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Brett Favre says welfare probe has ignored Gov. Bryant’s role

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Brett Favre says welfare probe has ignored Gov. Bryant’s role

Former NFL quarterback Brett Favre nagged former Gov. Phil Bryant for help funding a new volleyball facility at his alma mater and a pharmaceutical start-up he had invested in.

Bryant's subordinates then funneled a total of $7.1 million in federal welfare funds to the two projects, plus another $1.1 million to Favre himself, within what officials have called the worst public fraud scheme in state history.

Favre now says he's receiving all the blame while officials are letting Bryant off the hook.

In a new motion to dismiss civil charges against him, Favre argues the state welfare department, Mississippi Department of Human Services, has neglected the roles of former Gov. Bryant and the auditor Bryant appointed, Shad White, in the misspending of millions of welfare funds.

"MDHS also has ignored the numerous public officials responsible for overseeing MDHS, such as former Governor Dewey Phillip Bryant and current State Auditor Shad White, who, despite his statutory obligation to conduct annual audits of MDHS, did not 'question' MDHS’s transfers of tens of millions of dollars to MCEC (Mississippi Community Education Center) until 2020, nearly five years after those transfers began," reads Favre's motion, filed by his Austin, TX-based attorney Eric Herschmann.

The welfare department's civil suit, filed last May, alleges Favre agreed with MDHS Director John Davis and nonprofit founder Nancy New to transfer $2.1 million in funds from the federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program to a pharmaceutical company called Prevacus, in which Favre was a major stakeholder. The suit also alleges Favre took $1.1 million in TANF funds for work he didn't conduct.

Favre denies both allegations, alleging MDHS has fixated on the two items Favre publicly supported — Prevacus and the volleyball project — as a way of "blaming Favre, publicizing his involvement, and bringing its baseless claims against him in this lawsuit."

The civil suit, which targets 38 individuals or companies, only seeks to recoup $24 million of at least $77 million that forensic auditors found was misspent. Favre argued MDHS is "selectively suing only a fraction of those who allegedly received the funds, while inexplicably ignoring the numerous other recipients."

Favre has received significant national coverage in recent months for his proximity to a deal in which officials converted $5 million in welfare funds to build a state-of-the-art facility for University of Southern Mississippi's volleyball program, where his daughter played. The fraud scheme, which involved dressing up the stadium up to appear as a wellness center for impoverished Mississippians, led to a criminal conviction against New's son Zach New.

Favre has not faced any charges in connection with that deal. Gov. Tate Reeves directed the welfare agency not to include the volleyball project — the largest known purchase within the scandal — in its civil suit.

But in his motion, Favre called out the former governor and others for perpetuating the scheme.

"Davis and New did not (and could not have) authorized structuring the $5 million in funding as a sublease on their own," the filing reads. "They needed and obtained the approval and assistance of other State officials and agencies—including Governor Bryant, the Attorney General, the Mississippi Institutions of Higher Learning, Southern Miss itself, and the Southern Miss Athletic Foundation."

The motion also confirms that then-Southern Miss Athletic Director Jon Gilbert introduced Favre to New, who sat on the Southern Miss Athletic Foundation board.

"New was well connected with numerous Mississippi officials, including Davis and then-Governor Bryant, and close friends with Governor Bryant’s wife Deborah Bryant," it said.

The money in question flowed through New's nonprofit, Mississippi Community Education Center, or MCEC, and therefore out of sight from public view. Favre zoned in on New's connections to state officials, even corralling current Gov. Reeves into his rebuttal.

"State officials like Davis, former Governor Bryant, and current Governor Reeves were aware that New, through MCEC, used State money to provide services and funding to various State initiatives, through, among other things, the Family First Initiative of Mississippi, an anti-poverty program which was started by Governor Bryant in conjunction with other state officials," his filing reads. "Deborah Bryant and New hosted fundraisers together at the governor’s mansion. Governor Reeves even filmed a campaign ad in 2019 at New’s school."

For years, the misspending went unnoticed by the state auditor's office as MDHS dismantled internal controls, failing to keep so much as a list of organizations it funded.

Bryant appointed White, his former campaign manager, to state auditor in July of 2018. White's investigation into welfare misspending began after an MDHS employee brought a small tip about Davis' potential fraud to Bryant in June 2019.

White made six arrests in the case, including Davis and New, in February 2020. The payments to Prevacus were central to the indictment. A day earlier, Bryant had scheduled a meeting with Prevacus' founder Jake Vanlandingham, a Florida neuroscientist who offered the governor stock in the company in exchange for his help, according to texts Mississippi Today obtained two years later. The texts showed Favre had even excitedly texted Bryant to tell the governor when they finally started receiving funding from the state in early 2019.

Days after the arrest, Bryant cut ties with the scientist and White publicly named Bryant as the "whistleblower" in the case.

"State Auditor White—who was previously Governor Bryant’s campaign manager and policy director and was appointed State Auditor by Governor Bryant—made this (whistleblower) designation knowing that Governor Bryant was both aware of and supported MCEC’s payments to Prevacus at issue in this lawsuit, as well as its $5 million payment to Southern Miss in connection with the construction of a wellness center," Favre's filing reads.

In Favre's motion, his first significant jab in the case, the athlete argues that the welfare department has targeted him for his celebrity in an attempt to divert attention away from its own wrongdoing.

Mississippi Today first connected Favre to the welfare scandal in February 2020 in its reporting on the welfare-funded volleyball stadium at the University of Southern Mississippi and Favre's attempts to lure Prevacus to Mississippi with Bryant's help. White made the first official finding against Favre in his annual audit released in May of 2020. The report noted that his company, Favre Enterprises, received $1.1 million under a promotional contract, including supposed appearances at which "the individual contracted did not speak nor was he present for those events."

