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Is Mississippi’s parole system broken?

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This is the first of a year-long look at Mississippi’s parole system.

At 17, James Williams III shot and killed his father and stepmother in south Jackson, stuffed their bodies into plastic containers and dumped them in the woods in a different county.

In 2023 after he’d served nearly 20 years of a life sentence, Mississippi’s Parole Board freed him, two years after the previous board denied his request. He was 38 years old.

The decision came as a shock to family members of his victims, lawmakers and members of law enforcement who called on the Parole Board without success to reverse its decision.

Williams’ parole also caught the attention of advocates helping those who have served longer behind bars and been denied parole multiple times, despite similarly participating in rehabilitative, educational and spiritual programs to show that they’ve changed.

“You can all have all the facts there and hear two or three different versions and accounts of the situations and when you see that someone has actually taken advantage of stuff, [and] is not the same person they were,” Parole Board Jeffery Belk said in an interview to explain how the board makes decisions.

Despite making all the same efforts as Williams, thousands of people have remained in prison instead of receiving parole. The parole grant rate that averaged 62% between 2013 and 2021 fell to 35% in 2022 when Belk and new members joined the Parole Board, according to data from the Mississippi Department of Corrections.

At the same time, the board has held fewer hearings since 2022 and is using more and longer setoffs, the period between parole hearings.

Among those denied parole is 65-year-old Anita Krecic, in prison since 1989 for her role in the murder of Highway Patrol Trooper David Bruce Ladner in Harrison County, for which she has maintained she was present for but did not participate. The trooper’s shooter, Krecic’s boyfriend Tracy Alan Hansen, was executed over 20 years ago.

Krecic stopped using drugs in prison, enrolled in college-level classes and took vocational courses like computer repair.

The Parole Board denied her release in 2022 – the 10th time since she became parole eligible. Her next hearing is sometime in 2030, according to court records. She will then be nearly 70 years old.

“I have a cabinet full of (records of) people who are honestly trying and are trying to do better and do better,” said Mitzi Magleby, an advocate working with Krecic and other incarcerated people to navigate the parole process.

Magleby is among advocates, family members and incarcerated people who see these disparate decisions as a sign that Mississippi’s parole system is broken.

Inconsistencies with who is paroled, the use of long setoffs and infrequent use of other forms of medical or compassionate release keep people inside, contributing to the growth of Mississippi’s prison population. Logistical issues create a bottleneck of those who could be released but can’t partly due to a lack of caseworkers and plans they generate, which are a required part of parole.

Even after release, they encounter a supervision system with a high number of vacancies and the many challenges of reentry, including a lack of transitional housing.

A 2023 Prison Policy Initiative report that looked at parole outcomes across 27 states found that the COVID-19 pandemic led to a change in parole grant rates. But, while the average change in rates from 2019 to 2022 was a 14% decrease, Mississippi’s was 45%.

Additionally, the review found that the number of parole hearings and overall releases decreased in most states in the past five years.

Mississippi halted new prison admissions and saw its prison population fall early in the pandemic, but the population has returned to pre-pandemic levels as the Parole Board has scaled back releases.

Researchers at the Robina Institute of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice at the University of Minnesota studing parole release and revocation across the country also found that parole grant rates plummeted in 2022.

“COVID caused a massive change to the makeup of the prison population,” said Robina research director Julia Laskorunsky. “To me, it makes sense most states would have a higher denial rate following COVID and it would rebound back to the norm.”

But in Mississippi, it hasn’t.

Parole is the main way people are released from the Mississippi prison system, accounting for over 60% of all releases since at least 2017, according to a 2021 report by the Joint Legislative Committee on Performance Evaluation and Expenditure Review.

Between 2013 and 2023, the board granted parole to over 52,000 people, averaging about 4,700 people each year, according to a review of MDOC parole data.

Nearly 6,000 people were paroled in 2016, a high during the 10-year period.

“Looking at the success (of people’s rehabilitation) is the primary job,” said Steve Pickett, who served as Parole Board chair from 2013-2021.

A parole grant is the first step. Typically, the wait time between parole and release is two weeks.

More than 95% of the over 56,000 people granted parole within the past decade had a nonviolent charge as their primary offense, such as drug possession, burglary and felony DUI, according to MDOC data.

