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Chris McDaniel’s reports deny accurate public accounting of campaign money

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After six campaign finance filings — including amended, amended-amended, termination-amended, and even one the-computer-temporarily-ate-it reports — it’s still unclear exactly how much money longtime state Sen. Chris McDaniel has raised or now has for his lieutenant governor campaign.

McDaniel’s reports for his campaign and a PAC he created last year have been confusing and confounding, at times leaving voters in the dark on the sources of hundreds of thousands of dollars and continuing to contain double-reported donations and amounts and dates that don’t add up.

His opponent, incumbent Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, claims McDaniel has violated state campaign finance reporting laws and has a complaint pending with the attorney general’s office. But Mississippi’s campaign finance laws are seldom enforced.

Hosemann’s camp claims McDaniel since his first report in January has been trying to pad his numbers and make it appear he has raised far more than he has. McDaniel, who has served 16 years in the state Legislature, has provided little explanation, but last week claimed vindication after Secretary of State Michael Watson said a computer glitch appeared to cause part of McDaniel’s latest filing not to post last week.

But his latest filing continues to double-report donations, count legally questionable money McDaniel says he has returned in its bottom line, is filed for a campaign committee Watson says hasn’t been legally registered with the state, and generally defies an accurate public accounting of his finances.

Here are some highlights of McDaniel’s filings to date for his campaign, and his Hold the Line PAC:

Amended-amended report

In McDaniel’s first finance report for Hold the Line, it showed a cash balance for the end of 2021 of $473,962, with no accounting of where the money came from as required by law. But McDaniel didn’t register the PAC as required by law with the state until summer of 2022.

After questions from Mississippi Today on how a PAC raised hundreds of thousands before it was created, McDaniel said the PAC made a “clerical error” and filed an amended report. But the amended report still showed an unexplained cash balance for 2021 of $236,981, as did a third “amended-amended” report the PAC filed later the same day.

Over the limit?

After initially failing to disclose the full amount, McDaniel’s Hold the Line PAC eventually reported it had received $475,000 from a Virginia dark-money nonprofit corporation, then funneled $465,000 of the money to McDaniel’s campaign. But Mississippi law prohibits corporations from donating more than $1,000 a year to a candidate or PAC.

READ MORE: Hundreds of thousands of dollars unaccounted, questionable in McDaniel’s campaign report

Returning questionable donations

McDaniel in April said his campaign returned $465,000 to his PAC, and that his PAC returned $460,000 to the dark-money nonprofit corporation and the PAC was being terminated. McDaniel hasn’t accounted for the remaining $15,000 he reported his PAC accepted from the American Exceptionalism Institute, Inc.

The American Exceptionalism Institute, Inc. is a dark money nonprofit that has contributed secretly sourced money to candidates in Nevada and Georgia, including former Sen. Kelly Loeffler and provided grants to various other groups across the country.

READ MORE: Chris McDaniel returns questionable campaign donations, shuts down PAC. Hosemann complaint with AG pending

Double reporting

In his latest report last week for his campaign, McDaniel again listed the $465,000 donation from his PAC, despite having listed it as a donation in his report for calendar year 2022 — and despite having reported he returned the money.

In all, his campaign’s May report covering the period from January through April of 2023 included nearly $596,000 he had already listed in his report for calendar 2022. But oddly, he left more than a dozen donations totaling $9,800 out of this double reporting.

‘Termination-amended’ report

McDaniel shut down his Hold the Line PAC and filed a termination report on March 29. But on April 17, he filed a “termination-amended” report that showed it had given his campaign another $4,900.

Odd timing

Oddly, in some of his filings, McDaniel’s PAC reported it returned $460,000 to the American Exceptionalism Institute on the same day it received the second of two donations of $237,500 from AEI, in February. But McDaniel’s campaign had reported it received a total of $465,000 from his PAC in January, before the PAC would have had that much money — primarily coming from AEI — per his own reports.

The ‘Committee to Elect’

McDaniel has for his 16 years in office, including his first report as a lieutenant governor candidate, filed his state reports as a candidate, under his name. But last week, he filed a report for “The Committee to Elect Chris McDaniel.” But Secretary of State Michael Watson’s office as of Monday said, “At this time, we have not received a statement of organization from the Committee to Elect Chris McDaniel nor do our records indicate one was filed electronically …”

In a press release the True Conservatives Mississippi PAC, an anti-McDaniel PAC run by Republican operatives Josh Gregory and Quinton Dickerson, claims McDaniel violated state law by not registering the committee before taking donations. The release claims McDaniel could face hundreds of thousands in fines under state law “if the maximum of $5,000 per violation was enforced.”

