Kaiser Health News
An Arm and a Leg: ‘Your Money or Your Life’: This Doctor Wrote the Book on Medical Debt
Dan Weissmann
Thu, 09 Nov 2023 10:00:00 +0000
In 2019, emergency medicine physician and historian Luke Messac was working as a medical resident. He had heard about hospitals suing their own patients over unpaid medical bills, so he decided to investigate whether the hospitals where he worked were doing the same.
It turns out they were.
“The care I was delivering to patients was resulting in them showing up in court, or having their wages garnished, or signing up for a payment plan that they would be paying for the better part of a decade,” said Messac.
In this episode of “An Arm and a Leg,” host Dan Weissmann speaks with Messac about his book, “Your Money or Your Life: Debt Collection in American Medicine,” and how people working in health care can try to reform these practices.
Dan Weissmann
Host and producer of “An Arm and a Leg.” Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago’s WBEZ. His work also appears on All Things Considered, Marketplace, the BBC, 99 Percent Invisible, and Reveal, from the Center for Investigative Reporting.
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Emily Pisacreta
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Transcript: ‘Your Money or Your Life’: This Doctor Wrote the Book on Medical Debt
Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.
Dan: Hey there. A couple years ago, I got in touch with a guy who’d been posting about this show on Twitter.
Luke Messac: Hi, yeah, my name is Luke Messac.
Dan: Luke is a doctor. He’s an instructor of emergency medicine at Harvard. And he’s a Ph.D. historian.
He told me he was writing a history of something we cover a lot on this show. Medical debt.
Luke Messac: It’s a problem I couldn’t avoid and therefore couldn’t avoid writing about.
Dan: And now that book is out. It’s called Your Money or Your Life. It tells the story of how the collection of medical debt in the US became so aggressive, the real impact it has on patients and – especially important for us – a different way to do things.
This is An Arm and a Leg, a show about why healthcare costs so freaking much and what we can maybe do about it. I’m Dan Weissmann. I’m a reporter, and I like a challenge. So, our job on this show, it’s to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American life and bring you something entertaining, empowering, and useful.
Dan: Luke Messac says his journey begins with this guy.
Paul Farmer: It’s not intellectually shallow to have hope. That’s a profound thing, you know…
Dan: That’s Paul Farmer – and YES, you may have heard me mention him recently, like when we talked about the writer John Green. Paul Farmer was a doctor who founded an amazing global health organization called Partners in Health.
He’s the subject of a book called Mountains Beyond Mountains, which focuses a lot on his work in Haiti, and which, I’m gonna say again here: When we start a book club on this show, that’s my vote for our first read.
Anyway, Luke started watching Paul Farmer’s videos as a kid. And ended up as
his student.
Luke Messac: I knew I wanted to be in medicine. I knew I wanted to be a doctor. When I first got into Harvard as a 17 year old kid, I, I think YouTube was just starting at that point. I’m going to date myself. And I saw some of his lectures and this was right around the time when Mountains Beyond Mountains came out. And I started to learn more about his work. My father was born in Haiti and I’ve always had a special affinity for the country. And, and so I, I heard about him. I really lucked out. In that one year, he was teaching a freshman seminar, uh, for 12 kids and I, ended up taking this class with him as freshmen and then kind of clung for dear life to, to work with the organization, uh, after that, because we were hooked.
Dan: Yeah, I mean, what an incredible opportunity. And, you know, I’ve only, I only know him right through his kind of public persona and mostly through reading that book, which is now like 20 years old, I think, um but you know, he seems like such an incredibly inspiring person who doesn’t accept half measures.
Luke Messac: Yeah, he, he insisted on a few things, and one of them was that the poor patient shouldn’t get care any less, uh, decent than the care that anyone else would expect, that the care that we deliver at Brigham and Women’s Hospital, where he also worked, should be the standard of care that should be delivered everywhere, including rural Haiti, including rural Rwanda. And he would call that an aspirational goal sometimes, but it’s one that he was extremely serious about and devoted. This guy did not stop working. Uh, you couldn’t keep up with him, but he also made space for students, especially younger students, people who weren’t even in their medical training yet. He made so much time for me. So much time for us. He’d always respond to our emails and text messages.
Dan: So did you, like, apply to MD PhD programs, like, at the same time, like you’re, like, finishing undergrad and you’re like, okay, uh, all right, here’s the, here’s the plan for the next 15 years. Or did, things evolve? Like, how did that work?
