large is good or bad for the state depends on perspective. It could be argued that Mississippi legislators represent fewer people, making them closer and more responsive to their constituents. Others could argue that the Legislature is bloated and would be more efficient with fewer members.
Perspective.
Only 13 states have lower chambers larger than the 122-member Mississippi House of Representatives. And only four states have upper chambers with more members than the 52-member Mississippi Senate.
Tiny New Hampshire has by far the largest lower chamber with a 400-member house. The second largest house is Pennsylvania with 203 members, but its senate has two fewer members than does the Mississippi Senate.
Minnesota, which also has a house larger than Mississippi’s, has the nation’s largest senate with 67 members. California, the most populous state, has a smaller legislature than Mississippi.
The large size of the Mississippi Legislature means each member represents fewer people than do legislators in most states. Only 12 states have senate districts where the members represent fewer people than Mississippi senators, according to information compiled by Ballotpedia using U.S. Census apportionment data. The ideal size of a Mississippi Senate district to ensure the federally mandated equal distribution of the population across the state is 56,998. The smallest ideal size is North Dakota at 16,589. California is the largest at 989,419 people per senate district – far larger than the average U.S. House district, which is about 750,000 people. The national average size is 167,820 people per state senate district.
In the house, the ideal size of a Mississippi district is 24,294 compared to the national average of 61,169. California, again, is the largest at 494,709 while the ideal size of a House district in New Hampshire is 3,448. Only 11 states have House districts where members represent fewer people than House members in Mississippi represent.
Like so many issues in Mississippi, race played a major role in the development of the legislative districts. According to the Mississippi Historical Society, the legislative districts were apportioned in a manner to form “the legal basis and bulwark of the design of white supremacy in a state with an overwhelming and growing negro majority.” Each county was assigned a certain number of legislative districts and done so in a manner to ensure a white legislative majority. The 1890 Constitution said the Senate should be composed of between 30 and 45 members while the House should be between 100 and 133.
In 1962, the state constitution was amended to place the number of senators at not more than 52 and the number of House members at not more than 122.
In 1966, the state lost a landmark federal redistricting lawsuit. Federal judges ruled the Mississippi system established in 1890 to assign legislative districts to counties was unconstitutional because it diluted Black voter strength. In 1977 after lengthy appeals and legal maneuvering, it was finalized that the Mississippi Legislature had to be made up of what was called single-member districts that had to be near equal in population.
The state Constitution was amended again based on that federal court mandate ensuring equal population. The size of the Legislature was not changed, though, by the 1977 amendment.
Occasionally there are efforts to reduce the size of the Mississippi Legislature. In the 1990s, then-Lt. Gov. Eddie Briggs tried to gather enough signatures to place on the ballot a proposal to reduce the Legislature’s size. That effort did not go very far before it was dropped.
Any modern effort to reduce the size of the Mississippi Legislature would likely be opposed by multiple groups, including by many Black leaders.
The Mississippi Legislature, once designed in a manner to limit Black representation, now has 56 African American members (14 in the Senate and 42 in the House.) Only Georgia and Maryland have more Black members serving in their legislatures.
Of course, African Americans still remain under-represented in the Mississippi Legislature. The state has a Black population of about 38%, the highest in the nation, but about 32% of Mississippi legislators are African American.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
Speaker White wants Christmas tree projects bill included in special legislative session

House Speaker Jason White sent a terse letter to Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann on Thursday, saying House leaders are frustrated with Senate leaders refusing to discuss a “Christmas tree” bill spending millions on special projects across the state.
The letter signals the two Republican leaders remain far apart on setting an overall $7 billion state budget. Bickering between the GOP leaders led to a stalemate and lawmakers ending their regular 2025 session without setting a budget. Gov. Tate Reeves plans to call them back into special session before the new budget year starts July 1 to avoid a shutdown, but wants them to have a budget mostly worked out before he does so.
White’s letter to Hosemann, which contains words in all capital letters that are underlined and italicized, said that the House wants to spend cash reserves on projects for state agencies, local communities, universities, colleges, and the Mississippi Department of Transportation.
“We believe the Senate position to NOT fund any local infrastructure projects is unreasonable,” White wrote.
The speaker in his letter noted that he and Hosemann had a meeting with the governor on Tuesday. Reeves, according to the letter, advised the two legislative leaders that if they couldn’t reach an agreement on how to disburse the surplus money, referred to as capital expense money, they should not spend any of it on infrastructure.
A spokesperson for Hosemann said the lieutenant governor has not yet reviewed the letter, and he was out of the office on Thursday working with a state agency.
“He is attending Good Friday services today, and will address any correspondence after the celebration of Easter,” the spokesperson said.
Hosemann has recently said the Legislature should set an austere budget in light of federal spending cuts coming from the Trump administration, and because state lawmakers this year passed a measure to eliminate the state income tax, the source of nearly a third of the state’s operating revenue.
Lawmakers spend capital expense money for multiple purposes, but the bulk of it — typically $200 million to $400 million a year — goes toward local projects, known as the Christmas Tree bill. Lawmakers jockey for a share of the spending for their home districts, in a process that has been called a political spoils system — areas with the most powerful lawmakers often get the largest share, not areas with the most needs. Legislative leaders often use the projects bill as either a carrot or stick to garner votes from rank and file legislators on other issues.
A Mississippi Today investigation last year revealed House Ways and Means Chairman Trey Lamar, a Republican from Sentobia, has steered tens of millions of dollars in Christmas tree spending to his district, including money to rebuild a road that runs by his north Mississippi home, renovate a nearby private country club golf course and to rebuild a tiny cul-de-sac that runs by a home he has in Jackson.
There is little oversight on how these funds are spent, and there is no requirement that lawmakers disburse the money in an equal manner or based on communities’ needs.
In the past, lawmakers borrowed money for Christmas tree bills. But state coffers have been full in recent years largely from federal pandemic aid spending, so the state has been spending its excess cash. White in his letter said the state has “ample funds” for a special projects bill.
“We, in the House, would like to sit down and have an agreement with our Senate counterparts on state agency Capital Expenditure spending AND local projects spending,” White wrote. “It is extremely important to our agencies and local governments. The ball is in your court, and the House awaits your response.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Mississippi Today
Advocate: Election is the chance for Jackson to finally launch in the spirit of Blue Origin

