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Black, Rural Southern Women at Gravest Risk From Pregnancy Miss Out on Maternal Health Aid

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by Sarah Jane Tribble, KFF Health News
Wed, 21 Jun 2023 09:00:00 +0000

As maternal mortality skyrockets in the United States, a federal program created to improve rural maternity care has bypassed Black mothers, who are at the highest risk of complications and death related to pregnancy.

The grant-funded initiative, administered by the Health Resources and Services Administration, began rolling out four years ago and, so far, has budgeted nearly $32 million to provide access and care for thousands of mothers and babies nationwide — for instance, Hispanic women along the Rio Grande or Indigenous mothers in Minnesota.

KFF Health News found that none of the sites funded by the agency serves mothers in the Southeast, where the U.S. Census Bureau shows the largest concentration of predominantly Black rural communities. That omission exists despite a White House declaration to make Black maternal health a priority and statistics showing America’s maternal mortality rate has risen sharply in recent years. Non-Hispanic Black women — regardless of income or education level — die at nearly three times the rate of non-Hispanic white women.

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“There’s a responsibility to respond to the crisis in a way that is more intentional,” said Jamila Taylor, chief executive of the National WIC Association, a nonprofit advocacy group for the federal Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and .

“Why isn’t HRSA stepping up to the plate, especially with this rural moms’ program?” Taylor said. According to a 2021 analysis of federal data, Black women living in rural areas also are more likely to die or experience more severe health complications during delivery than white women living in rural areas.

Experts say the failure of HRSA’s Rural Maternity and Obstetrics Management Strategies Program, or RMOMS, to reach predominantly Black communities in the rural South reveals structural inequities and underinvestment in a region where health care resources are scarce and have deteriorated.

The steady closure of hospitals in the region and widespread medical staffing shortages have hindered the ability of cash-strapped agencies and care providers to provide more than essential services. Many “don’t have sufficient resources” to apply for the grants, said Peiyin Hung, deputy director of the University of South Carolina’s Rural and Minority Health Research Center. Hung is also a member of the health equity advisory group for the maternal grant program.

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“RMOMS really means to invest in the most underserved and the most disadvantaged communities,” she said, but because the program demands applicants have a network of hospitals and other care providers, she said, “the odds are not there for them to even try.”

Hung said she favors basing the on need and not solely on the quality of an application.

Where the Help Is Going

The rural program launched in 2019 and has awarded 10 maternal health grants nationwide to bolster telehealth and create networks between hospitals and clinics. Despite the disruption of care due to the covid-19 pandemic, the program’s earliest grant winners helped more than 5,000 women get medical treatment and recorded a decrease in preterm births during the second year of implementation, the agency reported.

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When KFF Health News first asked Tom Morris, associate administrator for rural health policy at HRSA, about the lack of grants in the rural South, he said the agency has an “objective review process” and regularly reviews the program to ensure it reaches the people who need it most.

“The rural rates of maternal mortality for African Americans is a real concern,” Morris said, adding, “I think you raised a good point there, and something we can focus on moving forward.”

So far, the maternal grants have gone to health care providers in Arkansas, Maine, Minnesota, New Mexico, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, and West Virginia, as well as two awards in Missouri.

Among the initial 2019 awardees, Texas reports that 91% of people it served were Hispanic; New Mexico reported 59% of recipients were Hispanic; and the Missouri project, which was in the southeastern part of the state known as the Bootheel, said 22% of beneficiaries were Black . In all cases, the majority were Medicaid enrollees. No data was available for other grant awardees. (Hispanic people can be of any race or combination of races.)

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States across the rural Southeast have not expanded Medicaid coverage to larger numbers of lower-income , which often means lower shares of patients have health coverage.

Where Help Is Most Needed

The lack of Medicaid expansion in the region is “all the more reason should be going to these areas,” said the WIC association’s Taylor. She said the program’s failure to reach into the southeastern U.S. seems “incredibly odd.”

“The South is a hotbed — to be quite honest — of a whole host of chronic diseases and health challenges, particularly for people of color,” Taylor said.

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Taylor, who previously worked on similar programs with community-based while at the Century Foundation, said grant applications are often long and tedious and require intense data collection, adding to the “real challenges and barriers in the of applying for the grants in the first place.”