Those with a primary nonviolent offense also made up the bulk of parole denials because there are more people incarcerated for nonviolent and drug crimes compared to violent and sex crimes. There are also less crimes defined as violent compared to nonviolent crimes.

However, homicide remains the most common primary charge among the 31,000 denied parole – nearly 12% of all denial outcomes, according to MDOC data.

Former chairman of the Mississippi Parole Board Steve Pickett in this file photo speaking to lawmakers during a joint hearing of the House Corrections and Judiciary B Committees about the current Mississippi Department of Corrections issues Thursday, Feb. 13, 2020. Credit: Eric J. Shelton/Mississippi Today, Report For America

As an integral part of the criminal justice system, Pickett said the board can serve as a release valve when the prison population is overwhelmed and it acts as a group of social workers and judges to determine whether a person can be freed.

When he retired, the prison population had fallen below 17,000, mostly in response to MDOC freezing the transfer of people from county jails during the early days of the pandemic. By the end of 2022, the population returned to pre-pandemic levels above 19,000.

The decade’s low of about 2,150 people granted parole came in 2022, when the board’s chairman and membership changed, the data shows.

“We’re not a numbers-driven board,” Belk said, noting that he stepped into the role without an agenda. “I’ve made that very clear in the past several years.”

He became chairman on the heels of a wave of parole grants and criminal justice reforms designed to increase parole eligibility for an estimated 5,700 additional inmates.

People wondered why the new iteration of the board wasn’t paroling as many people compared to previous years. Belk said the board is trying to exercise better due diligence to grant parole, which he said includes having all available information about a person and their case and completed and substantive case plans from MDOC.

“No, we actually took the time to review and try to get these systems and processes in place to where people can be set up for success,” he said.

When denying parole, the board typically uses setoff periods, the length of time between hearings.

In 2022, 1,404 people were set off to the end of their sentence – the highest in the 10-year period. Belk said most of the people the board has set off to duration are those with short sentences who were expected to be released within weeks, months or years, as opposed to decades.

The board also decides whether to revoke parole for those found to violate the terms of their release, especially after arrest or conviction of a new crime.

The year Belk became chairman, the board revoked parole for over 2,100 people, a 90% increase from 2021, when the board revoked parole for closer to 1,100 people, according to MDOC data.

The board continued parole for more than 1,000 people for back-to-back years in 2020 and 2021. The new board continued parole for less than 100 people in 2022 and in 2023, according to MDOC data.

About two-thirds of Missisisppi’s prison population is now eligible for parole, partly because of legislation passed in the last two decades.

Those convicted of nonviolent offenses or drug offenses were already eligible after serving 25% or 10 years of their sentence. Reforms passed in 2021 expanded parole eligibility to those convicted of violent offenses, with most needing to serve at least half or 20 years of their sentence or 60% or 25 years for specific crimes such as carjacking.

Criminal justice groups from both political parties that support the reforms say nearly all of the 2,150 people who became eligible for parole under Senate Bill 2795 did not return to prison on a new sentence within the first two years of their release, according to an analysis by FWD.us, a bipartisan criminal justice and immigration advocacy group.

This year, the governor signed into law a bill that extends the parole eligibility reforms for two more years.

Despite the successes, advocates have said the law is not being fully used. FWD.us said the impact of expanding parole in 2021 was short-lived because it was not fully implemented, according to a report released ahead of the recent legislative session.

“The Parole Board plays an essential role in ensuring the state’s parole law is fully implemented,” said Mississippi State Director Alesha Judkins in a statement.

Once parole eligible, a individual applies for consideration. Four months ahead of their eligibility date, the board gathers information to make a determination, such as the circumstances of their crime, previous criminal record, conduct during incarceration and participation in prison programming.

The board also approves a person’s case plan and sees whether they will have family or community support or a job lined up after prison.

“If someone has done what they are supposed to do and taken advantage of the different opportunities at MDOC, it’s kind of what have you done to make yourself parolable?” Belk said.

“What have you done to set yourself up for success?”

Parole Board Chairman Jeffrey Belk discusses the role of the board in an interview with the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting. Credit: Jerry Mitchell/MCIR

But success is subjective, in the eyes of the board. People have come to their parole hearings with multiple certificates of courses and programs they have completed, but Belk said the board didn’t always see them as meaningful.

Although he couldn’t substantiate the allegation, he said some program instructors would sign all the certificates and hand them out at the beginning of a course instead of teaching, which showed that some of the programs lacked credibility.

