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Mississippi doesn’t see births spike from abortion ban, but unwanted pregnancies increase

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Mississippi birth numbers are roughly the same as last year, despite the state health department predicting at least 5,000 a year more from a nearly total abortion ban.

However, analysis of data shows that unwanted or unplanned pregnancies increased in every ban state – with Mississippi having the second-highest estimated increase.

Mail-order abortion pills and the opening of new abortion clinics aimed at serving those in red states are likely among the reasons Mississippi didn’t see the large spike in births state officials expected. Still, diminished accessibility meant that the ban prevented about one-fourth of Mississippi women who might have otherwise sought an abortion from attaining one, according to recent research published in November by the Institute of Labor Economics.

Birth numbers vary from year to year based on a variety of factors, and do not, therefore, provide a complete picture on their own of the effects the Dobbs Supreme Court decision had on fertility – the number of children born to women of reproductive age. The study uses a statistical method called Synthetic Difference-in-Differences to compare ban states to selected non-ban states post-Dobbs.

“Basically, what it does is it lets us compare changes in births in states enforcing total bans to changes in births in states that are a good set of controls for what would have happened if total bans hadn’t been enforced,” explained Caitlin Myers, a professor of economics at Middlebury College in Vermont and an author of the study.

In order to be a meaningful comparison, the non-ban states chosen for the control group are ones that trended similarly to the ban states pre-Dobbs. This comparison can then be used to estimate how many more births occurred in ban states than would have in the absence of a ban.

The largest estimated increases were in states that had the largest increases in driving distances to abortion clinics. Texas, which had a 453-mile increase, saw a 5.1% increase in births. Mississippi, where driving distance increased by 240 miles, saw a 4.4% increase in births.

Births have been on a steady decline in Mississippi since 2007. That decline has slowed in the past year, according to Mitchell Adcock, executive director of the Center for Mississippi Health Policy.

“Since 2022, when the Mississippi law related to the US Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision was implemented, the decline in Mississippi births in 2023 has slowed,” Adcock explained. But, he said, “it will take more time before the impact of the Dobbs decision on birth rates in Mississippi can be determined.”

While the slower declining rate of births cannot yet be directly attributed to Dobbs, there is compelling evidence that it played a role. The data shows that the group of ban states and the set of controlled states trended extremely similarly – right up until the abortion bans began to be enforced.

“And then we see the births diverge,” said Myers. “So for it to be something other than Dobbs and the bans that are increasing those births, you’d have to believe that something else happened that wasn’t an abortion ban, and it happened at the same time, in all 13 states, and not at all in these controlled states that the model picked. Which is pretty hard to believe.”

While births likely did increase in Mississippi relative to what they may have been in the absence of a ban, they did not increase to the heights state officials expected.

Mississippi officials likely based their 5,000 more births estimate on the number of resident abortions that took place in past years, Myers said. In 2020, the number of Mississippi resident abortions – those occurring in and out of state – was 5,760.

State Health Officer Dr. Daniel Edney said “we’ve known from the beginning it wouldn’t be a one-to-one [correspondence], one induced termination equals one live birth … there are a lot of variables that are ongoing.” Yet, the department predicted in a Sept. 28, 2022 hearing that the state would see an influx of at least 5,000 extra births they were not prepared to handle.

“It really sounds like what they were assuming was that the ban would prevent most people in Mississippi who wanted abortions from getting them,” Myers said. “And that is not a realistic assumption. A lot of people from Mississippi are traveling and people will also self manage abortions.”

The 26.9% of Mississippi abortion seekers the study estimated were not able to travel or self manage their abortions in the wake of Dobbs are likely lower-income people unable to afford the trip out of state, or those in rural maternity care deserts who didn’t find out they were pregnant until well into their pregnancy.

What’s more is that the number of in-state abortions has plummeted to nearly zero – despite the fact that Mississippi’s abortion ban has two exceptions: to protect the life of the mother, and cases where the pregnancy was caused by rape and officially reported to law enforcement.

Cases like Ashley, the 13-year-old Delta girl TIME magazine wrote about who was raped and forced to carry her baby to term, show that the exceptions are largely theoretical. Lack of education and fear of legal consequences are what render the exceptions practically meaningless, according to Tyler Harden, the Mississippi state director of Planned Parenthood Southeast.

