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Brett Favre points finger back at Gov. Phil Bryant in motion to dismiss Mississippi welfare lawsuit

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Brett Favre points finger back at Gov. Phil Bryant in motion to dismiss Mississippi welfare lawsuit

NFL legend Brett Favre maintains he did nothing wrong.

The recent focus on two of his projects that received welfare money during the biggest public corruption scandal in Mississippi history is just a pretext, his attorneys say, for blaming and smearing him in the media.

They say he never pledged his own money to build the widely publicized volleyball stadium at University of Southern Mississippi, so he couldn’t have personally benefitted from the taxpayer money used on the project.

And plus, there were many more state employees, attorneys and politicians who facilitated or approved of the legal loophole — which state prosecutors called a scheme to defraud the government — to funnel $5 million in federal grant funds from Mississippi Department of Human Services through a lease agreement between a private nonprofit and the university.

Favre, in the new filing, said former Gov. Phil Bryant knew that grant funding from the welfare department was behind the volleyball project.

“The agreement was reviewed and approved by the Attorney General, who recommended that the IHL Board of Trustees approve it, which they did,” Favre’s latest court motion reads. “The IHL Board of Trustees expressly noted that MCEC’s funding was via a block grant from MDHS. The Governor was aware of the source of the funding and supported it. Following final approval, Southern Miss publicly announced the plans for the State-owned Wellness Center and lauded MCEC’s support for the project. Not one public Mississippi official or lawyer expressed any objection to or concern about the funding and plan.”

Favre makes these new arguments in a recent motion to dismiss civil charges against him. Mississippi Department of Human Services alleges in its amended complaint filed in December that Favre is liable for more than $7 million that he helped funnel away from the poor or anti-poverty programs.

An email Favre’s attorneys entered into court appears to contain notes from assistant USM Athletic Director Daniel Feig about the MDHS funding proposal for the volleyball stadium. In the email, Feig acknowledged that the MDHS grant funds cannot be used on construction projects. But MDHS’s attorneys — Garrig Shields and Jacob Black, also defendants in the suit — advised that MDHS could give the money to a nonprofit called Mississippi Community Education Center, run by criminal defendant Nancy New, and she could give the money to USM Athletic Foundation through a lease. The notes suggest the theory that when MDHS money leaves the agency into the hands of the nonprofit, it becomes “private” money, and therefore federal regulations do not apply.

Feig did not immediately respond to a Facebook message Friday evening

Feig notes that other universities have entered similar lease agreements (“sub grants to do youth camps”) and that they could use those contracts as a model. He also wrote that even though they would be using MDHS funds, “Rather not have MDHS named.”

“If, as MDHS falsely alleges, Favre was part of a conspiracy, it was the most public and open conspiracy in Mississippi history, it was directed and carried out by MDHS itself to transfer funds from one public state entity to another, Southern Miss, and it was vetted and approved by numerous lawyers and State officials,” Favre’s motion reads. “To hold Favre responsible under these circumstances would have no legal or factual justification.”

Nancy New’s son Zach New, a nonprofit employee, pleaded guilty to defrauding the government for his role in the volleyball sham lease agreement. He is the only one facing criminal consequences over the scheme; Nancy New’s lengthy plea agreement does not include the USM Athletic Foundation payment.

In addition to the $5 million volleyball project, MDHS claims Favre was party to a sham agreement to funnel $2.1 million in welfare money to a pharmaceutical startup company that the athlete was investing in — an allegation Favre denies.

“The Amended Complaint, again, does not, as it cannot, allege that Favre was aware that the money given to Prevacus consisted of TANF funds, even assuming that it did,” Favre’s motion reads. “And, even if Favre knew that Prevacus received public funding, he would have had no reason to suspect that there was anything improper about it—state governments routinely give financial benefits to private businesses to entice them to do business within their states—precisely what is alleged as to Prevacus.”

Favre is just one of several dozen defendants from whom MDHS is attempting to recoup tens of millions in misspent funds. Friday was a major filing deadline in the lawsuit, so several defendants filed responses at the same time, including Favre.

The court also saw filings Friday from defendants University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation; former state lawmaker Will Longwitz and his lobbying firm Inside Capitol; Nick Coughlin and his company NCC Ventures; former Family Resource Center employee Amy Harris; Williams, Weiss Hester & Company, the firm responsible for auditing Nancy New’s nonprofit; and former professional wrestler Brett DiBiase, who was the first to plead guilty in the separate criminal case in 2020. Several more were expected to file by the end of the evening.

In his motion, Favre called into question the involvement of former Gov. Bryant and current Gov. Tate Reeves in the funding structure that allowed for federal grants intended to alleviate poverty to flow unchecked through the nonprofit of their politically connected friend.

“Nancy New was well connected with numerous Mississippi officials, including Davis and then-Governor Bryant, and close friends with Governor Bryant’s wife Deborah Bryant,” the motion reads. “State officials like Davis, former Governor Bryant, and current Governor Tate Reeves were aware that New, through MCEC, used State money to provide services and funding to various State initiatives through, among other things, the Family First Initiative of Mississippi, an anti-poverty program started by Governor Bryant in conjunction with other State officials.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1997

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-22 07:00:00

Dec. 22, 1997

Myrlie Evers and Reena Evers-Everette cheer the jury verdict of Feb. 5, 1994, when Byron De La Beckwith was found guilty of the 1963 murder of Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers. Credit: AP/Rogelio Solis

The Mississippi Supreme Court upheld the conviction of white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith for the 1963 murder of Medgar Evers. 