“Most of the time it was a participation trophy,” said Belk, who spoke anecdotally about what the board has been told by MDOC staff and innates during parole and revocation hearings.

Under Corrections Commissioner Burl Cain, Belk said courses are now being taught and documented in a standardized way, giving the board a piece of mind that inmates are learning and growing by participating in them.

Parole hearings are more often a file review completed in the board’s Jackson office. The person up for parole can attend the hearing via live video, including if they have legal representation and if a hearing is requested, but most do not attend.

In 2021, PEER released a report that painted what Belk saw as a “picture of an agency in disarray.” The report found the board held untimely hearings and was not effectively using presumptive parole for nonviolent offenders who have met certain requirements and doesn’t require a hearing.

A followup PEER report in June 2023 found the board was holding timely hearings but still wsn’t effectively using presumptive parole or keeping meeting minutes. Belk said the board is working with MDOC to get systems, policies and procedures in place for presumptive parole to operate, which it hasn’t since it was made law in 2014.

“The (MDOC) commissioner uses the phrase ‘It’s like a caterpillar crawl out.’ I use the phrase ‘It’s like trying to push a string,’” he said about getting things in order.

Once presumptive parole is running, Belk said the board will have more time to focus on considering parole for violent offenders, including those sentenced to life with the possibility of parole before 1995.

Wanda Bertram, spokesperson for the Prison Policy Initiative, said research shows that people convicted of life sentences, even serious violent offenses and sexual offenses, have the lowest recidivism rates and, along with the elderly, are least likely to return to prison.

“As counterintuitive as it seems, that is good policy to focus on lifers,” she said.

Belk said the board tries to see the nuances in each individual case or each time a person comes up for parole, which can be multiple times before release.

Sometimes, people are good talkers and charmers with a prepared speech about how much they have changed during incarceration, so Belk said the board has to distinguish between fact and fiction, action and words.

There are people who decided they no longer wanted to be the version of themselves who were convicted and sentenced. They have completed high school equivalent and college degrees, found religion, learned a trade – sometimes all three.

When they talk about what they’ve done, Belk said you can tell they’ve changed, or they say they are at peace and content with whatever decision the board makes about their parole.

That brings back the discussion of James Williams III, and before him, Frederick Bell.

In 2022, the board voted to parole Frederick Bell, who was convicted of shooting 21-year-old Robert “Bert” Bell (no relation) during a 1991 store robbery in Grenada County. He had originally been sentenced to death, but was resentenced to life with parole eligibility.

In prison, Bell served as a mentor, teacher and pastor.

The decision shocked Bert Bell’s family, who said they had been attending Parole Board hearings since 2015 to oppose his release. Gene Bell, Bert’s younger brother, said the board previously said it wouldn’t parole Frederick Bell and would give him a longer setoff period until his next hearing.

Under state law, the board can’t deny someone parole based solely on victim opposition.

But the board delayed Bell’s September 2022 release, and the next month it rescinded his parole and gave him a two-year setoff. He remains at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman.

In a 2023 report, the Prison Policy Initiative cited Bell’s approved and rescinded release as an example of how political dynamics can influence how parole is used and applied.

James Williams III, convicted of killing his father and stepmother, is seen in this photo from his graduation from the New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary with a Bachelor’s degree in Christian Ministry. Credit: Courtesy of MDOC

Last year, the board approved parole for Williams, convicted of murdering his father, James Jr., and stepmother, Cindy Lassiter Mangum, in 2002.

Williams was originally not eligible for release but was resentenced due to U.S. Supreme Court decisions limiting life without parole for those who committed crimes when they were under the age of 18. The first time he came up for parole in 2021, he was denied, Pickett said.

The next year when he was up for parole again, Jake Howard, his attorney, told Mississippi Today’s Jerry Mitchell, that Williams was “an exceptional candidate for parole” who had been part of MDOC’s faith-based programs since 2008, tutored other students, became a field minister and served as a minister of music at a Parchman church.

The victims’ family and lawmakers opposed Williams’ release, raising concerns about public safety. This time, the opposition held no sway. Williams was released in May 2023.

Several months after his release, Williams was arrested in Rankin County for driving under the influence. He went before the board again, and had his parole revoked. To date, he is incarcerated at the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Pearl.

Looking back, Belk said the Bell and Williams cases were high profile and there was debate over what the facts of the case were, which he saw play out on social media and through interviews family members and lawmakers gave.

