by Rick Cleveland, Mississippi Today
March 25, 2025

George Foreman, surely one of the world’s most intriguing and transformative sports figures of the 20th century, died over the weekend at the age of 76. Please indulge me a few memories.

This was back when professional boxing was in its heyday. Muhammad Ali was heavyweight champion of the world for a second time. The lower weight divisions featured such skilled champions and future champs as Alex Arugello, Roberto “Hands of Stone” Duran, Tommy “Hit Man” Hearns and Sugar Ray Leonard.

Boxing was front page news all over the globe. Indeed, Ali was said to be the most famous person in the world and had stunned the boxing world by stopping the previously undefeated Foreman in an eighth round knockout in Kinshasa, Zaire, in October of 1974. Foreman, once an Olympic gold medalist at age 19, had won his previous 40 professional fights and few had lasted past the second round. Big George, as he was known, packed a fearsome punch.

My dealings with Foreman began in January of 1977, roughly 27 months after his Ali debacle with Foreman in the middle of a boxing comeback. At the time, I was the sports editor of my hometown newspaper in Hattiesburg when the news came that Foreman was going to fight a Puerto Rican professional named Pedro Agosto in Pensacola, just three hours away.

Right away, I applied for press credentials and was rewarded with a ringside seats at the Pensacola Civic Center. I thought I was going to cover a boxing match. It turned out more like an execution.

The mismatch was evident from the pre-fight introductions. Foreman towered over the 5-foot, 11-inch Agosto. Foreman had muscles on top of muscles, Agosto not so much. When they announced Agosto weighed 205 pounds, the New York sports writer next to me wise-cracked, “Yeah, well what is he going to weigh without his head?”

It looked entirely possible we might learn.

Foreman toyed with the smaller man for three rounds, almost like a full-grown German shepherd dealing with a tiny, yapping Shih Tzu. By the fourth round, Big George had tired of the yapping. With punches that landed like claps of thunder, Foreman knocked Agosto down three times. Twice, Agosto struggled to his feet after the referee counted to nine. Nearly half a century later I have no idea why Agosto got up. Nobody present– or the national TV audience – would have blamed him for playing possum. But, no, he got up the second time and stumbled over into the corner of the ring right in front of me. And that’s where he was when Foreman hit him with an evil right uppercut to the jaw that lifted the smaller man a foot off the canvas and sprayed me and everyone in the vicinity with Agosto’s blood, sweat and snot – thankfully, no brains. That’s when the ref ended it.

It remains the only time in my sports writing career I had to buy a T-shirt at the event to wear home. 

So, now, let’s move ahead 18 years to July of 1995. Foreman had long since completed his comeback by winning back the heavyweight championship. He had become a preacher. He also had become a pitch man for a an indoor grill that bore his name and would sell more than 100 million units. He was a millionaire many times over. He made far more for hawking that grill than he ever made as a fighter. He had become a beloved figure, known for his warm smile and his soothing voice. And now he was coming to Jackson to sign his biography. His publishing company called my office to ask if I’d like an interview. I said I surely would.

One day at the office, I answered my phone and the familiar voice on the other end said, “This is George Foreman and I heard you wanted to talk to me.”

I told him I wanted to talk to him about his book but first I wanted to tell him he owed me a shirt.

“A shirt?” he said. “How’s that?”

I asked him if remembered a guy named Pedro Agosto. He said he did. “Man, I really hit that poor guy,” he said.

I thought you had killed him, I said, and I then told him about all the blood and snot that ruined my shirt.

“Man, I’m sorry about that,” he said. “I’d never hit a guy like that now. I was an angry, angry man back then.”

We had a nice conversation. He told me about finding his Lord. He told me about his 12 children, including five boys, all of whom he named George.

I asked him why he would give five boys the same name.

“I never met my father until late in his life,” Big George told me. “My father never gave me nothing. So I decided I was going to give all my boys something to remember me by. I gave them all my name.”

Yes, and he named one of his girls Georgette.

We did get around to talking about his book, and you will not be surprised by its title: “By George.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

://mississippitoday.org”>Mississippi Today.

March 25, 1965

Viola Gregg Liuzzo stood among the crowd of 25,000 gathered outside Alabama’s state Capitol in Montgomery, some of whom had been beaten and tear-gassed by state troopers after crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma. 

The Detroit mother of five wept as she watched that “Bloody Sunday” broadcast on the evening news. Afterward, she heard and responded to Martin Luther King Jr.’s call to join the march for voting rights for all Americans. 

“[We’re] going to change the world,” she vowed. “One day they’ll write about us. You’ll see.” 

Now she listened as King spoke to the crowd. 

“The burning of our churches will not deter us,” he said. “The bombing of our homes will not dissuade us. We are on the move now.” To those who asked, “How long?” King replied, “Not long, because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.” 

After King finished, she was helping drive marchers back to Selma when Klansmen sped after her. She floored her car, singing, “We Shall Overcome,” as Klansmen shot into her car 14 times, killing her. 

Two Klansmen were convicted of federal conspiracy charges and given maximum sentences of 10 years. King and Liuzzo are among 40 martyrs listed on the Civil Rights Memorial in Montgomery. A Selma Memorial plaque now honors her and two others killed in the protest, and a statue of her now stands in Detroit, honoring her courage.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

by Michael Goldberg and Taylor Vance, Mississippi Today
March 24, 2025

House Speaker Jason White acknowledged for the first time on Monday that House leaders knowingly passed a typo-riddled plan to overhaul Mississippi’s tax system that Senate leaders have since admitted was a mistake.  

