Mississippi Today
McDaniel blasts Hosemann as too liberal, weighs Lt. Gov. run
McDaniel blasts Hosemann as too liberal, weighs Lt. Gov. run
Longtime state Sen. Chris McDaniel, once the standard bearer for tea party conservatives in Mississippi who made two unsuccessful U.S. Senate runs, is pondering a challenge of incumbent Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann next year.
McDaniel says Hosemann isn’t conservative enough for Mississippi.
“My official answer is, all the cards are on the table and all the options are available and there’s time to decide,” McDaniel said when questioned about a run for lieutenant governor. “… (Hosemann) is not one of us, and that’s causing a tremendous amount of frustrated conservatives.”
McDaniel called Hosemann, “the best thing that’s happened to Democrats in this state in a generation.”
“… I will be running some type of race one way or the other in 2023, so I have been fundraising, and traveling the state meeting people who share conservative values … Mississippi deserves fighters in the mold of DeSantis and in the mold of Trump. We are a very red state and we should behave like we are a red state.”
Hosemann through a spokesperson declined comment on McDaniel’s brickbats or potential run.
Unseating a popular and well-known Republican like Hosemann would be a tough task in Mississippi, where majority party incumbency typically wins the day. But McDaniel, although he fell short in his U.S. Senate races in 2014 and 2018, should not be taken lightly as a challenger, said Austin Barbour, a longtime state and national GOP strategist.
“I think in the political environment in this country right now, to a certain degree all incumbents have vulnerability,” Barbour said. “If you don’t believe me, go ask (U.S. Rep.) Michael Guest, who got the scare of his life this year in a Republican primary.
“I think if Chris McDaniel runs for lieutenant governor, he has to be taken seriously,” Barbour said. “… He’s got hundreds of thousands of followers on social media, and people like me who do campaigns know how valuable an asset a social media presence like Chris McDaniel’s is.”
But Barbour said Hosemann maintains “presence and popularity” and McDaniel would have to “expand outside of his base to pull off a victory like this.” He said he isn’t aware of widespread complaints about Hosemann’s conservative bona fides.
“Delbert Hosemann is very well liked,” Barbour said. “He has popularity, widespread name recognition, a large war chest and a conservative record of what he’s done in office, and the career he’s had outside of politics … Delbert Hosemann is a conservative, but it’s not a surprise that a potential challenger would try to get to the right of the incumbent.”
Hosemann has clashed with fellow Republican leaders on some issues, such as elimination of the state income tax, and by being at least open to discussion of expansion of Medicaid to cover the working poor.
Republican House Speaker Philip Gunn last year championed elimination of the state personal income tax, with support from Gov. Tate Reeves. But Hosemann called for a more moderate approach. The final compromise reached by the GOP supermajority Legislature still amounts to the largest tax cuts in state history.
For his part, McDaniel has frequently clashed with the state’s Republican leadership. He found himself at odds with the GOP establishment when he challenged longtime U.S. Sen. Thad Cochran in 2014, and when he challenged Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith in 2018.
McDaniel was also a political foe of Gov. Tate Reeves during Reeves’ two terms as lieutenant governor, at the time often claiming — as he does now with Hosemann — that Reeves was not conservative enough when he ran the state Senate.
But McDaniel appears to have mended fences with Reeves, who as governor now is de facto head of the state GOP and who himself has been critical of Hosemann and questioned his conservativeness. Should he run McDaniel might not be quite the state GOP outsider he’s been in the past.
“I consider Tate to be a friend, and I have many, many friends in his circle,” McDaniel said. “I have to take responsibility for some of that tension we had in the past. He and I have very different personalities, and I think that we both perhaps rubbed each other the wrong way. It was personalities, it wasn’t philosophical. Tate is conservative. I’m conservative. I think our personalities clashed, but we were able to put that aside.”
McDaniel said he’s confident in his own current political position.
“My name ID is one of the top in the state, and polling has never looked better for me than in this moment,” McDaniel said. “I can say, generally speaking, God has been really good to me and a lot of the bridges that appeared to be burned in 2014 appear to be repaired. This is a wonderful state full of forgiving people.”
One of McDaniel’s complaints of Hosemann is that as lieutenant governor he’s given Democrats too much power as committee chairmen and chairwomen in the 52-member Senate.
“Let’s just be frank. There are 16 Democrats in the Senate, and 13 hold chairmanships,” McDaniel said.
But with a 52-member Senate with 41 standing and joint committees, giving chairmanships to minority party members isn’t really policy — it’s math. McDaniel did not mention that 13 Democrats also held chairmanships during Reeves’ final four years as lieutenant governor, when Republicans held a supermajority similar to now. In Reeves first term, he appointed 17 Democrats to chairmanships.
McDaniel also claimed that Hosemann “protected Democrats with redistricting” this year when the Legislature redrew district maps based on population changes. Notably, Senate redistricting will likely mean the ouster of one of McDaniel’s closest allies, Sen. Melanie Sojourner, R-Natchez. Sojourner’s district was collapsed into another, with the new district a 60% Black majority.
But Hosemann and other Republicans said the move was required because of population shifts, and noted that while a district was eliminated in southwest Mississippi, another heavily Republican one was created in Rankin and Smith counties.
McDaniel said: “(Hosemann) eliminated the career of one of the most conservative members in the chamber.”