In the court’s 4–2 decision, Justice Mike Mills praised efforts “to squeeze justice out of the harm caused by a furtive explosion which erupted from dark bushes on a June night in Jackson, Mississippi.” 

He wrote that Beckwith’s constitutional right to a speedy trial had not been denied. His “complicity with the Sovereignty Commission’s involvement in the prior trials contributed to the delay.” 

The decision did more than ensure that Beckwith would stay behind bars. The conviction helped clear the way for other prosecutions of unpunished killings from the Civil Rights Era.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Medicaid expansion tracker approaches $1 billion loss for Mississippi

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-12-22 06:00:00

About the time people ring in the new year next week, the digital tracker on Mississippi Today’s homepage tabulating the amount of money the state is losing by not expanding Medicaid will hit $1 billion.

The state has lost $1 billion not since the start of the quickly departing 2024 but since the beginning of the state’s fiscal year on July 1.

Some who oppose Medicaid expansion say the digital tracker is flawed.

During an October news conference, when state Auditor Shad White unveiled details of his $2 million study seeking ways to cut state government spending, he said he did not look at Medicaid expansion as a method to save money or grow state revenue.

“I think that (Mississippi Today) calculator is wrong,” White said. “… I don’t think that takes into account how many people are going to be moved off the federal health care exchange where their health care is paid for fully by the federal government and moved onto Medicaid.”

White is not the only Mississippi politician who has expressed concern that if Medicaid expansion were enacted, thousands of people would lose their insurance on the exchange and be forced to enroll in Medicaid for health care coverage.

Mississippi Today’s projections used for the tracker are based on studies conducted by the Institutions of Higher Learning University Research Center. Granted, there are a lot of variables in the study that are inexact. It is impossible to say, for example, how many people will get sick and need health care, thus increasing the cost of Medicaid expansion. But is reasonable that the projections of the University Research Center are in the ballpark of being accurate and close to other studies conducted by health care experts.

White and others are correct that Mississippi Today’s calculator does not take into account money flowing into the state for people covered on the health care exchange. But that money does not go to the state; it goes to insurance companies that, granted, use that money to reimburse Mississippians for providing health care. But at least a portion of the money goes to out-of-state insurance companies as profits.

Both Medicaid expansion and the health care exchange are part of the Affordable Care Act. Under Medicaid expansion people earning up to $20,120 annually can sign up for Medicaid and the federal government will pay the bulk of the cost. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not opted into Medicaid expansion.

People making more than $14,580 annually can garner private insurance through the health insurance exchanges, and people below certain income levels can receive help from the federal government in paying for that coverage.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, legislation championed and signed into law by President Joe Biden significantly increased the federal subsidies provided to people receiving insurance on the exchange. Those increased subsidies led to many Mississippians — desperate for health care — turning to the exchange for help.

White, state Insurance Commissioner Mike Chaney, Gov. Tate Reeves and others have expressed concern that those people would lose their private health insurance and be forced to sign up for Medicaid if lawmakers vote to expand Medicaid.

They are correct.

But they do not mention that the enhanced benefits authored by the Biden administration are scheduled to expire in December 2025 unless they are reenacted by Congress. The incoming Donald Trump administration has given no indication it will continue the enhanced subsidies.

As a matter of fact, the Trump administration, led by billionaire Elon Musk, is looking for ways to cut federal spending.

Some have speculated that Medicaid expansion also could be on Musk’s chopping block.

That is possible. But remember congressional action is required to continue the enhanced subsidies. On the flip side, congressional action would most likely be required to end or cut Medicaid expansion.

Would the multiple U.S. senators and House members in the red states that have expanded Medicaid vote to end a program that is providing health care to thousands of their constituents?

If Congress does not continue Biden’s enhanced subsidies, the rates for Mississippians on the exchange will increase on average about $500 per year, according to a study by KFF, a national health advocacy nonprofit. If that occurs, it is likely that many of the 280,000 Mississippians on the exchange will drop their coverage.

The result will be that Mississippi’s rate of uninsured — already one of the highest in the nation – will rise further, putting additional pressure on hospitals and other providers who will be treating patients who have no ability to pay.

In the meantime, the Mississippi Today counter that tracks the amount of money Mississippi is losing by not expanding Medicaid keeps ticking up.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1911

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-12-21 07:00:00

Dec. 21, 1911

A colorized photograph of Josh Gibson, who was playing with the Homestead Grays Credit: Wikipedia

Josh Gibson, the Negro League’s “Home Run King,” was born in Buena Vista, Georgia. 

When the family’s farm suffered, they moved to Pittsburgh, and Gibson tried baseball at age 16. He eventually played for a semi-pro team in Pittsburgh and became known for his towering home runs. 

He was watching the Homestead Grays play on July 25, 1930, when the catcher injured his hand. Team members called for Gibson, sitting in the stands, to join them. He was such a talented catcher that base runners were more reluctant to steal. He hit the baseball so hard and so far (580 feet once at Yankee Stadium) that he became the second-highest paid player in the Negro Leagues behind Satchel Paige, with both of them entering the National Baseball Hame of Fame. 

The Hall estimated that Gibson hit nearly 800 homers in his 17-year career and had a lifetime batting average of .359. Gibson was portrayed in the 1996 TV movie, “Soul of the Game,” by Mykelti Williamson. Blair Underwood played Jackie Robinson, Delroy Lindo portrayed Satchel Paige, and Harvey Williams played “Cat” Mays, the father of the legendary Willie Mays. 

Gibson has now been honored with a statue outside the Washington Nationals’ ballpark.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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