“A lot of people aren’t aware of the exceptions,” Harden said. “We’ve witnessed lots of misinformation campaigns targeted at people who need abortion access … and even providers sometimes giving misinformation to their patients because they don’t understand what they can and can’t do legally.”

In 2023, there were only four in-state abortions in Mississippi.

Aid Access, the only online telemedicine service supplying medication abortion via mail in the U.S., is currently getting about 250 requests each month from Mississippians, according to Aid Access Founder Dr. Rebecca Gomperts.

Mississippi had the second largest increase in Aid Access requests from pre- to post-Dobbs. Aid Access offers a combination of Mifepristone and Misoprostol for first trimester abortions up to 10 weeks. Since shipping takes one to five days for all 50 states, a patient should be less than nine weeks when ordering the medication.

For those who are more than nine weeks pregnant, the closest abortion clinic to Jackson is the Alamo Women’s Clinic in Southern Illinois, 425 miles away. The clinic was opened by father-daughter duo Alan Braid and Andrea Gallegos in November 2022, after the Dobbs ruling forced Braid and Gallegos to move their Texas and Oklahoma clinics to New Mexico and Illinois.

“We’ve officially been open a year and we’re doing exactly what we thought being in this location would do,” Gallegos said about her Illinois clinic. “We see patients from every surrounding ban state every day.”

Mississippians accounted for 12% of the 4,551 patients the Alamo clinic has served in the last year. At 576 abortions, that’s nearly six times as many Illinois patients the location served.

Those who can make the journey do – and Gallegos says she’s amazed at just how many do. But, she says, there will always be a fraction of people for whom that kind of travel is unfeasible.

“I think it’s a shame that abolishing Roe has basically made geography a privilege when it comes to accessing abortion,” she said.

It can be easy to forget the situation most abortion seekers are in that leaves a significant number of them unable to cover the cost and surmount the time challenges of increased driving distances. Three quarters of abortion patients are low-income, 59% are already parenting, and 55% report facing a disruptive life event, such as losing a job, breaking up with a partner, or getting evicted.

“Sometimes I’ll present estimates of effects of driving distance,” Myers said, “and economists will be like ‘well my gosh, this is such an important life event, with such huge consequences, everybody should just find a way out, right?’” But she explained, “look at the situation that people are in when they seek abortions … it’s not so implausible that around a quarter of them aren’t able to figure out a way to mail order medication or to drive more than 200 miles one way to Southern Illinois.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=320579

Mississippi Today

Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling.

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mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-07-14 10:30:00


A Jackson County Chancery Court judge sealed a politically sensitive case involving a failed private business program that ticketed uninsured motorists in Mississippi using AI and cameras. Media outlets argue the sealing violates public access laws since no hearing was held, and the case file is completely inaccessible. The case centers on a business partnership between Mississippi consultants and Georgia-based Securix LLC, which sold the ticketing program to several cities before the Department of Public Safety ended the program in 2024. The media’s petition contends the public has a right to transparency, especially given the involvement of public functions and funds.

A Jackson County Chancery Court judge is denying the public access to a case that involves several politically connected Mississippians and their failed venture to ticket uninsured motorists using cameras and artificial intelligence.

Media companies Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald have filed for relief with the state Supreme Court, arguing that Chancery Judge Neil Harris improperly closed the court file without notice and a hearing to consider alternatives. The media outlets say the court file should be opened.

Mississippi Today in June filed its motion asking that Harris unseal the case, which he denied six days later. 

Gulfport attorney Henry Laird writes in the media companies’ petition for state Supreme Court review, “The Chancery Court sealing the entire court file both before and after Mississippi Today’s motion to unseal the file violates the public and press’ cherished right of openness and access to its public court system and records.” 

Mississippi judges have long followed a 1990 state Supreme Court decision that says, “A hearing must be held in which the press is allowed to intervene on behalf of the public and present argument, if any, against closure.” 

Instead, Harris said he found no hearing necessary after reviewing the pleadings to open the file. The case, he said, is between two private companies.

“There are no public entities included as parties,” he wrote, “and there are no public funds at issue. Other than curiosity regarding issues between private parties, there is no public interest involved.”

The case involves what is usually a public function: Issuing tickets to the owners of uninsured vehicles.  And, according to one party to the case, the Mississippi Department of Public Safety is owed $345,000 from the uninsured motorist program.

