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Legislative rules say conference meetings are open. But are they?

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Legislative rules say conference meetings are open. But are they?

House and Senate conferees met for days including through the Easter weekend in 1997 to hammer out an agreement on the landmark Mississippi Adequate Education Program legislation that was ultimately approved by both chambers.

All of those often intense and combustible meetings were open to the members of the media, who were on hand to see Senate negotiator Hob Bryan, D-Amory, storm out of the meeting in response to House proposals he found objectionable. Reporters also were on hand when the conferees, with the exception of then-Senate Appropriations Chair Dick Hall, R-Jackson, signed the compromise on the school funding formula, sending it on to the two chambers that approved it overwhelmingly.

Joint rule 23A of the Mississippi House and Senate stipulates that “all official meetings of any conference committee on a bill or on a resolution proposing a constitutional amendment shall be open to the public at all times, unless declared an executive session in accordance with the provisions of Section 25-41-7, Mississippi Code of 1972.”

That is the rule now, approved overwhelmingly by members of the House and Senate in 2020. It was not the rule in 1997 when House and Senate negotiators held open conference committee meetings on the MAEP. The House and Senate negotiators just thought it was the right thing to do.

As the 2023 session quickly approaches its scheduled conclusion, there are about 250 bills in conference, meaning on each bill three senators and three House members appointed by the two presiding officers are meeting to work out the differences in the House and Senate versions of the legislation.

Despite the joint rules approved by the House and Senate saying conference committees “shall be open,” many House and Senate members would have a bonafide conniption if a group of reporters or the general public tried to walk in on their conference meeting. Some conference committee meetings might be open on occasion, but not often and not like it used to be.

There was a time in the Legislature when reporters sat in the office of then-Lt. Gov. Phil Bryant as House and Senate negotiators tried to solve a budget deadlock. Reporters crowded into the office of then-Senate Appropriations Chair Jack Gordon and watched conferees talk about cars and food because they had nothing else to say about the then-ongoing budget impasse.

At one point, Republicans, including now-Speaker Philip Gunn, but at the time the minority leader, complained that the Democratic leadership of Speaker Billy McCoy was not negotiating on the budget in good faith with the Republican leadership of the Senate. McCoy and his budget leaders welcomed members of the House Republican minority to come to the open conference committees, where they could watch the budget negotiations in person.

In fairness to the current leadership, conference committees have never been completely open. The nature of the process makes that virtually impossible. At the end of the session, when conferencing kicks into high gear, a lot is going on and legislative leaders are not necessarily thinking about the importance of transparency, but simply trying to meet constitutionally imposed deadlines.

And often agreements are reached on bills with no formal conference meeting. The two primary conferees — one from the House and one from the Senate — might meet in passing in the halls of the Capitol and hammer out an agreement and ask the other conferees to sign off on the agreement at their convenience.

And truth be known, members of the media and the general public would not be interested in many of those bills.

But there are major pieces of legislation where there would be intense interest.

In the early 1990s, then House Education Chair McCoy and Senate Education Chair Ronnie Musgrove began holding their conference meetings in the open. There was no rule requiring them to do so. They just looked at it as an effort at transparency and perhaps good government.

The idea of the open conference committees grew, to a large extent, out of their actions. In theory, legislators still embrace the idea of open conference committee meetings in their joint rules, but in reality not so much — at least not so much thus far.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1997

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-22 07:00:00

Dec. 22, 1997

Myrlie Evers and Reena Evers-Everette cheer the jury verdict of Feb. 5, 1994, when Byron De La Beckwith was found guilty of the 1963 murder of Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers. Credit: AP/Rogelio Solis

The Mississippi Supreme Court upheld the conviction of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the 1963 murder of Medgar Evers. 

In the court’s 4–2 decision, Justice Mike Mills praised efforts “to squeeze justice out of the harm caused by a furtive explosion which erupted from dark bushes on a June night in Jackson, Mississippi.” 

He wrote that Beckwith’s constitutional right to a speedy trial had not been denied. His “complicity with the Sovereignty Commission’s involvement in the prior trials contributed to the delay.” 

