Mississippi Today
It’s always Christmas in Senatobia: How a powerful rural lawmaker brings home millions
For many Mississippi lawmakers, Christmas comes again in March or April each year as they typically pass bills full of hundreds of millions of dollars in pet projects — referred to as a “Christmas tree” bill.
But the process of doling out these funds is more of a Bacchanalia and raw politics than good cheer.
And not all lawmakers, or communities, share in the largesse. Those in power tend to get more, as do those who help do the bidding of legislative leaders.
Some get squat, particularly House members who buck their leadership on key votes.
A community’s need for a project is typically far less a factor.
Some lawmakers, such as Ways and Means Chairman Trey Lamar, R-Senatobia, who oversees Christmas tree spending in that chamber, really make out. He’s helped steer tens of millions of dollars to his rural county and hometown in recent years, even earmarking more than $7 million for improvements in and around the private country club neighborhood where he lives.
By late in the session, legislative leaders will have figured out how much extra cash is floating around the multi-billion dollar state budget — or in lean years how much the state can afford to borrow — for a Christmas tree bill. This typically ranges from $200 million to $400 million a year.
Lawmakers swarm, pushing to get all the bacon they can bring home to their districts for road projects, parks, courthouse renovations, museums — any capital projects not included in main appropriations bills or agency budgets.
It’s pork-barrel spending, not prioritized by statewide need or population, but by politics. It’s how a relatively affluent city or county can get $2 million to spruce up a sports complex, while a struggling city can be snubbed on its request for $2 million in badly needed sewerage repairs.
“It is raw politics,” said House Minority Leader Robert Johnson III, D-Natchez. “It’s a quid pro quo: Will you follow orders? Would you do what we ask, and have you been compliant? … It’s kind of used as punishment-reward, a carrot-stick type thing.”
Rep. Dan Eubanks, a Republican from Walls, is one of very few lawmakers who votes against most Christmas tree bills, particularly when they’ve involved borrowing hundreds of millions of dollars in lean years.
“If something’s for a core function of government, that’s one thing,” Eubanks said. “But when it’s, ‘Here, let’s build you an equestrian park or fund your private school’s band’ — there’s a lot of that that goes on.”
Legislative leaders keep tight control over who gets what added to the final Christmas tree bill, and this becomes a powerful political tool — both a carrot and a stick. A lawmaker who bucks the leadership on an important vote can have their projects denied. A lawmaker who goes along can be rewarded.
In the 122-member state House, in particular, the Christmas tree bill has been used by speakers of the House and their leadership teams to push through agendas and keep members in line.
“I got punished this last session,” Johnson said. “There have been drainage projects and road projects in my area that I’ve been getting partial funding for to try and build up, save until we have full funding, for a few years. Essentially I was cut completely off this past session … You would think, I think the public would think, that we are identifying where the greatest needs are.”
Eubanks said: “I haven’t really brought home much in the way of Christmas tree money. I have a neighborhood in my district that had water so bad it couldn’t be drunk, and it would stain clothes. The city couldn’t afford filtration. I wanted it put in a regular appropriation, but somehow it wound up in a bond bill. Since I vote against them, when all was said and done they gave the credit to a different legislator, who doesn’t represent the neighborhood. That’s what happens if you stand up and speak your conscience and vote your conscience.”
Eubanks said he voted for a Christmas tree-type bill this year, but only because it appeared to have mostly legitimate infrastructure projects and, more so, because it included badly needed work to help congestion on Interstate 55 in his area.
“I have even voted against things that would have helped my district before,” Eubanks said. “… I would never go ask for money to put in a merry-go-’round or walking trail that would only benefit a few folks … I do remember years when they had things such as fixing a levy on private property and putting in new streetlights for a historic district and building a walking trail for an equestrian center. Those aren’t core functions of government.”
For some rank-and-file lawmakers, securing major funds for local projects is their main goal of a legislative session.
“It’s like what happens in D.C. (with Congress),” Eubanks said. “You justify your reason for being there by bringing the money home.”
In the House, Chairman Lamar, a top lieutenant of Speaker Jason White, has become de facto arbiter of the Christmas tree spending. Lamar’s committee handles state debt and in lean years Christmas tree bills are paid for by borrowing. But with state coffers full largely from federal pandemic relief spending in recent years, there has been at least a few hundred million dollars a year cash on hand for pet projects. Lamar has remained largely in charge of the spending that would normally flow through the Appropriations Committee.