Rep. Robin (D-Ill.), whose district spans rural and urban areas, said it is her experience that “some of the neediest places don’t apply for the grants because they don’t have the personnel.”

“There needs to be special outreach,” said Kelly, who created legislation in 2018 to extend postpartum care after hearing from a constituent. “We need to take the extra steps that mean saving women’s lives.”

Several current grant winners said the federal agency does provide extensive technical assistance and is responsive to questions and concerns — but they also described how difficult it was to win the grants, which amounted to $1 million or less for last year’s winners.

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“It’s an intimidating grant to apply for,” said Johnna Nynas, an obstetrician and gynecologist who wrote the maternal grant application for Sanford Bemidji Medical Center in Minnesota.

“I don’t want to admit how much of my own personal time I dedicated to this grant, writing it,” she said. Sanford won the grant in 2021.

Unlike applicants from smaller, cash-strapped health organizations, Nynas was able to solicit help from the internal grant team at Sanford Health, which operates a regional system including a health plan as well as hospitals, clinics, and other facilities in the Dakotas, Iowa, and Minnesota.

Nynas said four hospitals in the remote region of northern Minnesota, where Bemidji is located, have closed their labor and delivery units in recent years, leaving residents — including a significant number of Indigenous women — to 60 miles or more one way for care.

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Meeting an application requirement to create a network that includes specific health clinics as partners in the grant was “the biggest ,” Nynas said, adding “when you look at the map, those can be very difficult to find.”

Try, Try Again

In South Dakota, Avera Health’s application stalled for two years because of grant criteria requiring state Medicaid agencies to sign on as network partners, said Kimberlee McKay, an OB-GYN and the program director for the South Dakota grant. Avera Health spans Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota.

It wasn’t until the third round, McKay said, and after “the climate around maternal health had changed,” when the state Medicaid agency committed to fully partnering on the maternity care grant.

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South Dakota voters adopted Medicaid expansion in late 2022 and will implement it this summer. Avera’s South Dakota program will use grant money to reach more than 10,000 pregnant patients in the eastern part of the state and the region’s tribal communities.

Among the previous grant winners, only the Texas winner is from a non-Medicaid expansion state. HRSA spokesperson Elana Ross said 10 of 38 applications won grants since 2019. She declined to release a list of unsuccessful applicants, citing privacy concerns.

Ross said the requirement to partner with Medicaid “increases the likelihood that the pool of applicants, if selected, will be able to sustain services at the end of federal funding.” Medicaid, she noted, pays for nearly half of all births nationally and a greater share of births in rural areas.

The goal for the grants is that applicants can keep the program operating even after several years of federal funding runs out, HRSA officials said.

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Stoking Change

In May, after KFF Health News began reporting this article, the agency released a new call for applicants and relaxed requirements. Only two awards will be given, and the applications, which demand detailed network plans, are due July 7.

In an emailed statement released after announcing the more flexible expectations, Morris said the federal agency’s mission was to provide care for “the highest-need communities, and that means dedicating significant funds towards addressing the Black maternal health crisis.” The agency will no longer require state Medicaid programs to be partners on initial applications. It also loosened language about which clinics needed to be in the network.

And in perhaps the most significant shift, the agency said it will use newly created criteria to determine “areas of greatest need.” Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi all qualify as areas with shortages of maternity health care providers, according to the funding notice.

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Kelly, who works on Congress’ bipartisan maternity care caucus, said of the lack of grants in the rural South: “Money matters, resources matter.”

Despite the government-wide focus on maternal care, it wasn’t clear whether the rural program would award new grants in 2023. In April, Morris told KFF Health News the agency was “trying to figure out if we have enough funding to support our existing grantees and do a new competition.”

The rural maternity program’s initial fiscal year 2023 budget was $8 million — down from $10.4 million the year before, according to the agency’s operating plan. The release of grants in May came after the federal agency found an additional $2.4 million in its internal budget.

Even so, Kelly said, she “would love to see more money being put toward it” as well as evaluations of “where the money is being spent and where the holes are.”