“You might recall earlier this year Mississippi Today wrote an article, describing the three Republican parties in this state, and saying Hosemann is head of the moderate wing and I’m the head of the conservative wing,” McDaniel said. “I would go further. He’s the best thing that’s happened to Democrats in this state in a generation. Now that he’s taking positions, people can see that and he can’t hide his true colors any more.
“Delbert stood in the way of income tax elimination — he stopped it,” McDaniel said. “People are not happy with the growth of this government, not happy that Democrats have as much say in this Senate as they do. From expansion of TANF benefits to the attempted expansion of the welfare state, people are unhappy with it.”
While he said he hasn’t made any decision yet, McDaniel appears to be laying groundwork for a statewide run, not reelection to a Senate seat. He’s traveling the state frequently and meeting with numerous Republican and other groups.
“It’s been really good,” McDaniel said. “People are hungry for leaderships and they want to see fighters. One thing I was born to do is fight.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
On this day in 1997
Dec. 22, 1997
The Mississippi Supreme Court upheld the conviction of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the 1963 murder of Medgar Evers.
In the court’s 4–2 decision, Justice Mike Mills praised efforts “to squeeze justice out of the harm caused by a furtive explosion which erupted from dark bushes on a June night in Jackson, Mississippi.”
He wrote that Beckwith’s constitutional right to a speedy trial had not been denied. His “complicity with the Sovereignty Commission’s involvement in the prior trials contributed to the delay.”
The decision did more than ensure that Beckwith would stay behind bars. The conviction helped clear the way for other prosecutions of unpunished killings from the Civil Rights Era.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Medicaid expansion tracker approaches $1 billion loss for Mississippi
About the time people ring in the new year next week, the digital tracker on Mississippi Today’s homepage tabulating the amount of money the state is losing by not expanding Medicaid will hit $1 billion.
The state has lost $1 billion not since the start of the quickly departing 2024 but since the beginning of the state’s fiscal year on July 1.
Some who oppose Medicaid expansion say the digital tracker is flawed.
During an October news conference, when state Auditor Shad White unveiled details of his $2 million study seeking ways to cut state government spending, he said he did not look at Medicaid expansion as a method to save money or grow state revenue.
“I think that (Mississippi Today) calculator is wrong,” White said. “… I don’t think that takes into account how many people are going to be moved off the federal health care exchange where their health care is paid for fully by the federal government and moved onto Medicaid.”
White is not the only Mississippi politician who has expressed concern that if Medicaid expansion were enacted, thousands of people would lose their insurance on the exchange and be forced to enroll in Medicaid for health care coverage.
Mississippi Today’s projections used for the tracker are based on studies conducted by the Institutions of Higher Learning University Research Center. Granted, there are a lot of variables in the study that are inexact. It is impossible to say, for example, how many people will get sick and need health care, thus increasing the cost of Medicaid expansion. But is reasonable that the projections of the University Research Center are in the ballpark of being accurate and close to other studies conducted by health care experts.
White and others are correct that Mississippi Today’s calculator does not take into account money flowing into the state for people covered on the health care exchange. But that money does not go to the state; it goes to insurance companies that, granted, use that money to reimburse Mississippians for providing health care. But at least a portion of the money goes to out-of-state insurance companies as profits.
Both Medicaid expansion and the health care exchange are part of the Affordable Care Act. Under Medicaid expansion people earning up to $20,120 annually can sign up for Medicaid and the federal government will pay the bulk of the cost. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not opted into Medicaid expansion.
People making more than $14,580 annually can garner private insurance through the health insurance exchanges, and people below certain income levels can receive help from the federal government in paying for that coverage.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, legislation championed and signed into law by President Joe Biden significantly increased the federal subsidies provided to people receiving insurance on the exchange. Those increased subsidies led to many Mississippians — desperate for health care — turning to the exchange for help.
White, state Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney, Gov. Tate Reeves and others have expressed concern that those people would lose their private health insurance and be forced to sign up for Medicaid if lawmakers vote to expand Medicaid.
They are correct.
But they do not mention that the enhanced benefits authored by the Biden administration are scheduled to expire in December 2025 unless they are reenacted by Congress. The incoming Donald Trump administration has given no indication it will continue the enhanced subsidies.
As a matter of fact, the Trump administration, led by billionaire Elon Musk, is looking for ways to cut federal spending.
Some have speculated that Medicaid expansion also could be on Musk’s chopping block.
That is possible. But remember congressional action is required to continue the enhanced subsidies. On the flip side, congressional action would most likely be required to end or cut Medicaid expansion.
Would the multiple U.S. senators and House members in the red states that have expanded Medicaid vote to end a program that is providing health care to thousands of their constituents?
If Congress does not continue Biden’s enhanced subsidies, the rates for Mississippians on the exchange will increase on average about $500 per year, according to a study by KFF, a national health advocacy nonprofit. If that occurs, it is likely that many of the 280,000 Mississippians on the exchange will drop their coverage.
The result will be that Mississippi’s rate of uninsured — already one of the highest in the nation – will rise further, putting additional pressure on hospitals and other providers who will be treating patients who have no ability to pay.
In the meantime, the Mississippi Today counter that tracks the amount of money Mississippi is losing by not expanding Medicaid keeps ticking up.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1911
Dec. 21, 1911
Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia.
When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs.
He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame.
The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays.
Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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