And Lamar and his district have benefited greatly from his tasking. State spending on projects in rural Tate County and its cities including Senatobia has dwarfed spending for similar sized counties — and even spending for Jackson, the state’s largest and capital city. Over the last three years, Jackson received $5.9 million for earmarked projects. Tate County received $38.6 million.
“I think when you hold all the keys, people won’t question it,” Eubanks said, “because if you do, you won’t get anything … That’s part of the mindset, you don’t want to be on the wrong side of who holds the keys … Those in control of it seem to get all the things they want.”
Christmas tree projects get little vetting on their merits on the front end. But once they’re approved, they receive nearly no oversight. After the Legislature passes the hundreds of millions a year in spending, that’s usually the last most rank-and-file lawmakers ever see of it.
Once the Legislature approves the spending bill, the Department of Finance and Administration is tasked with disbursing the funds to hundreds of counties, cities and nonprofits around the state.
DFA requires local organizations to sign a memorandum of understanding and to file quarterly reports on how they are spending the money. Marcy Scoggins, a spokesperson for DFA, said most local entities file their quarterly reports, and the agency eventually contacts them if they’re delinquent.
But the department is essentially a repository. It has no legal authority to penalize local entities that don’t file the required reports, and it doesn’t scrutinize the work or spending. Other than the attorney general’s office or the state auditor’s office getting involved — and they rarely do — there’s virtually no way for DFA to ride herd on the work or programs being funded.
A Christmas tree or similar bill can also be hundreds of pages long, and so full of wonky state code language and references to other bills that it’s hard for lawmakers outside of the leadership and budget team to know exactly what’s in it.
Earmarks are routinely sneaked into it.
Lawmakers in the past have been surprised by spending they’ve approved, such as one year when some other lawmakers learned after the fact that when they approved a Mainstreet Mississippi grant fund, someone late in negotiations inserted language that said for the purpose of that fund, “Municipality means the city of Senatobia, Mississippi” instead of previous language that said any city of less than 15,000 people would qualify for the grants.
In recent years, it’s also one of the final things the Legislature passes during the session, often late at night when legislators are tired, angry at each other and ready to return home to their districts. This process can cause legislators to miss some of the line-items in the bills and provide almost no oversight or participate in legitimate debate on the bill.
How pet projects are sneaked into bills
The vast majority of lawmakers at the state Capitol likely have no idea that, over the last five years, they’ve voted to approve millions of dollars to improve drainage issues on a private country club, install a roundabout on a Tate County road and repave a tiny Northeast Jackson cul-de-sac.
How does this happen?
One answer is some lawmakers insert things into the Legislature’s “Christmas tree” spending bills by using wonky code language and confusing or oblique references to other laws.
For example, in a 2018 special legislative session, House Ways and Means Chairman Trey Lamar first helped secure $1 million to upgrade Country Club Road in Tate County, a two-mile road that runs past his house. When the Legislature approved this project, it was written into Mississippi law.
Two years later in 2020, Lamar secured $1.5 million for another Tate County project. The project’s description was, “To assist in paying costs associated with the purposes described in Section 27-104-301 (2) (mm).” This specific code section — a law already on the state books — was the spending bill for the Country Club Road project lawmakers had already approved in 2018, bringing the total legislative appropriation to $2.5 million.
Unless lawmakers can recite the entire Mississippi Code using an eidetic memory or take the time to look up that code section, they would have no idea what specific project that money was going toward.
This wasn’t the only time Lamar secured funding for a project by using vague descriptions and code sections.
After leaders of the private Back Acres Country Club in Senatobia claimed the original Country Club Road project caused flooding and drainage issues, Lamar went back to the Capitol in 2022 to help create the Tate County Erosion Control and Repair Fund, a perhaps innocuous-sounding program that lawmakers agreed to stuff with an additional $1.5 million.
The fund’s description stated that the money is meant to help Tate County pay for ditch erosion control, repair and rehabilitation along — you guessed it — the project described in Section 27-104-301 (2) (mm) — the original code section for the Country Club Road project first created in 2018. Again, unless someone read through every word of the long bill or memorized the lengthy state law books, lawmakers likely wouldn’t know what that code section was funding.
That brought the total amount of money spent on the Country Club project to at least $4 million, and other spending bills to upgrade the area brought the total to roughly $7 million.
Because the numerous funding mechanisms for the project were stuffed in lengthy bills with dozens of other local projects, lawmakers went along with and overwhelmingly voted to approve all the Tate County spending bills.