“I was not going to go on the [Paul] Gallo show to comment to the media and make a bad situation worse,” he said.

Belk declined to comment further about the men’s cases, including why the board decided to keep Bell in prison but not Williams.

Generally, if someone is parole eligible, the law directs the board to consider them, regardless of their convicted offenses. That means the board can’t lump all the violent offenders together and refuse to grant them parole, Belk said.

But that doesn’t mean the board has to release everyone, he said. Commonalities in convictions and completion of programming doesn’t always justify parol, Belk said. Neither does someone’s age or how long they have been in prison.

“Just because someone has made a life change, it doesn’t necessarily mean they need to be back on the streets either,” Belk said.

Both Belk and Pickett said there are situations where the board agrees someone would never be ready for parole, typically when the indivdual committed an egregious crime, like Luke Woodham, who was convicted for killing his mother and two classmates in the 1997 Pearl High School shooting and became parole eligible while Pickett served on the board.

Some of those people who are now seeking parole may have a clear behavioral record and built good relationships with prison staff, but Belk said then you look into their cases.

“The horrific details of what they’ve done, borderline sadistic,” he said.

It can be heartbreaking to see a victim or family emotionally scarred years or decades after losing someone, and they’re asking the board not to grant parole. Belk said he has had to explain that the individuals have met parole requirements, earned good time or completed their sentence.

Pickett said even though people may be asking for different outcomes, he can see a family or parent’s love for their child, whether that person was a crime victim or the incarcerated person.

“An open door is the best policy so that nobody thinks an injustice is being done, and it leads to trust in the system because if you’re at last able to get a fair hearing, even if you don’t like the outcome,” he said.

Magleby, the parole advocate, also sees how people grow and change, but doesn’t understand how people who appear to be good candidates for release – a clear institutional record, jobs and housing lined up – have been denied parole.

Julia Norman, the newest member of the parole board, said during her February 2023 confirmation hearing that the board can vote to deny parole if they feel that the person received a sentence that was too short.

Pickett, the former chairman, said the board’s job is not to resentence or determine if someone wasn’t sentenced long enough. Belk said declining to parole someone and using setoffs is not a form of resentencing.

Magleby said the Parole Board has always been tough, but the former board seemed more fair and open to rehabilitation.

She has no ill will towards Williams and the fact he was paroled, but she can’t help but think he got that opportunity over others who have been incarcerated for longer and have also made use of opportunities in prison to make themselves parolable.

“And why not them?” Magleby asked.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=363414

Mississippi Today

Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling.

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mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-07-14 10:30:00


A Jackson County Chancery Court judge sealed a politically sensitive case involving a failed private business program that ticketed uninsured motorists in Mississippi using AI and cameras. Media outlets argue the sealing violates public access laws since no hearing was held, and the case file is completely inaccessible. The case centers on a business partnership between Mississippi consultants and Georgia-based Securix LLC, which sold the ticketing program to several cities before the Department of Public Safety ended the program in 2024. The media’s petition contends the public has a right to transparency, especially given the involvement of public functions and funds.

A Jackson County Chancery Court judge is denying the public access to a case that involves several politically connected Mississippians and their failed venture to ticket uninsured motorists using cameras and artificial intelligence.

Media companies Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald have filed for relief with the state Supreme Court, arguing that Chancery Judge Neil Harris improperly closed the court file without notice and a hearing to consider alternatives. The media outlets say the court file should be opened.

Mississippi Today in June filed its motion asking that Harris unseal the case, which he denied six days later. 

Gulfport attorney Henry Laird writes in the media companies’ petition for state Supreme Court review, “The Chancery Court sealing the entire court file both before and after Mississippi Today’s motion to unseal the file violates the public and press’ cherished right of openness and access to its public court system and records.” 

Mississippi judges have long followed a 1990 state Supreme Court decision that says, “A hearing must be held in which the press is allowed to intervene on behalf of the public and present argument, if any, against closure.” 

Instead, Harris said he found no hearing necessary after reviewing the pleadings to open the file. The case, he said, is between two private companies.

“There are no public entities included as parties,” he wrote, “and there are no public funds at issue. Other than curiosity regarding issues between private parties, there is no public interest involved.”

The case involves what is usually a public function: Issuing tickets to the owners of uninsured vehicles.  And, according to one party to the case, the Mississippi Department of Public Safety is owed $345,000 from the uninsured motorist program.