Editor’s note: This essay is part of Mississippi Today Ideas, a platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share fact-based ideas about our state’s past, present and future. You can read more about the section here.
As the world recently watched the successful return of Blue Origin’s historic all-women crew from space, Jackson stands grounded. The city is still grappling with problems that no rocket can solve.
But the spirit of that mission — unity, courage and collective effort — can be applied right here in our capital city. Instead of launching away, it is time to launch together toward a more just, functioning and thriving Jackson.
The upcoming mayoral runoff election on April 22 provides such an opportunity, not just for a new administration, but for a new mindset. This isn’t about endorsements. It’s about engagement.
It’s a moment for the people of Jackson and Hinds County to take a long, honest look at ourselves and ask if we have shown up for our city and worked with elected officials, instead of remaining at odds with them.
It is time to vote again — this time with deeper understanding and shared responsibility. Jackson is in crisis — and crisis won’t wait.
According to the U.S. Census projections, Jackson is the fastest-shrinking city in the United States, losing nearly 4,000 residents in a single year. That kind of loss isn’t just about numbers. It’s about hope, resources, and people’s decision to give up rather than dig in.
Add to that the long-standing issues: a crippled water system, public safety concerns, economic decline and a sense of division that often pits neighbor against neighbor, party against party and race against race.
Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba has led through these storms, facing criticism for his handling of the water crisis, staffing issues and infrastructure delays. But did officials from the city, the county and the state truly collaborate with him or did they stand at a distance, waiting to assign blame?
On the flip side, his runoff opponent, state Sen. John Horhn, who has served for more than three decades, is now seeking to lead the very city he has represented from the Capitol. Voters should examine his legislative record and ask whether he used his influence to help stabilize the administration or only to position himself for this moment.
Blaming politicians is easy. Building cities is hard. And yet that is exactly what’s needed. Jackson’s future will not be secured by a mayor alone. It will take so many of Jackson’s residents — voters, business owners, faith leaders, students, retirees, parents and young people — to move this city forward. That’s the liftoff we need.
It is time to imagine Jackson as a capital city where clean, safe drinking water flows to every home — not just after lawsuits or emergencies, but through proactive maintenance and funding from city, state and federal partnerships. The involvement of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency in the effort to improve the water system gives the city leverage.
Public safety must be a guarantee and includes prevention, not just response, with funding for community-based violence interruption programs, trauma services, youth job programs and reentry support. Other cities have done this and it’s working.
Education and workforce development are real priorities, preparing young people not just for diplomas but for meaningful careers. That means investing in public schools and in partnerships with HBCUs, trade programs and businesses rooted right here.
Additionally, city services — from trash collection to pothole repair — must be reliable, transparent and equitable, regardless of zip code or income. Seamless governance is possible when everyone is at the table.
Yes, democracy works because people show up. Not just to vote once, but to attend city council meetings, serve on boards, hold leaders accountable and help shape decisions about where resources go.
This election isn’t just about who gets the title of mayor. It’s about whether Jackson gets another chance at becoming the capital city Mississippi deserves — a place that leads by example and doesn’t lag behind.
The successful Blue Origin mission didn’t happen by chance. It took coordinated effort, diverse expertise and belief in what was possible. The same is true for this city.
We are not launching into space. But we can launch a new era marked by cooperation over conflict, and by sustained civic action over short-term outrage.
On April 22, go vote. Vote not just for a person, but for a path forward because Jackson deserves liftoff. It starts with us.
Pauline Rogers is a longtime advocate for criminal justice reform and the founder of the RECH Foundation, an organization dedicated to supporting formerly incarcerated individuals as they reintegrate into society. She is a Transformative Justice Fellow through The OpEd Project Public Voices Fellowship.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1959, students marched for integrated schools

April 18, 1959

About 26,000 students took part in the Youth March for Integrated Schools in Washington, D.C. They heard speeches by Martin Luther King Jr., A. Phillip Randolph and NAACP leader Roy Wilkins.
In advance of the march, false accusations were made that Communists had infiltrated the group. In response, the civil rights leaders put out a statement: “The sponsors of the March have not invited Communists or communist organizations. Nor have they invited members of the Ku Klux Klan or the White Citizens’ Council. We do not want the participation of these groups, nor of individuals or other organizations holding similar views.”
After the march, a delegation of students went to present their demands to President Eisenhower, only to be told by his deputy assistant that “the president is just as anxious as they are to see an America where discrimination does not exist, where equality of opportunity is available to all.”
King praised the students, saying, “In your great movement to organize a march for integrated schools, you have awakened on hundreds of campuses throughout the land a new spirit of social inquiry to the benefit of all Americans.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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