Mississippi Today asked House Speaker Jason White, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and Gov. Tate Reeves about the Christmas tree bill process and whether they consider it an efficient way to spend hundreds of millions of dollars a year. It also asked the three Republican leaders about the projects Lamar has helped fund for his neighborhood.
White and a spokeswoman for Hosemann responded with written statements about the process, but neither commented on Lamar. Reeves’ office did not respond to a request for comment.
White noted that the projects House members submit are typically projects “that local governments have been unable to fund and the lawmaker has identified as a need in the community after hearing from their constituents.” He said the projects often include letters of support or visits to the Legislature by local officials “to express the gravity of the need.” He said that in the 2024 session, there were more than $1 billion in requests from House members.
“In my 13 sessions we have almost always had a capital projects bill, either funded through a bond bill or cash surpluses,” White said. “Under Republican leadership, the state has realized budget surpluses … With these surpluses, the Legislature has been able to cut taxes, make historical investments in education and our teachers, and the capital projects list has grown, often with a heavy emphasis on infrastructure and economic development projects.”
White said DFA oversees the use of the money the Legislature allocates for local projects “through a system of checks and balances” and a quarterly report and “local governments must comply with all state laws regarding procurement and bidding.”
White said: “In my first session as speaker, we did strive to have a more open and transparent appropriations process as we moved through the session. I applaud our chairmen for their shared commitment to increasing transparency in the process and I know the representatives support our effort to provide more time and solicit member input … We continually look for ways to provide greater transparency and accountability on spending of all taxpayer dollars.”
White, in his first term as speaker, has called for the Legislature to get more of its budgeting done earlier in the session and slow the process down so the rank-and-file have more time to scrutinize spending.
Leah Smith, spokeswoman for Hosemann, wrote: “We understand how important projects are for communities, especially small and rural communities … We also believe it is important to track these projects to ensure they are being completed in a timely manner and in the way prescribed by legislation.
“This summer it was brought to our attention for the first time that some entities are not submitting quarterly reports … with the Department of Finance and Administration,” Smith wrote. “We also learned many municipalities, some of which may have received projects, have not submitted their annual audit to or been audited by the state auditor as required (by law). We are committed to increasing transparency and accountability related to all projects.”
Smith said that Hosemann “has always been in favor of moving back deadlines to allow ample time for legislators to examine bills before they are moved for final passage, especially when they are appropriating significant taxpayer dollars.”
READ MORE: Click here to return to the series summary
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Bill to revise law for low-income pregnant women passes first legislative hurdle
Low-income women would be able to access free prenatal care faster under a bill that passed the House Medicaid committee Wednesday.
The same law passed the full Legislature last year, but never went into effect due to a discrepancy between what was written into state law and federal regulations for the program, called Medicaid pregnancy presumptive eligibility.
House Medicaid Chair Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, author of the bill, revised last year’s bill to remove the requirement women show proof of income. She is hopeful the policy will garner the same support it did last year when it overwhelmingly passed both chambers.
“CMS (The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services) had some issues that they really did not approve of in our law, and after we talked it through we realized that the changes they wanted to make do no harm to the intent of the Legislature, do no harm to the law itself, do not add any costs to the fiscal note of the program,” McGee said during the committee meeting.
Changes include that a pregnant woman will only have to attest to her income – not provide paystubs – and will not have to provide proof of pregnancy.
McGee’s bill also makes changes to the time frame for presumptive Medicaid eligibility. Last year’s legislation said women would only be eligible for 60 days under the policy, with the hopes that by the end of those 60 days her official Medicaid application would be approved. Federal guidelines already have a different timeframe baked in, which state lawmakers have included in this bill.
The federal timeframe, now congruent with McGee’s bill, says a pregnant woman will be covered under presumptive eligibility until Medicaid approves her official application, however long that takes – as long as she submits a Medicaid application before the end of her second month of presumptive eligibility coverage.
“Let’s say a woman comes in for January 1 and is presumed eligible. She has until February 28 to turn her application in,” McGee said, adding that if Medicaid took a month to approve her application, the pregnant woman would continue to be covered through March.
Eligible women will be pregnant and have a household income up to 194% of the federal poverty level, or about $29,000 annually for an individual.
The bill does not introduce an additional eligibility category or expand coverage. Rather, it simply allows pregnant women eligible for Medicaid to get into a doctor’s office earlier. That’s notable in Mississippi, where Medicaid eligibility is among the strictest in the country, and many individuals don’t qualify until they become pregnant.