READ MORE: Private business ticketed uninsured Mississippi vehicle owners. Then the program blew up.

Since the entire court file is closed, the public is unable to see why the judge sealed the case. The Mississippians said in the Chancery Court case that they have  “substantial” business interests to protect and “a lot of political importance,” an attorney opposing them said in a related federal case that is not sealed.

Jackson County Chancery Judge Neil Harris

Georgia-based Securix LLC signed up its first Mississippi client in 2021, the city of Ocean Springs, an agreement with the city showed. Securix developed a program that uses traffic cameras, artificial intelligence and bulk data on insured motorists to identify the owners of vehicles without insurance.

To sign on other Mississippi cities, Securix enlisted three well-known consultants, Quinton Dickerson, Josh Gregory and Robert Wilkinson. Dickerson and Gregory are Republican political operatives in Jackson who have run numerous state and local campaigns and advise many of the state’s top elected officials. Wilkinson, a Coast attorney, has represented local governments and government agencies, including the city of Ocean Springs.

MS business partnership sours

In 2023, the Mississippians formed QJR LLC. Their company entered a 50-50 partnership with Securix called Securix Mississippi.

Securix Mississippi sold the cities of Biloxi, Pearl and Senatobia on the uninsured driver program. 

Fees collected from uninsured drivers were apportioned to the company, the cities and the Department of Public Safety, the operating agreement with Biloxi showed.

The citations offered three options, according to copies included in a federal lawsuit filed by three Mississippi residents who received them:

  • Call a toll-free number and provide proof of insurance.
  • Enter a diversion program that charges a $300 fee and includes a short online course and requires agreement that the vehicle will not be driven uninsured on public roadways.
  • Contest the ticket in court and risk $510 in fines and fees, plus the potential of a one-year driver’s license suspension.

The Securix Mississippi partnership soon soured.

Securix Chairman Jonathan Miller of Georgia said in a sworn court declaration submitted in the federal case that he was subjected around March 2024 to a “freeze out” by members and/or employees of QJR. They stopped giving him information, Miller said.

The Department of Public Safety in August pulled the plug on the controversial ticketing program, shutting off the company’s access to the insured driver database.

In September, QJR filed its Chancery Court lawsuit against Securix LLC. 

What is known about the case comes from documents in the federal court file. QJR claims the company and its members have been defamed by Miller and Securix and wants their 50-50 business partnership dissolved.

The Chancery Court case does not even show up when the parties are searched for by name. 

With a case number gleaned from the federal court file, a search of chancery records shows only that the case is under seal.

Normally, when a case is under seal, the docket would still be available. A docket lists all records and proceedings in a case. While sealed records are listed and described, they can’t be viewed. 

“There is no court file,” attorney Laird said in asking the Supreme Court to review Judge Harris’ decision to leave the file sealed. “There is no docket sheet. There is absolutely no access on the part of the public or press to their public court file in this case.”

Judge closes file without public notice

All Mississippi court files are presumed open unless they are closed with notice and a hearing under guidelines established in the 1990 case Gannett River States Publishing Co. vs. Hand.

“It appears that the judge ignored what has been settled law in Mississippi since 1990,” said retired Jackson attorney Leonard Van Slyke, who represented Gannett in the case and still advises the media.

He added, “Since that time, there have not been many efforts to close a courtroom or a court file because the rules are pretty clear as to when that can be done. It is obvious from the rules that this would be a rare occurrence.”

 A court file can be closed only if a party in the case requesting closure can show an “overriding interest” that would be prejudiced by publicity.

The Supreme Court said in 1990 that the public is entitled to at least 24 hours’ notice — on the court docket — before a judge considers closure. As a representative of the public, the media has a right to a hearing before a court file or proceeding is closed.

At the hearing, the judge must consider the least restrictive closure possible and reasonable alternatives. The judge also must make findings that explain why alternatives to closure were rejected.

The court wrote in Gannett vs. Hand:

“A transcript of the closure hearing should be made public and if a petition for extraordinary relief concerning a closure order is filed in this Court, it should be accompanied by the transcript, the court’s findings of fact and conclusions of law, and the evidence adduced at the hearing upon which the judge bases the findings and conclusions.”