READ MORE: Private business ticketed uninsured Mississippi vehicle owners. Then the program blew up.

Since the entire court file is closed, the public is unable to see why the judge sealed the case. The Mississippians said in the Chancery Court case that they have  “substantial” business interests to protect and “a lot of political importance,” an attorney opposing them said in a related federal case that is not sealed.

Jackson County Chancery Judge Neil Harris

Georgia-based Securix LLC signed up its first Mississippi client in 2021, the city of Ocean Springs, an agreement with the city showed. Securix developed a program that uses traffic cameras, artificial intelligence and bulk data on insured motorists to identify the owners of vehicles without insurance.

To sign on other Mississippi cities, Securix enlisted three well-known consultants, Quinton Dickerson, Josh Gregory and Robert Wilkinson. Dickerson and Gregory are Republican political operatives in Jackson who have run numerous state and local campaigns and advise many of the state’s top elected officials. Wilkinson, a Coast attorney, has represented local governments and government agencies, including the city of Ocean Springs.

MS business partnership sours

In 2023, the Mississippians formed QJR LLC. Their company entered a 50-50 partnership with Securix called Securix Mississippi.

Securix Mississippi sold the cities of Biloxi, Pearl and Senatobia on the uninsured driver program. 

Fees collected from uninsured drivers were apportioned to the company, the cities and the Department of Public Safety, the operating agreement with Biloxi showed.

The citations offered three options, according to copies included in a federal lawsuit filed by three Mississippi residents who received them:

  • Call a toll-free number and provide proof of insurance.
  • Enter a diversion program that charges a $300 fee and includes a short online course and requires agreement that the vehicle will not be driven uninsured on public roadways.
  • Contest the ticket in court and risk $510 in fines and fees, plus the potential of a one-year driver’s license suspension.

The Securix Mississippi partnership soon soured.

Securix Chairman Jonathan Miller of Georgia said in a sworn court declaration submitted in the federal case that he was subjected around March 2024 to a “freeze out” by members and/or employees of QJR. They stopped giving him information, Miller said.

The Department of Public Safety in August pulled the plug on the controversial ticketing program, shutting off the company’s access to the insured driver database.

In September, QJR filed its Chancery Court lawsuit against Securix LLC. 

What is known about the case comes from documents in the federal court file. QJR claims the company and its members have been defamed by Miller and Securix and wants their 50-50 business partnership dissolved.

The Chancery Court case does not even show up when the parties are searched for by name. 

With a case number gleaned from the federal court file, a search of chancery records shows only that the case is under seal.

Normally, when a case is under seal, the docket would still be available. A docket lists all records and proceedings in a case. While sealed records are listed and described, they can’t be viewed. 

“There is no court file,” attorney Laird said in asking the Supreme Court to review Judge Harris’ decision to leave the file sealed. “There is no docket sheet. There is absolutely no access on the part of the public or press to their public court file in this case.”

Judge closes file without public notice

All Mississippi court files are presumed open unless they are closed with notice and a hearing under guidelines established in the 1990 case Gannett River States Publishing Co. vs. Hand.

“It appears that the judge ignored what has been settled law in Mississippi since 1990,” said retired Jackson attorney Leonard Van Slyke, who represented Gannett in the case and still advises the media.

He added, “Since that time, there have not been many efforts to close a courtroom or a court file because the rules are pretty clear as to when that can be done. It is obvious from the rules that this would be a rare occurrence.”

 A court file can be closed only if a party in the case requesting closure can show an “overriding interest” that would be prejudiced by publicity.

The Supreme Court said in 1990 that the public is entitled to at least 24 hours’ notice — on the court docket — before a judge considers closure. As a representative of the public, the media has a right to a hearing before a court file or proceeding is closed.

At the hearing, the judge must consider the least restrictive closure possible and reasonable alternatives. The judge also must make findings that explain why alternatives to closure were rejected.

The court wrote in Gannett vs. Hand:

“A transcript of the closure hearing should be made public and if a petition for extraordinary relief concerning a closure order is filed in this Court, it should be accompanied by the transcript, the court’s findings of fact and conclusions of law, and the evidence adduced at the hearing upon which the judge bases the findings and conclusions.”

Because Judge Harris held no hearing, the high court will have a scant record on which to base its review. Without a court record, Laird pointed out in his filing, the public can have no confidence the judge made a sound decision.