An expectant mother would need to fall under the following income levels to qualify for presumptive eligibility in 2025:
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
WATCH: Auditor Shad White calls Senate chairman ‘liar,’ threatens to sue during budget hearing
A Wednesday budget hearing for the State Auditor’s Office devolved into shouting and a tense back and forth that culminated in Auditor Shad White calling Sen. John Polk of Hattiesburg a liar and threatening to sue the legislator for defamation.
In what would normally be a mundane meeting at the state Capitol, the Appropriations subcommittee hearing erupted over questions related to NFL hall of fame quarterback Brett Favre and a $2 million dollar consultant’s study White commissioned to determine ways state leaders could save money.
“You’re not a lawyer — this is not a cross examination,” White told Polk, the Republican who helps set his agency’s budget.
The first argument between the two occurred when Polk questioned how White’s agency calculated the dollar figure for investigative fees and unpaid interest the auditor alleges Favre owes the state in connection to the state federal welfare scandal.
“I’ve had several numbers people look at the court record and look at what you’re saying (Favre) owes, and nobody can make it come to your number,” Polk said. “Does that surprise you?”
White did not address the specific instance of how the agency calculated the figure, but he said generally the agency tracks the number of hours certain investigators spend on a case. But White took issue that Polk was questioning that dollar figure at all.
“I have never once been called before this body to testify before any sort of hearing on the DHS scandal,” White responded. “The largest public fraud in state history. And the first question I get in my time as state auditor from a state senator is ‘Hey did you get the Brett Favre number correct?’”
The other major argument that erupted in the hearing was when Polk questioned a $2 million contract that White’s agency executed with Massachusetts-based consulting firm Boston Consulting Group to find wasteful spending in state agencies.
White believes the contract with the firm was necessary to determine how state leaders can trim the fat in state agencies. But Polk has questioned whether auditor skirted the appropriations process by not getting legislative or gubernatorial approval to conduct the study, and whether the study was more to help White’s future political ambitions than address government spending..
Polk alleged that White did not conduct a proper Request for Proposal, a process government bodies use to solicit services from private companies. The process is used to encourage competition among businesses and net the lowest price.
“You are a liar,” White said of Polk. “You’re making this up right now.”
Polk responded that the Department of Finance and Administration told him White’s agency did not use an RFP.
The Forest County lawmaker also asked White if any of his family members had worked for Boston Consulting Group. The auditor said no and if Polk insinuated that any of his family had, then he would sue the legislator for defamation.
“This line of questioning feels less about policy and it feels more about politics to me,” White said. “That’s exactly what it feels like. I’ve never been questioned on an audit like this right up until the moment where the lieutenant governor thinks I might be the thing standing between him and the governor’s office.”
Both White and Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann have publicly said they’re considering running for governor in 2027. Hosemann, the presiding officer of the Senate, appoints senators to lead committees.
Polk told Mississippi Today in an interview that Hosemann had not directed him to ask any specific question, and the lieutenant governor gives deference to committee leaders on how to manage committee functions. Rather, Polk said he was the one who originally raised his concerns with Hosemann.
Polk said his line of questioning simply stemmed from his role on the money-spending Appropriations Committee, which sets his agency’s budget, and was to ensure that White’s agency was spending money efficiently.
“So that’s my only thing here — is to make sure the citizens of Mississippi and the taxpayers of Mississippi get their money’s worth from you or anyone else in state government,” Polk said. “And I’ll be honest with you, your calling me a liar previously is so uncalled for.”
Polk recently requested and received an attorney general’s opinion that said White overstepped his authority in hiring the consultant for $2 million. An AG opinion does not carry the force of law, but serves as a legal guideline for public officials.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Jackson State faculty senate president sues for wrongful termination
The Jackson State University’s president and governing board are facing a lawsuit from the faculty senate president who last fall was placed on leave pending termination.
Dawn McLin’s lawsuit comes more than two months after a faculty panel reviewed the university’s basis for her termination and recommended she be reinstated to her position as a psychology professor.
But the university’s president, Marcus Thompson, has yet to respond to the panel’s recommendation, putting McLin in what she alleges is a state of limbo meant to force her to resign.
“Their intentional delay prevents Dr. McLin’s reinstatement and continued oversight of her research grants while, at the same time, rendering it impossible for Dr. McLin to pursue alternative employment in academia,” the lawsuit states.
McLin has received support from the Jackson State faculty senate, as well as state and national organizations that support academic freedom, including the American Association of University Professors. Thompson has ignored multiple letters from the professional organization, which has called his delay in reinstating McLin as “extremely disturbing.”
A Jackson State spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment by press time. A spokesperson for the Institutions of Higher Learning Board of Trustees said the board does not comment on pending litigation.