Hosemann’s campaign has also questioned in its complaint to the AG the raffle of a gun by “Friends of Chris McDaniel,” which does not appear to be registered with the state as required.

The computer ate all but one page of report

Campaign finance reports for January-April were due Wednesday, May 10, and the secretary of state’s website posted them online. McDaniel’s posted report filed Tuesday, May 9, contained only a cover sheet, and no itemization of donations or spending as required. McDaniel and his campaign did not respond to questions sent Wednesday about this. On Thursday, Watson’s office said: “This is the full filing of what was received from the Committee to Elect Chris McDaniel.”

The SOS campaign finance website crashed at some point on Thursday. On Friday, Secretary of State Watson, a former lawyer for McDaniel’s failed 2014 U.S. Senate campaign when he unsuccessfully sued over results, on Friday said after investigation a “system error” appeared to be the cause of McDaniel’s itemization not showing up.

On Monday, Watson’s office said, “At this time we are only aware of it affecting one report (McDaniel’s) in this manner,” but said there have been reports from others about difficulty filing online finance reports.

READ MORE: Hosemann holds fundraiser at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago

McDaniel on social media claimed vindication over news reports about his campaign finances and in a statement to the Clarion Ledger his campaign spokeswoman said Hosemann is “trying his hardest to lie, cheat and steal his way to re-election … Now, can we get back to talking about the real issues?”

But McDaniel, who has long been a vocal champion of campaign finance transparency and reform, and his campaign have not addressed numerous questions remaining about his campaign money and claims he broke state laws.

Hosemann responded: “This newest filing is still a disaster and it is incomplete … This is either intentional misinformation to Mississippi voters or gross incompetence — and either one is problematic.”

READ MORE: Coming soon to screens near you: Mississippi election ad wars

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1911

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-21 07:00:00

Dec. 21, 1911

A colorized photograph of Josh Gibson, who was playing with the Homestead Grays Credit: Wikipedia

Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia. 

When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs. 

He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame. 

The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays. 

Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1958

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-20 07:00:00

Dec. 20, 1958

Bruce Boynton played a key role in the U.S. Supreme Court case that led to the Freedom Riders protests of 1961. Credit: Jay Reeves/Associated Press

Bruce Boynton was heading home on a Trailways bus when he arrived in Richmond, Virginia, at about 8 p.m. The 21-year-old student at Howard University School of Law — whose parents, Amelia Boynton Robinson and Sam Boynton, were at the forefront of the push for equal voting rights in Selma — headed for the restaurant inside the bus terminal. 

The “Black” section looked “very unsanitary,” with water on the floor. The “white” section looked “clinically clean,” so he sat down and asked a waitress for a cheeseburger and a tea. She asked him to move to the “Black” section. An assistant manager followed, poking his finger in his face and hurling a racial epithet. Then an officer handcuffed him, arresting him for trespassing. 

Boynton spent the night in jail and was fined $10, but the law student wouldn’t let it go. Knowing the law, he appealed, saying the “white” section in the bus terminal’s restaurant violated the Interstate Commerce Act. Two years later, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed. “Interstate passengers have to eat, and they have a right to expect that this essential transportation food service,” Justice Hugo Black wrote, “would be rendered without discrimination prohibited by the Interstate Commerce Act.” 

A year later, dozens of Freedom Riders rode on buses through the South, testing the law. In 1965, Boynton’s mother was beaten unconscious on the day known as “Bloody Sunday,” where law enforcement officials beat those marching across the Selma bridge in Alabama. The photograph of Bruce Boynton holding his mother after her beating went around the world, inspiring changes in voting rights laws. 

He worked the rest of his life as a civil rights attorney and died in 2020.

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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‘Something to be proud of’: Dual-credit students in Mississippi go to college at nation’s highest rate

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mississippitoday.org – Molly Minta – 2024-12-20 06:00:00

Mississippi high school students who take dual-credit courses go to college at the nation’s highest rate, according to a recent report. 

It’s generally true that students who take college classes while in high school attend college at higher rates than their peers. Earlier this year, a study from the Community College Research Center at Teacher’s College, Columbia University found that nationally, 81% of dual-credit students go to college. 

In Mississippi, that number shoots up to 93%, meaning the vast majority of the state’s high school students who take college classes enroll in a two- or four-year university. 

“When we did this ranking, boom, right to the top it went,” said John Fink, a senior research associate and program lead at the research center who co-authored the study. 