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By: Sarah Jane Tribble, KFF Health News
Title: Black, Rural Southern Women at Gravest Risk From Pregnancy Miss Out on Maternal Health Aid
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/black-rural-southern-women-at-gravest-risk-from-pregnancy-miss-out-on-maternal-health-aid/
Published Date: Wed, 21 Jun 2023 09:00:00 +0000

Kaiser Health News

Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins

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Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF
Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

When Kamala Harris was California’s top prosecutor, she was concerned that mergers among hospitals, physician groups, and health insurers could thwart competition and lead to higher prices for patients. If she wins the presidency in November, she’ll have a wide range of options to blunt monopolistic behavior nationwide.

The Democratic vice president could influence the Federal Trade Commission and instruct the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services to prioritize enforcement of antitrust laws and channel resources accordingly. Already, the Biden administration has taken an aggressive stance against mergers and acquisitions. In his first year in office, President Joe Biden issued an executive order intended to intensify antitrust enforcement across multiple industries, health care.

Under Biden, the FTC and DOJ have fought more mergers than they have in decades, often targeting health care deals.

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“What Harris could do is set the tone that she is going to continue this laser focus on competition and health care prices,” said Katie Gudiksen, a senior health policy researcher at of California College of the Law, San Francisco.

The Harris campaign didn’t respond to a request for comment.

For decades, the health industry has undergone consolidation despite government efforts to maintain competition. When health expand, adding hospitals and doctor practices to their portfolios, they often gain a large enough share of regional health care resources to command higher prices from insurers. That results in higher premiums and other health care costs for consumers and employers, according to numerous studies.

Health insurers have also consolidated in recent decades, leaving only a handful controlling most markets.

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Health care analysts say it’s possible for Harris to slow the momentum of consolidation by blocking future mergers that could lead to higher prices and lower-quality care. But many of them agree the consolidation that has already taken place is an inescapable feature of the U.S. health care landscape.

“It’s hard to unscramble the eggs,” said Bob Town, an economics professor at the University of .

There were nearly 1,600 hospital mergers in the U.S. from 1998 to 2017 and 428 hospital and health system mergers from 2018 to 2023, according to a KFF study. The percentage of community hospitals that belong to a larger health system rose from 53 in 2005 to 68 in 2022. And in another sign of market concentration, as of January, well over three-quarters of the nation’s physicians were employed by hospitals or corporations, according to a report produced by Avalere Health.

Despite former President Donald Trump’s hostility to regulation as a candidate, his administration was active on antitrust efforts — though it did allow one of the largest health care mergers in U.S. history, between drugstore chain CVS Health and the insurer Aetna. Overall, Trump’s Justice Department was more aggressive on mergers than past Republican administrations.

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Harris, as California’s attorney general from 2011 to 2017, jump-started health care investigations and enforcement.

“She pushed back against anticompetitive pricing,” said Rob Bonta, California’s current attorney general, who is a Democrat.

One of Harris’ most impactful decisions was a 2012 investigation into whether consolidation among hospitals and physician practices gave health systems the clout to demand higher prices. That probe bore fruit six years later after Harris’ successor, Xavier Becerra, filed a landmark lawsuit against Sutter Health, the giant Northern California hospital operator, for anticompetitive behavior. Sutter settled with the state for $575 million.

In 2014, Harris was among 16 state attorneys general who joined the FTC in a lawsuit to dismantle a merger between one of Idaho’s largest hospital chains and its biggest physician group. In 2016, Harris joined the U.S. Department of Justice and 11 other states in a successful lawsuit to block a proposed $48.3 merger between two of the nation’s largest health insurers, Cigna and Anthem.

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Attempts to give the state attorney general the power to nix or impose conditions on a wide range of health care mergers have been fiercely, and successfully, opposed by California’s hospital industry. Most recently, the hospital industry persuaded state lawmakers to exempt for-profit hospitals from pending legislation that would subject private equity-backed health care transactions to review by the attorney general.

A spokesperson for the California Hospital Association declined to comment.

As attorney general of California, Harris’ work was eased by the state’s deep blue political hue. Were she to be elected president, she could face a less hospitable political environment, especially if Republicans control one or both houses of Congress. In addition, she could face opposition from powerful health care lobbyists.

Though it often gets a bad rap, consolidation in health care also confers benefits. Many choose to join large because it relieves them of the administrative headaches and financial burdens of running their own practices. And being absorbed into a large health system can be a lifeline for financially troubled hospitals.

