Mississippi Today
Millions in opioid settlement dollars are coming to Mississippi. Here’s what you need to know.
Hundreds of Mississippians die every year from opioid overdoses, an epidemic that has claimed the lives of tens of thousands more nationwide. In a series of historic settlement agreements, pharmaceutical companies agreed to pay about $50 billion over 18 years for their role in fueling the crisis — and Mississippi has signed on to be part of the settlements.
How the state and local governments choose to use this cash windfall in the years ahead will significantly shape Mississippi’s policies toward addiction treatment and prevention — as well as health care in general.
We’ve broken down the key things you need to know about the settlements.
Where Is the Money Going?
Mississippi has begun to receive portions of the approximately $203 million it expects from national settlements with three pharmaceutical distributors and one opioid manufacturer. The state also expects an estimated additional $167 million from national opioid settlements with other companies.
The money is split into three buckets: 15% goes to the state government; another 15% to counties and cities, which will be distributed based on population and how heavily the crisis has affected those communities; and the remaining 70% to an opioid abatement fund that will be controlled by the state Legislature.
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Policymakers and local officials are starting to develop plans for how to use these dollars. The opioid agreements set out guidelines for spending, including nine core opioid abatement strategies — which consist of activities like broadening access to naloxone and medications for opioid use disorder, as well as investing in prevention efforts.
Who Is Controlling the Money in Mississippi?
Both the state government’s share and the abatement fund will be under the direct control of the Legislature, which will ultimately decide how that money gets spent. The Legislature, through an appropriations act, has set up a special account for all of the funds it controls.
“We were encouraged by the fact that they set (a fund) up, because that’s the first necessary step,” said Michelle Williams, chief of staff for state Attorney General Lynn Fitch. Advocates across the nation have recommended that states create special funds for the dollars they receive before making any decisions about how to use them.
To date, though, Mississippi’s state and abatement shares have been tapped only to cover attorneys fees from the opioid litigations, according to Williams. Across the country, many jurisdictions have been slow to spend their funds.
The attorney general’s office, which helped negotiate the settlements on behalf of Mississippi, has already signaled some priorities for the money. One is to establish a Center for Addiction Medicine at the University of Mississippi Medical Center — an idea mentioned in an agreement the office reached with cities and counties. The creation and operation of this center would be supported by the abatement fund — the largest pot of settlement dollars. Lawmakers have not widely discussed the proposal, however, and confusion surrounds plan specifics.
According to Williams, the concept arose from conversations with UMMC and members of the Legislature. The attorney general’s office provided a document that explains why this new center should receive millions in settlement funds.
That’s where any cohesion in Mississippi’s planning seems to begin and end. UMMC, for instance, declined to confirm any communication with the attorney general’s office about the idea of a new center or answer any questions about the proposal. The system already operates a center that focuses on addiction research and treatment.
According to Leah Smith, deputy chief of staff for Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, his office intends to meet with Mississippi state leaders and advocates “to establish a plan to be adopted by the Legislature when it next meets in January,” although the timeline is uncertain.
The Mississippi Association of Supervisors, whose purpose is to “support and educate county officials and others on topics and issues important to county governments,” reported not having developed a plan to support their members as they prepare to spend the money. By contrast, the Arkansas Municipal League and the Association of Arkansas Counties has created a joint fund that helps local governments there coordinate opioid abatement activities.
Mike Moore — the former Mississippi attorney general who spearheaded the landmark national tobacco master settlement agreement and has been involved in opioid litigation across several states — has concerns about the disjointed approach in Mississippi.
“If you’re just going to send checks out to every little city and county, I don’t know what encourages collaboration there,” he said.
How Has the Money Been Spent So Far?
Every eligible Mississippi county will receive a portion of the approximately $54 million set aside for localities. Choctaw, Montgomery, Sharkey, Webster, and Wilkinson counties were ineligible.
Dozens of cities and towns throughout the state will also be receiving funds, though the amount varies drastically. Gulfport is expected to receive nearly $4.5 million through 2038, the most of any locality in the state. During that same time, Diamondhead will receive about $92.
These payments may increase as the state finalizes settlements with additional companies.
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Gulfport is the state’s second-largest city, with a population of roughly 73,000. The coastal city has received at least $430,000 so far. Decisions about how the money is spent will be made by the City Council.
Gulfport councilmember Ella Holmes-Hines would like to see the money go to community organizations that serve people struggling with addiction and law enforcement officer training.
“The problem is how and why you got the money, so therefore you have to address the problem,” she said.
So far the city has used only $4,000, to fund a local Thanksgiving and Christmas meal-delivery program last year.
Few counties reported having concrete plans.
Harrison County Board of Supervisors President Marlin Ladner, for instance, said spending decisions may be made this budget season. Harrison County, where Gulfport is located, led the state in suspected overdose deaths and naloxone administrations in 2022. Similarly, Jackson County — which had the state’s highest number of suspected overdose deaths per 100,000 residents in 2023 — has yet to budget the funds, according to the County Administrator’s office.