State officials say there’s likely no silver bullet for the high rate at which Mississippi’s dual-credit students enroll in college. Here, “dual credit” means a course that students can take for both high school and college credit. It’s different from “dual enrollment,” which refers to a high school student who is also enrolled at a community college. 

In the last 10 years, participation in these programs has virtually exploded among Mississippi high school students. In 2014, about 5,900 students took dual-credit courses in Mississippi, according to the Mississippi Community College Board. 

Now, it’s more than 18,000. 

“It reduces time to completion on the post-secondary level,” said Kell Smith, Mississippi C0mmunity College Board’s executive director. “It potentially reduces debt because students are taking classes at the community college while they’re still in high school, and it also just exposes high school students to what post-secondary course work is like.” 

“It’s something to be proud of,” he added. 

There are numerous reasons why Mississippi’s dual-credit courses have been attracting more and more students and helping them enroll in college at the nation’s highest rate, officials say. 

With a few college credits under their belt, students may be more inspired to go for a college degree since it’s closer in reach. Dual-credit courses can also build confidence in students who were on the fence about college without requiring them to take a high-stakes test in the spring. And the Mississippi Department of Education’s accountability model ensures that school districts are offering advanced courses like dual credit.

Plus, Mississippi’s 15 community colleges reach more corners of the state, meaning districts that may not be able to offer Advanced Placement courses can likely partner with a nearby community college.

“They’re sometimes like the only provider in many communities, and they’re oftentimes the most affordable providers,” Fink said.

Test score requirements can pose a barrier to students who want to take dual-credit courses, but that may be less of a factor in Mississippi. While the state requires students to score a 19 on ACT Math to take certain courses, which is above the state average, a 17 on the ACT Reading, below the state average of 17.9, is enough for other courses. 

Transportation is another barrier that many high schools have eliminated by offering dual-credit courses on their campuses, making it so students don’t have to commute to the community colleges to take classes. 

“They can leave one classroom, go next door, and they’re sitting in a college class,” said Wendy Clemons, the Mississippi Department of Education’s associate state superintendent for secondary education. 

This also means high school counselors can work directly with dual-credit students to encourage them to pursue some form of college.

“It is much less difficult to graduate and not go to college when you already possess 12 hours of credit,” Clemons said.

Word-of-mouth is just as key.

“First of all, I think parents and community members know more about it,” Clemons said, “They have almost come to expect it, in a way.” 

This all translates to benefits to students. Students who take dual-credit courses are more likely to finish college on time. They can save on student debt.

But not all Mississippi students are benefiting equally, Fink said. Thr research center’s report found that Black students in Mississippi and across the country were less likely to pursue dual-credit opportunities. 

“The challenge like we see in essentially every state is that who’s in dual enrollment is not really reflective of who’s in high school,” Fink said.

Without more study, it’s hard to say specifically why this disparity exists in Mississippi, but Fink said research has generally shown it stems from elitist beliefs about who qualifies for dual-credit courses. Test score requirements can be another factor, along with underresourced school districts. 

“The conventional thinking is (that) dual enrollment is just … another gifted-and-talented program?” Fink said. “It has all this baggage that is racialized … versus, are we thinking about these as opportunities for any high school student?”

Another factor may be the cost of dual-credit courses, which is not uniform throughout the state. Depending on where they live, some students may pay more for dual-credit courses depending on the agreements their school districts have struck with local community colleges and universities. 

This isn’t just an equity issue for students — it affects the institutions, too. 

“You know, we’ve seen that dual-credit at the community college level can be a double-edged sword,” Smith said. “We lose students who oftentimes … want to stay as long as they can, but there are only so many hours they can take at a community college. 

Dual-credit courses, which are often offered at a free or reduced price, can also result in less revenue to the college. 

“Dual credit does come at a financial price for some community colleges, because of the deeply discounted rates that they offer it,” Smith said. “The more students that you have taking dual-credit courses, the more the colleges can lose.” 

State officials are also working to turn the double-edged sword into a win-win for students and institutions. 

One promising direction is career-technical education. Right now, the vast majority of dual credit students enroll in academic courses, such as general education classes like Composition 1 or 2 that they will need for any kind of college degree. 

“CTE is far more expensive to teach,” Clemons said.

Smith hopes that state officials can work to offer more dual-credit career-technical classes. 

“If a student knows they want to enroll in career-tech in one of our community colleges, let’s load them up,” Smith said. “Those students are more likely to enter the workforce quicker. If you want to take the career-tech path, that’s your ultimate goal.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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