Favre has repeatedly denied that he failed to fulfill the terms of his agreement with the nonprofit. Mississippi Today obtained a 2018 invoicethat shows conservative talk radio network SuperTalk ran Favre's ad promoting Families First more than two dozen times during a three-month period.

"As to the $1.1 million MCEC paid Favre," Favre's motion reads, "it did so in exchange for Favre agreeing to perform services for MCEC, including recording a radio advertisement promoting Families First of Mississippi, a program launched by Governor Bryant, in conjunction with MDHS and MCEC, to provide services to needy Mississippians."

Favre returned the $1.1 million — a fact he laments is missing from MDHS's complaint — but the auditor's office maintains that he still owes interest on the funds.

"It's ludicrous to say that Mr. Favre has been singled out in any way," the auditor's office said in a statement Monday evening. "And as far as our office is concerned, Mr. Favre remains liable for $228,000 in interest for nonperformance of the contract in question."

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1997

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-22 07:00:00

Dec. 22, 1997

Myrlie Evers and Reena Evers-Everette cheer the jury verdict of Feb. 5, 1994, when Byron De La Beckwith was found guilty of the 1963 murder of Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers. Credit: AP/Rogelio Solis

The Mississippi Supreme Court upheld the conviction of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the 1963 murder of Medgar Evers. 

In the court’s 4–2 decision, Justice Mike Mills praised efforts “to squeeze justice out of the harm caused by a furtive explosion which erupted from dark bushes on a June night in Jackson, Mississippi.” 

He wrote that Beckwith’s constitutional right to a speedy trial had not been denied. His “complicity with the Sovereignty Commission’s involvement in the prior trials contributed to the delay.” 

The decision did more than ensure that Beckwith would stay behind bars. The conviction helped clear the way for other prosecutions of unpunished killings from the Civil Rights Era.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Medicaid expansion tracker approaches $1 billion loss for Mississippi

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-12-22 06:00:00

About the time people ring in the new year next week, the digital tracker on Mississippi Today’s homepage tabulating the amount of money the state is losing by not expanding Medicaid will hit $1 billion.

The state has lost $1 billion not since the start of the quickly departing 2024 but since the beginning of the state’s fiscal year on July 1.

Some who oppose Medicaid expansion say the digital tracker is flawed.

During an October news conference, when state Auditor Shad White unveiled details of his $2 million study seeking ways to cut state government spending, he said he did not look at Medicaid expansion as a method to save money or grow state revenue.

“I think that (Mississippi Today) calculator is wrong,” White said. “… I don’t think that takes into account how many people are going to be moved off the federal health care exchange where their health care is paid for fully by the federal government and moved onto Medicaid.”

White is not the only Mississippi politician who has expressed concern that if Medicaid expansion were enacted, thousands of people would lose their insurance on the exchange and be forced to enroll in Medicaid for health care coverage.

Mississippi Today’s projections used for the tracker are based on studies conducted by the Institutions of Higher Learning University Research Center. Granted, there are a lot of variables in the study that are inexact. It is impossible to say, for example, how many people will get sick and need health care, thus increasing the cost of Medicaid expansion. But is reasonable that the projections of the University Research Center are in the ballpark of being accurate and close to other studies conducted by health care experts.

White and others are correct that Mississippi Today’s calculator does not take into account money flowing into the state for people covered on the health care exchange. But that money does not go to the state; it goes to insurance companies that, granted, use that money to reimburse Mississippians for providing health care. But at least a portion of the money goes to out-of-state insurance companies as profits.

Both Medicaid expansion and the health care exchange are part of the Affordable Care Act. Under Medicaid expansion people earning up to $20,120 annually can sign up for Medicaid and the federal government will pay the bulk of the cost. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not opted into Medicaid expansion.

People making more than $14,580 annually can garner private insurance through the health insurance exchanges, and people below certain income levels can receive help from the federal government in paying for that coverage.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, legislation championed and signed into law by President Joe Biden significantly increased the federal subsidies provided to people receiving insurance on the exchange. Those increased subsidies led to many Mississippians — desperate for health care — turning to the exchange for help.

White, state Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney, Gov. Tate Reeves and others have expressed concern that those people would lose their private health insurance and be forced to sign up for Medicaid if lawmakers vote to expand Medicaid.

They are correct.

But they do not mention that the enhanced benefits authored by the Biden administration are scheduled to expire in December 2025 unless they are reenacted by Congress. The incoming Donald Trump administration has given no indication it will continue the enhanced subsidies.

As a matter of fact, the Trump administration, led by billionaire Elon Musk, is looking for ways to cut federal spending.

Some have speculated that Medicaid expansion also could be on Musk’s chopping block.

That is possible. But remember congressional action is required to continue the enhanced subsidies. On the flip side, congressional action would most likely be required to end or cut Medicaid expansion.

Would the multiple U.S. senators and House members in the red states that have expanded Medicaid vote to end a program that is providing health care to thousands of their constituents?

If Congress does not continue Biden’s enhanced subsidies, the rates for Mississippians on the exchange will increase on average about $500 per year, according to a study by KFF, a national health advocacy nonprofit. If that occurs, it is likely that many of the 280,000 Mississippians on the exchange will drop their coverage.

The result will be that Mississippi’s rate of uninsured — already one of the highest in the nation – will rise further, putting additional pressure on hospitals and other providers who will be treating patients who have no ability to pay.

In the meantime, the Mississippi Today counter that tracks the amount of money Mississippi is losing by not expanding Medicaid keeps ticking up.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1911

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-21 07:00:00

Dec. 21, 1911

A colorized photograph of Josh Gibson, who was playing with the Homestead Grays Credit: Wikipedia

Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia. 

When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs. 

He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame. 

The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays. 

Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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