McLin’s lawsuit is not the only legal action that Thompson is contending with on the heels of his first year as president of Mississippi’s largest historically Black university. A federal judge recently allowed a former administrator’s lawsuit against IHL for hiring Thompson to proceed, prompting individual trustees to appeal the decision to the 5th U.S. Court of Appeals.
This month, another former administrator named Linda Rush filed a lawsuit alleging discrimination when Thompson demoted her to hire a less-experienced man, Kylon Alford-Windfield, to lead the university’s division of enrollment management. Sixty days later, the lawsuit claims, Alford-Windfield fired Rush without cause.
Reached for comment, Alford-Windfield said he had not read the lawsuit before murmuring “hm, that’s funny” after a reporter described the complaint.
A ‘sham investigation’ in retaliation
McLin’s lawsuit alleges that Jackson State undertook a “sham investigation” at IHL’s behest to remove her from the university after she oversaw repeated no-confidence votes in the administration.
This prompted an associate provost named Brandi Newkirk-Turner to “seek revenge” through her close relationship with Thompson and the IHL commissioner, Alfred Rankins, according to the lawsuit.
On Aug. 1, shortly after McLin’s contract was renewed, she was given a letter from Thompson stating his intent to terminate her for cause, including “hostile conduct, bullying, harassment and intimidation of fellow JSU employees (including those over whom you have no supervisory responsibilities), interference in the re-accreditation process, abuse of your position as president of the Faculty Senate, and interference in departmental business operations.”
Though Thompson stated multiple grievances and complaints had been filed against McLin, his letter named just one specific example, a time when McLin allegedly turned her chair in a “show of disrespect” to a faculty member who was giving a presentation.
That professor was Newkirk-Turner, McLin alleged in the lawsuit.
When McLin requested a hearing in front of a faculty panel, Jackson State took over six weeks to respond, the lawsuit alleges, even though university policies state that when an employee is suspended or placed on leave, an investigation must move forward as quickly as possible.
The university allegedly gave McLin 10 days to prepare for the hearing, but refused to provide her employment contracts, post-tenure reviews, personnel file or the investigative file underpinning her termination.
During the hearing, McLin’s attorney was not allowed to speak on her behalf, even though Jackson State appeared to the panel through an attorney named Charles Winfield, the lawsuit alleges.
Winfield did not present any witnesses to support the university’s allegations, the lawsuit states. It is unclear if he presented more allegations against McLin than Thompson’s letter did.
The faculty panel ultimately found that Thompson’s firing of McLin was “retaliatory in nature, ultimately promoted by [Dr. Newkirk-Turner], and moved along by a ‘fact finding mission’ initiated by IHL.”
Demoted, then allegedly fired without reason
When Thompson was named president by the IHL board, a longtime administrator at Jackson State named Linda Rush was serving as the interim vice president for enrollment management.
Rush, who had worked at Jackson State for more than 25 years, allegedly told Thompson she wanted to remain in the position. Thompson praised her contributions to the university, calling her “a gift” who “will not be going anywhere because she is JSU.”
But in mid-January, Thompson demoted Rush to executive director of admissions, hiring in her place Alford-Windfield, who had about five years of experience in higher education, the lawsuit alleges.
Thompson and Alford-Windfield were connected: The two were candidates in Jackson State’s executive doctoral program in urban higher education. Days after Thompson’s appointment as president, he went on an international trip with Alford-Windfield and other students from the program.
After that, Rush alleges that Alford-Windfield left her to perform all aspects of his job, including preparing his cabinet reports and speaking notes, while he posted daily Instagram stories.
Sixty days later, Alford-Windfield fired Rush without reason, offered to write her a letter of recommendation and had her escorted from campus.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
-
News from the South - Georgia News Feed6 days ago
Georgia senator arrested for trying to defy ban on entering House chamber
-
News from the South - Georgia News Feed6 days ago
U-Haul: South Carolina the fastest growing state in the country
-
News from the South - Tennessee News Feed4 days ago
‘Don’t lose hope’: More than 100 Tennesseans protest incoming Trump administration
-
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed6 days ago
Tracking weekend rain and chances for wintry weather
-
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed5 days ago
Tracking wintry weather potential
-
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed5 days ago
Southeast Louisiana officials brace for freezing temperatures
-
News from the South - Tennessee News Feed5 days ago
Speed limit reduced on State Route 109 in Wilson County
-
News from the South - Kentucky News Feed5 days ago
Falling Saturday temperatures