Mississippi Today
Gov. Tate Reeves’ lonely last stand against Medicaid expansion
One year ago, Gov. Tate Reeves continued his years of steadfast defiance against Medicaid expansion and delivered a plea to his fellow Republican legislative leaders.
“Don’t simply cave under the pressure of Democrats and their allies in the media who are pushing for the expansion of Obamacare, welfare, and socialized medicine,” Reeves said in his January 2023 State of the State address. “You have my word that if you stand up to the left’s push for endless government-run healthcare, I will stand with you.”
Later today, Reeves will again deliver his annual State of the State address. But this year, he will be standing mostly alone in that fight. It very well could be his final stand.
Much to the governor’s chagrin, the very GOP legislative leaders he pleaded with last year are well underway this year in their push to pass Medicaid expansion — a policy that would have a profound effect on countless Mississippians, their families and their communities. Yes, there are a handful of anti-expansion Republicans in both the House and Senate, but whether Reeves can whip anywhere close to the number of votes needed to block it is in real question.
Medicaid expansion, which Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and Republican House Speaker Jason White are ushering this session, would provide health coverage to between 200,000 and 250,000 poor, working Mississippians and bring in more than $1 billion in additional federal funds to the state each year.
Proponents say the policy would save the lives and livelihoods of countless Mississippians and provide hospitals with a cash boon that could help them keep their doors open. Opponents such as Reeves have decried the policy as “welfare expansion” and, despite dozens of economic studies that say otherwise, maintain the state cannot afford the state match.
Last week, the two legislative leaders — and the Medicaid committee chairs they appointed — remained unmoved by Reeves’ criticism about their pursuit of the policy.
“My position’s been pretty clear on the fact that we were going to explore and look at Medicaid as it affects hard-working, low-income Mississippians,” House Speaker Jason White told Mississippi Today. “My ideas and thoughts about that haven’t changed. He’s the duly elected governor and he’s certainly entitled to his opinions on that matter. I don’t hold any of those against him. We just maybe here in the House have a different view of it.”
No matter how hard Reeves fights back, the GOP legislative leaders pushing an expansion plan this year are not caving to Democrats or the media. They are seeking to help Mississippians of all backgrounds who have long struggled to keep their families healthy. They are responding to small town hospital leaders and business owners who are begging for a life-saving shot in the arm. They are trying to create solutions for our state’s dismal labor participation rate. They are modeling the success of 40 others states — including many GOP-controlled — where Medicaid expansion has unequivocally saved lives.
And, without question, many of the lawmakers know Medicaid expansion is a wildly popular public policy.
The vast majority of Mississippians want it. Business leaders want it, mayors want it, and hospital leaders want it. Republican voters want it, and Democratic voters want it. Big-time Republican donors want it. Health care organizations like the Mississippi State Medical Association, Mississippi Hospital Association, American Cancer Society, and the American Heart Association want it. A majority of legislative Republicans want it, and all legislative Democrats want it. The Republican lieutenant governor wants it, and the Republican speaker wants it.
But Tate Reeves doesn’t. And his last-stand defiance could define his legacy.
The governor has more policy staffers inside the Capitol this year than in his first term, and whether they can convince enough GOP lawmakers to stand with the governor could become the biggest question of the 2024 legislative session.
If legislative leaders do advance and pass an expansion proposal as expected, Reeves could veto the bill. To override his veto would require a two-thirds vote of both the House and the Senate chambers. The mad scramble to whip and wrangle votes during those few days would be unmatched by any legislative moment of Reeves’ governorship.
Many Capitol observers will be listening intently to the governor’s State of the State speech Monday evening. Hosemann and White will be sitting closely behind the governor’s podium, and how they respond to any renewed pleas or perhaps even attacks on their work will be very telling about the days and weeks to come.
To be sure, Reeves doesn’t seem to have much support right now where it matters most. Tonight, at least in his opposition to Medicaid expansion, he’ll be standing mostly alone.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1911
Dec. 21, 1911
Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia.
When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs.
He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame.
The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays.
Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1958
Dec. 20, 1958
Bruce Boynton was heading home on a Trailways bus when he arrived in Richmond, Virginia, at about 8 p.m. The 21-year-old student at Howard University School of Law — whose parents, Amelia Boynton Robinson and Sam Boynton, were at the forefront of the push for equal voting rights in Selma — headed for the restaurant inside the bus terminal.
The “Black” section looked “very unsanitary,” with water on the floor. The “white” section looked “clinically clean,” so he sat down and asked a waitress for a cheeseburger and a tea. She asked him to move to the “Black” section. An assistant manager followed, poking his finger in his face and hurling a racial epithet. Then an officer handcuffed him, arresting him for trespassing.
Boynton spent the night in jail and was fined $10, but the law student wouldn’t let it go. Knowing the law, he appealed, saying the “white” section in the bus terminal’s restaurant violated the Interstate Commerce Act. Two years later, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed. “Interstate passengers have to eat, and they have a right to expect that this essential transportation food service,” Justice Hugo Black wrote, “would be rendered without discrimination prohibited by the Interstate Commerce Act.”
A year later, dozens of Freedom Riders rode on buses through the South, testing the law. In 1965, Boynton’s mother was beaten unconscious on the day known as “Bloody Sunday,” where law enforcement officials beat those marching across the Selma bridge in Alabama. The photograph of Bruce Boynton holding his mother after her beating went around the world, inspiring changes in voting rights laws.