The decision did more than ensure that Beckwith would stay behind bars. The conviction helped clear the way for other prosecutions of unpunished killings from the Civil Rights Era.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Medicaid expansion tracker approaches $1 billion loss for Mississippi

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-12-22 06:00:00

About the time people ring in the new year next week, the digital tracker on Mississippi Today’s homepage tabulating the amount of money the state is losing by not expanding Medicaid will hit $1 billion.

The state has lost $1 billion not since the start of the quickly departing 2024 but since the beginning of the state’s fiscal year on July 1.

Some who oppose Medicaid expansion say the digital tracker is flawed.

During an October news conference, when state Auditor Shad White unveiled details of his $2 million study seeking ways to cut state government spending, he said he did not look at Medicaid expansion as a method to save money or grow state revenue.

“I think that (Mississippi Today) calculator is wrong,” White said. “… I don’t think that takes into account how many people are going to be moved off the federal health care exchange where their health care is paid for fully by the federal government and moved onto Medicaid.”

White is not the only Mississippi politician who has expressed concern that if Medicaid expansion were enacted, thousands of people would lose their insurance on the exchange and be forced to enroll in Medicaid for health care coverage.

Mississippi Today’s projections used for the tracker are based on studies conducted by the Institutions of Higher Learning University Research Center. Granted, there are a lot of variables in the study that are inexact. It is impossible to say, for example, how many people will get sick and need health care, thus increasing the cost of Medicaid expansion. But is reasonable that the projections of the University Research Center are in the ballpark of being accurate and close to other studies conducted by health care experts.

White and others are correct that Mississippi Today’s calculator does not take into account money flowing into the state for people covered on the health care exchange. But that money does not go to the state; it goes to insurance companies that, granted, use that money to reimburse Mississippians for providing health care. But at least a portion of the money goes to out-of-state insurance companies as profits.

Both Medicaid expansion and the health care exchange are part of the Affordable Care Act. Under Medicaid expansion people earning up to $20,120 annually can sign up for Medicaid and the federal government will pay the bulk of the cost. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not opted into Medicaid expansion.

People making more than $14,580 annually can garner private insurance through the health insurance exchanges, and people below certain income levels can receive help from the federal government in paying for that coverage.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, legislation championed and signed into law by President Joe Biden significantly increased the federal subsidies provided to people receiving insurance on the exchange. Those increased subsidies led to many Mississippians — desperate for health care — turning to the exchange for help.

White, state Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney, Gov. Tate Reeves and others have expressed concern that those people would lose their private health insurance and be forced to sign up for Medicaid if lawmakers vote to expand Medicaid.

They are correct.

But they do not mention that the enhanced benefits authored by the Biden administration are scheduled to expire in December 2025 unless they are reenacted by Congress. The incoming Donald Trump administration has given no indication it will continue the enhanced subsidies.

As a matter of fact, the Trump administration, led by billionaire Elon Musk, is looking for ways to cut federal spending.

Some have speculated that Medicaid expansion also could be on Musk’s chopping block.

That is possible. But remember congressional action is required to continue the enhanced subsidies. On the flip side, congressional action would most likely be required to end or cut Medicaid expansion.

Would the multiple U.S. senators and House members in the red states that have expanded Medicaid vote to end a program that is providing health care to thousands of their constituents?

If Congress does not continue Biden’s enhanced subsidies, the rates for Mississippians on the exchange will increase on average about $500 per year, according to a study by KFF, a national health advocacy nonprofit. If that occurs, it is likely that many of the 280,000 Mississippians on the exchange will drop their coverage.

The result will be that Mississippi’s rate of uninsured — already one of the highest in the nation – will rise further, putting additional pressure on hospitals and other providers who will be treating patients who have no ability to pay.

In the meantime, the Mississippi Today counter that tracks the amount of money Mississippi is losing by not expanding Medicaid keeps ticking up.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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On this day in 1911

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-21 07:00:00

Dec. 21, 1911

A colorized photograph of Josh Gibson, who was playing with the Homestead Grays Credit: Wikipedia

Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia. 

When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs. 

He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame. 

The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays. 

Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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