At the other end of the state, the DeSoto County Board of Supervisors has committed the $116,000 it has received so far to fund a crisis center.
“It’s for immediate crisis — for if someone has an addiction problem or mental illness, or needs to come for counseling,” said Lee Caldwell, Board of Supervisors president. “DeSoto County likes to be first, but we don’t want to be first in opioid deaths. We don’t want to be first in the challenges that it brings to families because of addiction.”
What Are the Advocates Saying?
As the decision-makers wrestle with their next steps, people who see Mississippi’s opioid crisis firsthand say the need continues to be very real.
“My friends are dying in the streets. We have overdoses every day,” said Jason McCarty, executive director of the Mississippi Harm Reduction Initiative, a community organization that supports people struggling with and recovering from opioid addictions.
Part of the challenge he and other advocates face is keeping the state’s problem in focus.
Provisional data from The Mississippi Opioid and Heroin Data Collaborative indicates that at least 1,257 people died of suspected opioid-related causes from 2020 to 2023 — an average of 314 people a year. That’s lower than the death toll in many other places, he said, but not reflective of what’s happening.
“Mississippi doesn’t look like it actually has a problem compared to other states. But I know that we do,” McCarty said.
Some parts of the state have been hit harder than others. The coastal region stands out, in recent years representing an outsize portion of Mississippi’s suspected overdose deaths, emergency medical services naloxone administrations, and drug-related arrests.
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Grassroots organizations, McCarty said, should be first in line to receive settlement resources. The harm reduction initiative distributes naloxone, operates a recovery community center in Jackson, and does educational programming with Mississippi youth.
But in his experience, that’s not how the distribution of resources works.
“I feel like money keeps going to these big organizations who are really not doing grassroots work,” McCarty said.
McCarty and other advocates said it’s difficult to find out what’s going on with settlement funds. He said no one has contacted his organization for input on how the state should spend the money.
Jody Couch founded Inside Out Outreach, which works to provide faith-based support for the homeless population in Gulfport, many of whom have addictions. She believes the money could be best spent addressing the lack of housing and other resources in her area.
“That funding could help with the cost of getting treatment and for it to be local,” she said.
Couch has been contacted for input by at least one local official in Gulfport as the city prepares to decide how to spend its share of the opioid settlement funds.
She believes what the opioid settlement funds need most is oversight to ensure accountability about how the money is spent in her community.
But the state has not implemented public reporting requirements. Localities do not have to say how much money they have received or how it has been spent. There are also no requirements dictating how localities must use the money — they could use it to fill potholes.
Similar concerns about misuse are playing out nationally, but at the same time, there’s hope that the money can do good.
“History will be written. We’ll find out how well they do,” said Moore, the former Mississippi attorney general. “But my gut tells me that they’re going to be pretty serious about the money being spent in the right way.”
KFF Health News senior correspondent Aneri Pattani contributed to this report.
This report was produced through a collaboration between KFF Health News and Mississippi Today.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1911
Dec. 21, 1911
Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia.
When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs.
He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame.
The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays.
Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1958
Dec. 20, 1958
Bruce Boynton was heading home on a Trailways bus when he arrived in Richmond, Virginia, at about 8 p.m. The 21-year-old student at Howard University School of Law — whose parents, Amelia Boynton Robinson and Sam Boynton, were at the forefront of the push for equal voting rights in Selma — headed for the restaurant inside the bus terminal.
The “Black” section looked “very unsanitary,” with water on the floor. The “white” section looked “clinically clean,” so he sat down and asked a waitress for a cheeseburger and a tea. She asked him to move to the “Black” section. An assistant manager followed, poking his finger in his face and hurling a racial epithet. Then an officer handcuffed him, arresting him for trespassing.
Boynton spent the night in jail and was fined $10, but the law student wouldn’t let it go. Knowing the law, he appealed, saying the “white” section in the bus terminal’s restaurant violated the Interstate Commerce Act. Two years later, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed. “Interstate passengers have to eat, and they have a right to expect that this essential transportation food service,” Justice Hugo Black wrote, “would be rendered without discrimination prohibited by the Interstate Commerce Act.”
A year later, dozens of Freedom Riders rode on buses through the South, testing the law. In 1965, Boynton’s mother was beaten unconscious on the day known as “Bloody Sunday,” where law enforcement officials beat those marching across the Selma bridge in Alabama. The photograph of Bruce Boynton holding his mother after her beating went around the world, inspiring changes in voting rights laws.
He worked the rest of his life as a civil rights attorney and died in 2020.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
‘Something to be proud of’: Dual-credit students in Mississippi go to college at nation’s highest rate
Mississippi high school students who take dual-credit courses go to college at the nation’s highest rate, according to a recent report.