He worked the rest of his life as a civil rights attorney and died in 2020.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
‘Something to be proud of’: Dual-credit students in Mississippi go to college at nation’s highest rate
Mississippi high school students who take dual-credit courses go to college at the nation’s highest rate, according to a recent report.
It’s generally true that students who take college classes while in high school attend college at higher rates than their peers. Earlier this year, a study from the Community College Research Center at Teacher’s College, Columbia University found that nationally, 81% of dual-credit students go to college.
In Mississippi, that number shoots up to 93%, meaning the vast majority of the state’s high school students who take college classes enroll in a two- or four-year university.
“When we did this ranking, boom, right to the top it went,” said John Fink, a senior research associate and program lead at the research center who co-authored the study.
State officials say there’s likely no silver bullet for the high rate at which Mississippi’s dual-credit students enroll in college. Here, “dual credit” means a course that students can take for both high school and college credit. It’s different from “dual enrollment,” which refers to a high school student who is also enrolled at a community college.
In the last 10 years, participation in these programs has virtually exploded among Mississippi high school students. In 2014, about 5,900 students took dual-credit courses in Mississippi, according to the Mississippi Community College Board.
Now, it’s more than 18,000.
“It reduces time to completion on the post-secondary level,” said Kell Smith, Mississippi C0mmunity College Board’s executive director. “It potentially reduces debt because students are taking classes at the community college while they’re still in high school, and it also just exposes high school students to what post-secondary course work is like.”
“It’s something to be proud of,” he added.
There are numerous reasons why Mississippi’s dual-credit courses have been attracting more and more students and helping them enroll in college at the nation’s highest rate, officials say.
With a few college credits under their belt, students may be more inspired to go for a college degree since it’s closer in reach. Dual-credit courses can also build confidence in students who were on the fence about college without requiring them to take a high-stakes test in the spring. And the Mississippi Department of Education’s accountability model ensures that school districts are offering advanced courses like dual credit.
Plus, Mississippi’s 15 community colleges reach more corners of the state, meaning districts that may not be able to offer Advanced Placement courses can likely partner with a nearby community college.
“They’re sometimes like the only provider in many communities, and they’re oftentimes the most affordable providers,” Fink said.
Test score requirements can pose a barrier to students who want to take dual-credit courses, but that may be less of a factor in Mississippi. While the state requires students to score a 19 on ACT Math to take certain courses, which is above the state average, a 17 on the ACT Reading, below the state average of 17.9, is enough for other courses.
Transportation is another barrier that many high schools have eliminated by offering dual-credit courses on their campuses, making it so students don’t have to commute to the community colleges to take classes.
“They can leave one classroom, go next door, and they’re sitting in a college class,” said Wendy Clemons, the Mississippi Department of Education’s associate state superintendent for secondary education.
This also means high school counselors can work directly with dual-credit students to encourage them to pursue some form of college.
“It is much less difficult to graduate and not go to college when you already possess 12 hours of credit,” Clemons said.
Word-of-mouth is just as key.
“First of all, I think parents and community members know more about it,” Clemons said, “They have almost come to expect it, in a way.”
This all translates to benefits to students. Students who take dual-credit courses are more likely to finish college on time. They can save on student debt.
But not all Mississippi students are benefiting equally, Fink said. Thr research center’s report found that Black students in Mississippi and across the country were less likely to pursue dual-credit opportunities.
“The challenge like we see in essentially every state is that who’s in dual enrollment is not really reflective of who’s in high school,” Fink said.
Without more study, it’s hard to say specifically why this disparity exists in Mississippi, but Fink said research has generally shown it stems from elitist beliefs about who qualifies for dual-credit courses. Test score requirements can be another factor, along with underresourced school districts.
“The conventional thinking is (that) dual enrollment is just … another gifted-and-talented program?” Fink said. “It has all this baggage that is racialized … versus, are we thinking about these as opportunities for any high school student?”
Another factor may be the cost of dual-credit courses, which is not uniform throughout the state. Depending on where they live, some students may pay more for dual-credit courses depending on the agreements their school districts have struck with local community colleges and universities.
This isn’t just an equity issue for students — it affects the institutions, too.
“You know, we’ve seen that dual-credit at the community college level can be a double-edged sword,” Smith said. “We lose students who oftentimes … want to stay as long as they can, but there are only so many hours they can take at a community college.
Dual-credit courses, which are often offered at a free or reduced price, can also result in less revenue to the college.
“Dual credit does come at a financial price for some community colleges, because of the deeply discounted rates that they offer it,” Smith said. “The more students that you have taking dual-credit courses, the more the colleges can lose.”
State officials are also working to turn the double-edged sword into a win-win for students and institutions.
One promising direction is career-technical education. Right now, the vast majority of dual credit students enroll in academic courses, such as general education classes like Composition 1 or 2 that they will need for any kind of college degree.
“CTE is far more expensive to teach,” Clemons said.
Smith hopes that state officials can work to offer more dual-credit career-technical classes.
“If a student knows they want to enroll in career-tech in one of our community colleges, let’s load them up,” Smith said. “Those students are more likely to enter the workforce quicker. If you want to take the career-tech path, that’s your ultimate goal.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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