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Still, a major reason health systems choose to expand through acquisition is to accumulate market clout so they can match consolidation among insurers and bargain with them for higher payments. It’s an understandable reaction to the financial pressures hospitals are under, said James Robinson, a professor of health economics at the University of California-Berkeley.

Robinson noted that hospitals are required to treat anyone who shows up at the emergency room, including uninsured people. Many hospitals have a large number of patients on Medicaid, which pays poorly. And in California, they face a of regulatory requirements, including seismic retrofitting and nurse staffing minimums, that are expensive. “How are they going to pay for that?” Robinson said.

At the federal level, any effort to blunt anticompetitive mergers would depend in part on how aggressive the FTC is in pursuing the most egregious cases. FTC Chair Lina Khan has made the FTC more proactive in this regard.

Last year, the FTC and DOJ jointly issued new merger guidelines, which suggested the federal government would scrutinize deals more closely and take a broader view of which ones violate antitrust laws. In September, the FTC filed a lawsuit against an anesthesiology group and its private equity backer, alleging they had engaged in anticompetitive practices in Texas to drive up prices.

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In January, the agency sued to stop a $320 million hospital acquisition in North Carolina.

Still, many transactions don’t come to the attention of the FTC because their value is below its $119.5 million reporting threshold. And even if it heard about more deals, “it is very underresourced and needing to be very selective in which mergers they challenge,” said Paul Ginsburg, a professor of the practice of health policy at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.

Khan’s term ends in September 2024, and Harris, if elected, could try to reappoint her, though her ability to do so may depend on which party controls the Senate.

Harris could also promote regulations that discourage monopolistic behaviors such as all-or-nothing contracting, in which large health systems refuse to do business with insurance companies unless they agree to include all their facilities in their networks, whether needed or not. That behavior was one of the core allegations in the Sutter case.

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She could also seek policies at the Department of Health and Human Services, which runs Medicare and Medicaid, that encourage competition.

Bonta, California’s current attorney general, said that, while there are bad mergers, there are also good ones. “We approve them all the time,” he said. “And we approve them with conditions that address cost and that address access and that address quality.”

He expects Harris to bring similar concerns to the presidency if she wins.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

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——————————
By: Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/kamala-harris-california-hospitals-health-care-antitrust-ftc/
Published Date: Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof

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Phil Galewitz, KFF Health
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. — Facing an ultracompetitive market in one of the nation’s fastest-growing , UF Health is trying a new way to attract : a combination emergency room and urgent care center.

In the past year and a half, UF Health and a private equity-backed company, Intuitive Health, have opened three centers that offer both types of care 24/7 so patients don’t have to decide which facility they need.

Instead, doctors there decide whether it’s urgent or emergency care —the health system bills accordingly — and inform the patient of their decision at the time of the service.

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“Most of the time you do not realize where you should go — to an urgent care or an ER — and that triage decision you make can have dramatic economic repercussions,” said Steven Wylie, associate vice president for planning and business development at UF Health Jacksonville. About 70% of patients at its facilities are billed at urgent care rates, Wylie said.

Emergency care is almost always more expensive than urgent care. For patients who might otherwise show up at the ER with an urgent care-level problem — a small cut that requires stitches or an infection treatable with antibiotics — the savings could be hundreds or thousands of dollars.

While no research has been conducted on this new hybrid model, consumer advocates worry hospitals are more likely to route patients to costlier ER-level care whenever possible.

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For instance, some services that trigger higher-priced, ER-level care at UF Health’s facilities — such as blood work and ultrasounds — can be obtained at some urgent care centers.

“That sounds crazy, that a blood test can trigger an ER fee, which can cost thousands of dollars,” said Cynthia Fisher, founder and chair of PatientRightsAdvocate.org, a patient advocacy organization.

For UF Health, the hybrid centers can increase profits because they help attract patients. Those patient visits can lead to more revenue through diagnostic testing and referrals for specialists or inpatient care.

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Offering less expensive urgent care around-the-clock, the hybrid facilities stand out in an industry known for its aggressive billing practices.