Kevin Goldberg, an attorney who serves as vice president and First Amendment expert at the nonpartisan, nonprofit Freedom Forum, said the First Amendment guarantees the public access to courts.

In the Securix case, he said, a private business was doing work normally performed by a police department or other public agency, and residents could be snared into legal proceedings when they received tickets and public funds were involved.

“These are not private people in a small town, going about their business,” Goldberg said. “These people’s business is the public’s business . . . I think that means they need to accept that they’re going to be scrutinized all the time, including when they voluntarily make a decision to go to court.”

This article was produced in partnership between the Sun Herald and Mississippi Today.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling. appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article maintains a largely factual and investigative tone, focusing on government transparency, judicial procedure, and public access to court records. It critiques the secrecy upheld by a judge in a politically sensitive case involving private companies executing public functions, highlighting concerns about accountability and public interest. The framing leans slightly toward advocating for open government and media rights, values often associated with center-left perspectives. However, it stops short of overt ideological framing or partisan language, striving to report the facts and legal context while underscoring the public’s right to scrutiny.

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Mississippi Today

Why Andy Gipson is running for governor

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mississippitoday.org – @GeoffPender – 2025-07-14 06:30:00

Republican Andy Gipson, the first candidate to publicly announce a run for Mississippi governor in 2027, outlines his five-plank platform. No. 1 is fighting crime, which Gipson says is rising in what were once quiet rural areas, because “If people don’t feel safe, nothing else matters.” He also offers a brief sampling of his baritone crooning from his just-released two studio albums.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Why Andy Gipson is running for governor appeared first on mississippitoday.org

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Mississippi Today

‘Will you trust us?’: JPS plan for stricter cellphone policy makes some parents anxious

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mississippitoday.org – @mintamolly – 2025-07-11 15:25:00


Jackson Public Schools (JPS) plans a stricter cellphone policy after incidents of bullying, fight organizing, and misinformation via phones. Currently, phones taken away for up to 10 days may soon be held for 5, 10, and up to 45 days for repeat offenses, with fines for retrieval eliminated to ensure equity. Parents at a recent meeting expressed concerns about emergency contact, internet access, and enforcement, especially on buses. JPS leaders emphasized the negative impact of phones on learning and safety, citing past misinformation about violence. The policy aims to reduce distractions and mental health issues linked to cellphone use, asking parents, “Will you trust us?” to protect students.

Superintendent Errick Greene wanted to be very clear with the roughly 50 parents who attended Thursday night’s community listening session: Jackson Public Schools already has a policy banning students from using cellphones at school. 

Aaliyah McIntyre, left, and her mother Ashley McIntyre attend a Jackson Public Schools listening session on July 10, 2025, about the district’s new policy on cellphone use. They raised concerns about how parents would be notified in the event of an emergency.

But the leadership of Mississippi’s third-largest school district has decided that a new approach is in order, citing a series of incidents in recent years involving students using their cellphones to bully others, organize fights or text their parents inaccurate information about violence happening at or near their school.

“To be clear, it’s not the majority of our scholars, but I can’t look at a class and know who’s gonna be bullying today, who’s gonna be scheduling a meetup to cut up today,” Greene said toward the end of the hour-long meeting held at the JPS board room. “I can’t look at a group of scholars and say, ‘OK, yeah, you’re the one, let me take your phone, the rest of you can keep it.’”

Under the rewritten policy, students who take their phone out of their backpacks during the instructional day will lose it for five days for the first infraction, 10 days for the second and 45 days for the third. Currently, the longest the school will hold a phone is 10 days.

The Jackson school board is expected to consider the new policy at its meeting next week and the district hopes to implement the change when the new school year starts later this month, said Sherwin Johnson, the district’s communications director.

Students also currently have the option to pay up to a $25 fine to get their phone back, but the district wants to rescind that aspect of the policy. 

“We’ve discovered that’s not equitable,” said Larrisa Harris, the JPS general counsel. “Not everybody has the resources to come and pay the fine.”

Support for the new policy among the parents who spoke at the listening session varied, but all had questions. How will students access the internet on their laptops if the WiFi is spotty at their school and they need to use their cellphone hotspot? If students are required to keep their phones in their backpacks during lunch, how will teachers prevent stealing? How will JPS enforce the ban on using cellphones on the bus?