Because Judge Harris held no hearing, the high court will have a scant record on which to base its review. Without a court record, Laird pointed out in his filing, the public can have no confidence the judge made a sound decision.

Kevin Goldberg, an attorney who serves as vice president and First Amendment expert at the nonpartisan, nonprofit Freedom Forum, said the First Amendment guarantees the public access to courts.

In the Securix case, he said, a private business was doing work normally performed by a police department or other public agency, and residents could be snared into legal proceedings when they received tickets and public funds were involved.

“These are not private people in a small town, going about their business,” Goldberg said. “These people’s business is the public’s business . . . I think that means they need to accept that they’re going to be scrutinized all the time, including when they voluntarily make a decision to go to court.”

This article was produced in partnership between the Sun Herald and Mississippi Today.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Coast judge upholds secrecy in politically charged case. Media appeals ruling. appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article maintains a largely factual and investigative tone, focusing on government transparency, judicial procedure, and public access to court records. It critiques the secrecy upheld by a judge in a politically sensitive case involving private companies executing public functions, highlighting concerns about accountability and public interest. The framing leans slightly toward advocating for open government and media rights, values often associated with center-left perspectives. However, it stops short of overt ideological framing or partisan language, striving to report the facts and legal context while underscoring the public’s right to scrutiny.

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Mississippi Today

Why Andy Gipson is running for governor

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mississippitoday.org – @GeoffPender – 2025-07-14 06:30:00

Republican Andy Gipson, the first candidate to publicly announce a run for Mississippi governor in 2027, outlines his five-plank platform. No. 1 is fighting crime, which Gipson says is rising in what were once quiet rural areas, because “If people don’t feel safe, nothing else matters.” He also offers a brief sampling of his baritone crooning from his just-released two studio albums.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Why Andy Gipson is running for governor appeared first on mississippitoday.org

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Mississippi Today

‘Will you trust us?’: JPS plan for stricter cellphone policy makes some parents anxious

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mississippitoday.org – @mintamolly – 2025-07-11 15:25:00


Jackson Public Schools (JPS) plans a stricter cellphone policy after incidents of bullying, fight organizing, and misinformation via phones. Currently, phones taken away for up to 10 days may soon be held for 5, 10, and up to 45 days for repeat offenses, with fines for retrieval eliminated to ensure equity. Parents at a recent meeting expressed concerns about emergency contact, internet access, and enforcement, especially on buses. JPS leaders emphasized the negative impact of phones on learning and safety, citing past misinformation about violence. The policy aims to reduce distractions and mental health issues linked to cellphone use, asking parents, “Will you trust us?” to protect students.

Superintendent Errick Greene wanted to be very clear with the roughly 50 parents who attended Thursday night’s community listening session: Jackson Public Schools already has a policy banning students from using cellphones at school. 

Aaliyah McIntyre, left, and her mother Ashley McIntyre attend a Jackson Public Schools listening session on July 10, 2025, about the district’s new policy on cellphone use. They raised concerns about how parents would be notified in the event of an emergency.

But the leadership of Mississippi’s third-largest school district has decided that a new approach is in order, citing a series of incidents in recent years involving students using their cellphones to bully others, organize fights or text their parents inaccurate information about violence happening at or near their school.

“To be clear, it’s not the majority of our scholars, but I can’t look at a class and know who’s gonna be bullying today, who’s gonna be scheduling a meetup to cut up today,” Greene said toward the end of the hour-long meeting held at the JPS board room. “I can’t look at a group of scholars and say, ‘OK, yeah, you’re the one, let me take your phone, the rest of you can keep it.’”

Under the rewritten policy, students who take their phone out of their backpacks during the instructional day will lose it for five days for the first infraction, 10 days for the second and 45 days for the third. Currently, the longest the school will hold a phone is 10 days.

The Jackson school board is expected to consider the new policy at its meeting next week and the district hopes to implement the change when the new school year starts later this month, said Sherwin Johnson, the district’s communications director.

Students also currently have the option to pay up to a $25 fine to get their phone back, but the district wants to rescind that aspect of the policy. 

“We’ve discovered that’s not equitable,” said Larrisa Harris, the JPS general counsel. “Not everybody has the resources to come and pay the fine.”

Support for the new policy among the parents who spoke at the listening session varied, but all had questions. How will students access the internet on their laptops if the WiFi is spotty at their school and they need to use their cellphone hotspot? If students are required to keep their phones in their backpacks during lunch, how will teachers prevent stealing? How will JPS enforce the ban on using cellphones on the bus?