On a recent visit to one of UF Health’s facilities about 15 miles southeast of downtown, several patients said in interviews that they sought a short wait for care. None had sat in the waiting room more than five minutes.

“Sometimes urgent care sends you to the ER, so here you can get everything,” said Andrea Cruz, 24, who was pregnant and came in for shortness of breath. Cruz said she was being treated as an ER patient because she needed blood tests and monitoring.

“It’s good to have a place like this that can treat you no matter what,” said Penny Wilding, 91, who said she has no regular physician and was being evaluated for a likely urinary tract infection.

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UF Health is one of about a dozen health in 10 states partnering with Intuitive Health to set up and hybrid ER-urgent care facilities. More are in the works; VHC Health, a large hospital in Arlington, Virginia, plans to start building one this year.

Intuitive Health was established in 2008 by three emergency physicians. For several years the company ran independent combination ER-urgent care centers in .

Then Altamont Capital Partners, a multibillion-dollar private equity firm based in Palo Alto, California, bought a majority stake in Intuitive in 2014.

Soon after, the company began partnering with hospitals to open facilities in states Arizona, Indiana, Kentucky, and Delaware. Under their agreements, the hospitals handle medical staff and billing while Intuitive manages administrative functions — including initial efforts to collect payment, including checking insurance and taking copays — and nonclinical staff, said Thom Herrmann, CEO of Intuitive Health.

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Herrmann said hospitals have become more interested in the concept as Medicare and other insurers pay for value instead of just a fee for each service. That means hospitals have an incentive to find ways to treat patients for less.

And Intuitive has a strong incentive to partner with hospitals, said Christine Monahan, an assistant research professor at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University: Facilities licensed as freestanding emergency rooms — as Intuitive’s are — must be affiliated with hospitals to be covered by Medicare.

At the combo facilities, emergency room specialists determine whether to bill for higher-priced ER or lower-priced urgent care after patients undergo a medical screening. They compare the care needed against a list of criteria that trigger emergency-level care and bills, such as the patient requiring IV fluids or cardiac monitoring.

Inside its combo facilities, UF posts a sign listing some of the urgent care services it offers, including treatment for ear infections, sprains, and minor wounds. When its doctors determine ER-level care is necessary, UF requires patients to sign a form acknowledging they will be billed for an ER visit.

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Patients who opt out of ER care at that time are charged a triage fee. UF would not disclose the amount of the fee, saying it varies.

UF officials say patients pay only for the level of care they need. Its centers accept most insurance plans, including Medicare, which covers people older than 65 and those with disabilities, and , the program for low-income people.

But there are important caveats, said Fisher, the patient advocate.

Patients who pay cash for urgent care at UF’s hybrid centers are charged an “all-inclusive” $250 fee, whether they need an X-ray or a rapid strep test, to name two such services, or both.

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But if they use insurance, patients may have higher cost sharing if their health plan is charged more than it would pay for stand-alone urgent care, she said.

Also, federal surprise billing protections that shield patients in an ER don’t extend to urgent care centers, Fisher said.

Herrmann said Intuitive’s facilities charge commercial insurers for urgent care the same as if they provided only urgent care. But Medicare may pay more.

While urgent care has long been intended for minor injuries and illnesses and ERs are supposed to be for life- or health-threatening conditions, the two models have melded in recent years. Urgent care clinics have increased the scope of injuries and conditions they can treat, while hospitals have taken to advertising ER wait times on highway billboards to attract patients.

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Intuitive is credited with pioneering hybrid ER-urgent care, though its facilities are not the only ones with both “emergency” and “urgent care” on their signs. Such branding can sometimes confuse patients.

While Intuitive’s hybrid facilities offer some price transparency, providers have the upper hand on cost, said Vivian Ho, a health economist at Rice University in Texas. “Patients are at the mercy of what the hospital tells them,” she said.

But Daniel Marthey, an assistant professor of health policy and management at Texas A&M University, said the facilities can help patients find a lower-cost option for care by avoiding steep ER bills when they need only urgent-level care. “This is a potentially good thing for patients,” he said.

Marthey said hospitals may be investing in hybrid facilities to make up for lost revenue after federal surprise medical billing protections took effect in 2022 and restricted what hospitals could charge patients treated by out-of-network providers, particularly in emergencies.