One mother said she watches her daughter’s location while she rides the bus to Jim Hill High School so she knows her daughter made it safely. 

“If they can’t have it on the bus, who’s gonna enforce that?” she said. “I’m just gonna be real, the bus driver got to drive.” 

A common theme among parents was anxiety at the prospect of losing direct contact with their kids in the event of an emergency. A Pew Research survey found that most adults, regardless of political affiliation, support cellphone bans in middle and high school classes. But those who don’t say it’s because their child can use their phone during emergencies.

“If something happened, will we get an automatic alert to notify us? Because a lot of the time we see things on social media first,” said Ashley McIntyre, a mother of three JPS students. She attended the meeting with her eldest daughter, Aaliyah, who recently graduated from Powell Middle School.

Though JPS does have an alert system for parents, McIntyre said she didn’t know if it existed. She cited a bomb threat at Powell last year that she found out about because Aaliyah texted her, not through a school alert. 

“We didn’t know what was going on, and she texted me, ‘Mom, I’m scared,’ so I went up there,” McIntyre said. “So that puts us on edge.” 

Aaliyah said she uses her phone to text her mom and watch TikTok, but she feels like her classmates use their phones to be popular or to fit in. When a fight happens, she said many students pull out their phones to record instead of trying to get an adult who can stop it. Then the videos end up on Instagram pages dedicated to posting fights in JPS. 

“Once the principal found out about the fight pages, they came around looking inside our videos and camera rolls,” she said. “It happened to me last year. They thought I had a fight on my phone.” 

Toward the end of the meeting, Laketia Marshall-Thomas, the assistant superintendent for high schools, took the mic to respond to one parent who said she was concerned that older students would not come to school if they knew their phone could be taken. 

“What we have seen is, it’s the older students—” Marshall-Thomas began. 

“They are the problem,” someone from the audience chimed in. 

“We’re not saying they cannot have them,” she continued. “We know that they have after school activities and they need to communicate with their moms … but we have had major, major issues with cellphones and issues that have even resulted in criminal outcomes for our scholars, but most importantly, our students … have experienced a lot of learning loss.” 

While the district leadership did not go into detail about the criminal incidents, several pointed to instances where students have texted their parents inaccurate information, such as an unsubstantiated rumor there was a gun during a fight at Callaway High School or that a shooting outside Whitten Middle School occurred on school property. 

“Having phones actually creates far more chaos than they help anyone,” Greene said. 

While cellphones have been banned to varying degrees in U.S. schools for decades, youth mental health concerns have renewed interest in more widespread bans across the country. Cellphone and social media usage among school-aged kids is linked to negative mental health outcomes and instances of cyberbullying, research shows.

At least 11 states restrict or ban cellphone use in schools. After Mississippi’s youth mental health task force recommended that all school districts implement policies that limited cellphone and social media usage in classrooms, a bill that would’ve required school boards to create cellphone policies died during the legislative session. Still, several Mississippi school districts have passed their own policies, including Marshall County and Madison County.

Another concern about the ban was a belief among a couple of speakers at the meeting that cellphones can help parents hold the district accountable for misdeeds it may want to hide. 

“I just saw a video today. It was not in JPS, but it was a child being yelled at by the teacher and had he not recorded it, his momma would have never known that this sweet lady that they go to church with is degrading her child like that,” one mother said. 

Statements like these prompted responses from teachers and other parents who urged the skeptical attendees to be more trusting or to make sure the district has updated contact information for them in case school officials need to reach parents during an emergency. 

“I think we have to trust the people watching over our children,” said one of the few fathers who spoke. “When I grew up, what the teacher said was gold.”

One teacher asked the audience, “Will you trust us?” 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post ‘Will you trust us?’: JPS plan for stricter cellphone policy makes some parents anxious appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article presents a balanced report on Jackson Public Schools’ proposed stricter cellphone policy without taking a clear ideological stance. It fairly conveys the perspectives of school officials emphasizing discipline and safety, alongside parental concerns about communication and emergency access. The tone remains neutral, focusing on factual details such as policy changes, reasons behind them, and community reactions. While it includes some skepticism from parents and responses from district staff, the language does not endorse or oppose either side. Overall, the coverage adheres to neutral, factual reporting by presenting multiple viewpoints without editorializing.

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