One mother said she watches her daughter’s location while she rides the bus to Jim Hill High School so she knows her daughter made it safely. 

“If they can’t have it on the bus, who’s gonna enforce that?” she said. “I’m just gonna be real, the bus driver got to drive.” 

A common theme among parents was anxiety at the prospect of losing direct contact with their kids in the event of an emergency. A Pew Research survey found that most adults, regardless of political affiliation, support cellphone bans in middle and high school classes. But those who don’t say it’s because their child can use their phone during emergencies.

“If something happened, will we get an automatic alert to notify us? Because a lot of the time we see things on social media first,” said Ashley McIntyre, a mother of three JPS students. She attended the meeting with her eldest daughter, Aaliyah, who recently graduated from Powell Middle School.

Though JPS does have an alert system for parents, McIntyre said she didn’t know if it existed. She cited a bomb threat at Powell last year that she found out about because Aaliyah texted her, not through a school alert. 

“We didn’t know what was going on, and she texted me, ‘Mom, I’m scared,’ so I went up there,” McIntyre said. “So that puts us on edge.” 

Aaliyah said she uses her phone to text her mom and watch TikTok, but she feels like her classmates use their phones to be popular or to fit in. When a fight happens, she said many students pull out their phones to record instead of trying to get an adult who can stop it. Then the videos end up on Instagram pages dedicated to posting fights in JPS. 

“Once the principal found out about the fight pages, they came around looking inside our videos and camera rolls,” she said. “It happened to me last year. They thought I had a fight on my phone.” 

Toward the end of the meeting, Laketia Marshall-Thomas, the assistant superintendent for high schools, took the mic to respond to one parent who said she was concerned that older students would not come to school if they knew their phone could be taken. 

“What we have seen is, it’s the older students—” Marshall-Thomas began. 

“They are the problem,” someone from the audience chimed in. 

“We’re not saying they cannot have them,” she continued. “We know that they have after school activities and they need to communicate with their moms … but we have had major, major issues with cellphones and issues that have even resulted in criminal outcomes for our scholars, but most importantly, our students … have experienced a lot of learning loss.” 

While the district leadership did not go into detail about the criminal incidents, several pointed to instances where students have texted their parents inaccurate information, such as an unsubstantiated rumor there was a gun during a fight at Callaway High School or that a shooting outside Whitten Middle School occurred on school property. 

“Having phones actually creates far more chaos than they help anyone,” Greene said. 

While cellphones have been banned to varying degrees in U.S. schools for decades, youth mental health concerns have renewed interest in more widespread bans across the country. Cellphone and social media usage among school-aged kids is linked to negative mental health outcomes and instances of cyberbullying, research shows.

At least 11 states restrict or ban cellphone use in schools. After Mississippi’s youth mental health task force recommended that all school districts implement policies that limited cellphone and social media usage in classrooms, a bill that would’ve required school boards to create cellphone policies died during the legislative session. Still, several Mississippi school districts have passed their own policies, including Marshall County and Madison County.

Another concern about the ban was a belief among a couple of speakers at the meeting that cellphones can help parents hold the district accountable for misdeeds it may want to hide. 

“I just saw a video today. It was not in JPS, but it was a child being yelled at by the teacher and had he not recorded it, his momma would have never known that this sweet lady that they go to church with is degrading her child like that,” one mother said. 

Statements like these prompted responses from teachers and other parents who urged the skeptical attendees to be more trusting or to make sure the district has updated contact information for them in case school officials need to reach parents during an emergency. 

“I think we have to trust the people watching over our children,” said one of the few fathers who spoke. “When I grew up, what the teacher said was gold.”

One teacher asked the audience, “Will you trust us?” 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post ‘Will you trust us?’: JPS plan for stricter cellphone policy makes some parents anxious appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article presents a balanced report on Jackson Public Schools’ proposed stricter cellphone policy without taking a clear ideological stance. It fairly conveys the perspectives of school officials emphasizing discipline and safety, alongside parental concerns about communication and emergency access. The tone remains neutral, focusing on factual details such as policy changes, reasons behind them, and community reactions. While it includes some skepticism from parents and responses from district staff, the language does not endorse or oppose either side. Overall, the coverage adheres to neutral, factual reporting by presenting multiple viewpoints without editorializing.

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