White also said his Republican caucus is willing to use a still-alive Senate bill to restart negotiations on some elements of the tax overhaul that could override the bill headed to Gov. Tate Reeves’ desk. The speaker appeared to underscore that last week’s typo tax snafu gave his House caucus the upper hand, and that they would extract further concessions from the Senate in exchange for restarting negotiations in a conference committee. 

House leaders have pushed for years for eliminating the state personal income tax, and doing so in relatively short order. The Senate has urged a more cautious approach, saying it’s foolhardy to slash a third of the state’s revenue in uncertain economic times. Senators last week had conceded to eliminate the income tax, but only with economic growth “triggers” as safeguards — the tax wouldn’t phase out unless the state saw robust economic growth and controlled spending.

Or so they thought. The Senate bill had typos that essentially nullified the growth triggers and would eliminate the income tax nearly as quickly as the House proposed. The House passed the flawed bill on to the governor, who said he will sign it into law.

READ MORE: Policy analyst: Income tax elimination risks significant harm to Mississippi’s future 

Speaker White on Monday confirmed for the first time when he and his caucus realized the Senate had sent them a bill with language different from what the chamber had intended to pass, even as he claimed he didn’t know what the Senate’s intentions were.  

“Wednesday is when we knew. We met and we talked about it. Then we met as a Republican caucus and talked about it. And y’all heard the debate in here as the chairman called it up to concur,” White said.  

The two chambers had appeared to remain dramatically far apart from a final compromise. White said his chamber was left in the dark by Senate leaders, who often call their chamber the “deliberative body.”

“You hear a lot about transparency, deliberateness,” White said. “It really wasn’t until after they passed it that were able to look at it, and they certainly didn’t talk to us about it on the front end.”

White said the Senate had communicated through multiple channels, including Senate Finance Chairman Josh Harkins, that the bill the upper chamber sent over would be their final offer. So he said the House to take the Senate at its word and send the bill with the Senate’s mistake to the governor.   

“They said that’s it, we’re not going any further, we’ve barely got the votes, that sort of thing,”White said. “So that played into our decision. So do we take this, take them at their word that this is it, or do we invite conference and see if they can get this fragile vote count together again on their end?” 

The House on Thursday morning surprised the Senate, unaware of its typos, by voting to agree with the Senate’s latest plan. 

But lobbyists, legislators and the media soon discovered the reason the House hurried to pass the Senate plan is because senators inadvertently inserted decimal points that essentially rendered the growth triggers meaningless and would almost ensure a quicker timeline for eliminating the income tax.

“After they passed it, we got theirs amended and sent to them, then we sat down and started looking at theirs, and we, I mean, it’s page six and seven,” White said. “It’s the first thing you see when you get into the meat of the bill … So it was pretty apparent once you read it, you’re like ‘that trigger doesn’t seem as cumbersome as what has been explained or talked about.’ So we’re like, we can live with this.”

Now, Senate leaders are hoping they can convince the House to correct the mistake, but it appears that might not be an easy sell with the House. 

“We are willing to talk about a reasonable trigger, but not a cumbersome trigger that nobody can ever hit,” White said. “Of course, if we’re going to revisit that, there are other features of the tax reform package that we would certainly like to address as well.”

Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann told Mississippi Today he would not talk about the bill and deferred comments to Harkins, the chamber’s lead tax-cut architect. Hosemann last week feigned ignorance about the typo and tried to claim victory over the final product. 

On Monday, Harkins, a Republican from Flowood, took responsibility for the error but said he hoped House leaders would work with the Senate to “clarify any ambiguity” about the “growth trigger” language because it was not what the Senate meant to propose to the House.  

But it appears House leaders, who have expressed frustration with the GOP-majority Senate this year for killing a lot of its major policy proposals, want the Senate to reverse course and pass some policies that they have otherwise been hesitant to agree to. 

If negotiations were to resume, the House hopes to use its leverage to force the Senate into adopting its preferred approach to changing the structure of the Public Employees Retirement System, which had been a key wedge issue between the chambers in their negotiations over tax reform. The Senate wants to cut benefits for future public employees while the House wants to divert about $100 million a year in state lottery money to the system. 

Harkins was not asked about White’s specific comments on the public employee retirement system. Still, he told reporters, in general terms, he did not think there was any appetite in the Senate to dedicate a recurring revenue stream to the retirement system. 

The Rankin County senator stopped shy of rebuking House leaders for how they handled the tax bill, as some have done behind the scenes. But he questioned whether his fellow GOP House colleagues “worked in good faith” to deliver a final compromise. 

“In legislating, when you’re asked to work in good faith to help get to a position, and you do so, I think there should be some mutual respect on both sides,” Harkins said. “We’re both trying to get to a policy that we can both agree on.” 

When asked if he was concerned senators might feel burned by the House leadership, White said: “If they were misled, it was on that end of the building. There was no misleading from down here. They amended our bill as they saw fit.”

Harkins also said that he met with Lamar, his House counterpart, sometime around Friday, March 14, to discuss what the Senate planned to propose regarding trigger language, though he was still ironing out specific details. The two chambers then passed their different proposals the following Tuesday. 

Gov. Reeves has said on social media that he intends to pass the mistake-filled bill into law. The growth triggers, under the plan, would not take effect for four years. So lawmakers could try and address the mistakes in future sessions. 

Given the four-year window before triggers would take effect, White said legislators didn’t necessarily have to reach an agreement. They could instead tweak the bill when “you would conceivably have other leadership in place.” 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.