It’s generally true that students who take college classes while in high school attend college at higher rates than their peers. Earlier this year, a study from the Community College Research Center at Teacher’s College, Columbia University found that nationally, 81% of dual-credit students go to college.
In Mississippi, that number shoots up to 93%, meaning the vast majority of the state’s high school students who take college classes enroll in a two- or four-year university.
“When we did this ranking, boom, right to the top it went,” said John Fink, a senior research associate and program lead at the research center who co-authored the study.
State officials say there’s likely no silver bullet for the high rate at which Mississippi’s dual-credit students enroll in college. Here, “dual credit” means a course that students can take for both high school and college credit. It’s different from “dual enrollment,” which refers to a high school student who is also enrolled at a community college.
In the last 10 years, participation in these programs has virtually exploded among Mississippi high school students. In 2014, about 5,900 students took dual-credit courses in Mississippi, according to the Mississippi Community College Board.
Now, it’s more than 18,000.
“It reduces time to completion on the post-secondary level,” said Kell Smith, Mississippi C0mmunity College Board’s executive director. “It potentially reduces debt because students are taking classes at the community college while they’re still in high school, and it also just exposes high school students to what post-secondary course work is like.”
“It’s something to be proud of,” he added.
There are numerous reasons why Mississippi’s dual-credit courses have been attracting more and more students and helping them enroll in college at the nation’s highest rate, officials say.
With a few college credits under their belt, students may be more inspired to go for a college degree since it’s closer in reach. Dual-credit courses can also build confidence in students who were on the fence about college without requiring them to take a high-stakes test in the spring. And the Mississippi Department of Education’s accountability model ensures that school districts are offering advanced courses like dual credit.
Plus, Mississippi’s 15 community colleges reach more corners of the state, meaning districts that may not be able to offer Advanced Placement courses can likely partner with a nearby community college.
“They’re sometimes like the only provider in many communities, and they’re oftentimes the most affordable providers,” Fink said.
Test score requirements can pose a barrier to students who want to take dual-credit courses, but that may be less of a factor in Mississippi. While the state requires students to score a 19 on ACT Math to take certain courses, which is above the state average, a 17 on the ACT Reading, below the state average of 17.9, is enough for other courses.
Transportation is another barrier that many high schools have eliminated by offering dual-credit courses on their campuses, making it so students don’t have to commute to the community colleges to take classes.
“They can leave one classroom, go next door, and they’re sitting in a college class,” said Wendy Clemons, the Mississippi Department of Education’s associate state superintendent for secondary education.
This also means high school counselors can work directly with dual-credit students to encourage them to pursue some form of college.
“It is much less difficult to graduate and not go to college when you already possess 12 hours of credit,” Clemons said.
Word-of-mouth is just as key.
“First of all, I think parents and community members know more about it,” Clemons said, “They have almost come to expect it, in a way.”
This all translates to benefits to students. Students who take dual-credit courses are more likely to finish college on time. They can save on student debt.
But not all Mississippi students are benefiting equally, Fink said. Thr research center’s report found that Black students in Mississippi and across the country were less likely to pursue dual-credit opportunities.
“The challenge like we see in essentially every state is that who’s in dual enrollment is not really reflective of who’s in high school,” Fink said.
Without more study, it’s hard to say specifically why this disparity exists in Mississippi, but Fink said research has generally shown it stems from elitist beliefs about who qualifies for dual-credit courses. Test score requirements can be another factor, along with underresourced school districts.
“The conventional thinking is (that) dual enrollment is just … another gifted-and-talented program?” Fink said. “It has all this baggage that is racialized … versus, are we thinking about these as opportunities for any high school student?”
Another factor may be the cost of dual-credit courses, which is not uniform throughout the state. Depending on where they live, some students may pay more for dual-credit courses depending on the agreements their school districts have struck with local community colleges and universities.
This isn’t just an equity issue for students — it affects the institutions, too.
“You know, we’ve seen that dual-credit at the community college level can be a double-edged sword,” Smith said. “We lose students who oftentimes … want to stay as long as they can, but there are only so many hours they can take at a community college.
Dual-credit courses, which are often offered at a free or reduced price, can also result in less revenue to the college.
“Dual credit does come at a financial price for some community colleges, because of the deeply discounted rates that they offer it,” Smith said. “The more students that you have taking dual-credit courses, the more the colleges can lose.”
State officials are also working to turn the double-edged sword into a win-win for students and institutions.
One promising direction is career-technical education. Right now, the vast majority of dual credit students enroll in academic courses, such as general education classes like Composition 1 or 2 that they will need for any kind of college degree.
“CTE is far more expensive to teach,” Clemons said.
Smith hopes that state officials can work to offer more dual-credit career-technical classes.
“If a student knows they want to enroll in career-tech in one of our community colleges, let’s load them up,” Smith said. “Those students are more likely to enter the workforce quicker. If you want to take the career-tech path, that’s your ultimate goal.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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