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“Basically, they are just competing for market share,” Marthey said.

UF Health has placed its new facilities in suburban areas near freestanding ERs owned by competitors HCA Healthcare and Ascension rather than near its downtown hospital in Jacksonville. It is also building a fourth facility, near The Villages, a large retirement community more than 100 miles south.

“This has been more of an offensive move to expand our market reach and go into suburban markets,” Wylie said.

Though the three centers are not -approved to care for trauma patients, doctors there said they can handle almost any emergency, including heart attacks and strokes. Patients needing hospitalization are taken by ambulance to the UF hospital about 20 minutes away. If they need to follow up with a specialist, they’re referred to a UF physician.

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“If you fall and sprain your leg and need an X-ray and crutches, you can come here and get charged urgent care,” said Justin Nippert, medical director of two of UF’s combo centers. “But if you break your ankle and need it put back in place it can get treated here, too. It’s a one-stop .”

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By: Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/urgent-emergency-care-combo-centers-intuitive-health-jacksonville-florida/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/since-fall-of-roe-self-managed-abortions-have-increased/

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Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased

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Sarah Varney, KFF News
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

The percentage of people who say they’ve tried to end a pregnancy without medical assistance increased after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. That’s according to a study published Tuesday in the online journal JAMA Network Open.

Tia Freeman, a reproductive health organizer, leads workshops for Tennesseans on how to safely take medication pills outside of medical settings.

Abortion is almost entirely illegal in Tennessee. Freeman, who lives near Nashville, said people planning to stop pregnancies have all sorts of reasons for wanting to do so without help from the formal health care system — the cost of traveling to another state, challenge of finding child care, and fear of lost wages.

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“Some people, it’s that they don’t have the support networks in their families where they would need to have someone drive them to a clinic and then sit with them,” said Freeman, who works for Self-Managed Abortion; Safe and Supported, a U.S.-based of Women Help Women, an international nonprofit that advocates for abortion access.

“Maybe their is superconservative and they would rather get the pills in their home and do it by themselves,” she said.

The new study is from Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health, a research group based at the University of California-San Francisco. The researchers surveyed more than 7,000 people ages 15 to 49 from December 2021 to January 2022 and another 7,000-plus from June 2023 to July 2023.

Of the respondents who had attempted self-managed abortions, they found the percentage who used the abortion pill mifepristone was 11 in 2023 — up from 6.6 before the Supreme Court ended federal abortion rights in 2022.

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One of the most common reasons for seeking a self-administered abortion was privacy concerns, said a study co-author, epidemiologist Lauren Ralph.

“So not wanting others to know that they were seeking or in need of an abortion or wanted to maintain autonomy in the ,” Ralph said. “They liked it was something under their control that they could do on their own.”

Kristi Hamrick, vice president of and policy at Students for Action, a national anti-abortion group, said she doesn’t believe the study findings, which she said benefit people who abortion pills.

“It should surprise no one that the abortion lobby reports their business is doing well, without problems,” Hamrick said in an emailed statement.

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Ralph said in addition to privacy concerns, state laws criminalizing abortion also weighed heavily on women’s minds.

“We found 6% of people said the reason they self-managed was because abortion was illegal where they lived,” Ralph said.

In the JAMA study, women who self-managed abortion attempts reported using a range of methods, including using or alcohol, lifting heavy objects, and taking a hot bath. In addition, about 22% reported hitting themselves in the stomach. Nearly 4% reported inserting an object in their body.

The term “self-managed abortion” may conjure images of back-alley procedures from the 1950s and ’60s. But OB-GYN Laura Laursen, a family planning physician in Chicago, said self-managed abortions using medication abortion — the drugs mifepristone and misoprostol — are far safer, whether done inside or outside the health care system.

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“They’re equally safe no matter which way you do it,” Laursen said. “It involves passing a pregnancy and bleeding, which is what happens when you have a miscarriage. If your body doesn’t have a miscarriage on its own, these are actually the medications we give women to pass the miscarriage.”

Since Roe‘s end, more than 20 states have banned or further restricted abortion.

——————————
By: Sarah Varney, KFF Health News
Title: Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/self-managed-abortions-increase-post-roe-dobbs-privacy-concerns/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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