Luke Messac: Yeah, essentially. I mean, I’m somewhat loathe to give up a little secret, which is that the MD PhD programs in the United States are paid for by the federal government. At least that still remains the case. And so if you want to get a medical degree in the United States, most of the time you’re going to come out unless you’re independently wealthy with six figures in debt. And I’m not talking low six figures. If you want to get an MD-PhD in the United States, that is still funded by the federal government. So you’re going to graduate with 0 in debt from medical school or graduate school, and you’ll get a stipend on top of that. So it is a long road, but it is one that comes with some benefits and doesn’t leave you tremendously in the hole when you come out feeling like you can’t do anything but try to pay back that debt.
Dan: That is really, really wild. It’s really interesting that it’s, I mean, There’s something very poetic about you entering this program that allows you to, uh, emerge from it without debt, and then using that resource to build an understanding of and campaign against debt.
So, it’s fall 2019 and this is your story. This is how you arrived here. You are yourself basically debt free, and you’ve been following a path. And you note that you had been reading about, medical debt lawsuits.
Luke Messac: Yeah, I’d seen it in ProPublica, Kaiser Family Foundation, um, and in various newspapers across the country. And I had friends in training at Johns Hopkins hospitals, in Baltimore, and I saw them post pictures of their protests against their own hospitals, practice of suing patients, oftentimes their own low paid employees for medical debts they couldn’t afford to pay. Their work was really an inspiration to me to find out if this kind of thing was going on elsewhere. I thought it didn’t. I thought it was very anomalous practice. I didn’t think I’d find too much, uh, in the way of it happening in my neck of the woods, but I was, I was wrong about that.
Dan: So in the book, you tell the story that you went to the courthouse in Providence, Rhode Island, where you were working as a medical resident to look up medical debt lawsuits, And you’re still imagining this as like, well, this is some kind of outlier thing. I’m not going to find it. But you’re like, you’re just a little curious?
Luke Messac: Being a historian is a very solitary and quiet existence. And that is something that you cannot say of the emergency department, neither solitary nor quiet ever. And so I was I had a day off. I wanted to relive my days in the archive. And I wanted to answer this question, and I went to the courthouse. And I asked to be led into the court records. And so basically they let you into this back room, uh, looks like, uh, an office from office space, like the movie, uh, a lot of UV light and white walls. And a very old computer that looks like it came out of the late 1990s, early 2000s, and you pull up the database, also a very clunky looking old database, and you can type in your hospital or type in your business or type in an individual and see if they’ve ever been involved in the court system. And so I did that, I looked up, uh, my hospital system, other hospital systems in the state, and some of the lawsuits were what you’d expect.
Dan: Like medical malpractice suits. And run of the mill employment disputes. But he also saw lawsuits against the hospital’s patients. A lot of lawsuits.
Luke: And when they were filed, oftentimes they would get a response from the defendant, and these responses would show me that some of the defendants were single mothers. Some of the defendants were living on social security disability. Some of the defendants were recent immigrants who had trouble responding in English and so wrote back in their native languages, pleading for leniency. And when they asked for such, they would get some in the form of usually a payment plan. Maybe they would be asked to pay some amount every month for the next five years, six years, seven years to cover the cost of a single visit. And if they signed up for those payment plans, then they would be told that if they missed any payments, that they would be charged double digit interest rates. And if they didn’t respond, as many didn’t, then they would lose the case by default. And oftentimes have their wages garnished, have 25% of their wages taken from them every month. And so these were really punitive measures being taken against really vulnerable patients. The vast majority of lawsuits in the state were filed by the hospitals in which I worked,. And this was really disturbing to me. I always comforted my patients who worried about the cost of their care when they came in and said, oh boy, am I going to be able to afford this? Um, you know, should I have come in at all? And I always tried to comfort them and say, oh, don’t worry about it. Even if you’re uninsured, we have financial assistance. You’ll, you know, we don’t, we don’t go after people. And I was wrong. I was dead wrong about that. And that made me feel, uh, pretty awful.
Dan: In the book, you say you felt shame.
Luke Messac: Yeah, it was a mixture of anger and surprise and shame, because I always knew that our healthcare system was full of injustice, that so many people can’t afford insurance, even those who do, aren’t always able to afford their care, that the distribution of resources runs along steep gradients of inequality. But I didn’t realize that I was such a direct participant in that injustice, that the care I was delivering to patients was resulting in them showing up in court or having their wages garnished or signing up for a payment plan that they would be paying for the better part of a decade. So that was really the source of my shame.
Dan: And what did you do? Like, I know eventually you took lots of actions, but like, what did you do immediately?
Luke Messac: Yeah, I talked to my friends. I talked to some mentors. I talked to my wife, who is also in medicine, but was working elsewhere. And all of us shared the same sense of shock and anger and shame, because none of us wanted to be doing that to our patients. We all kind of shared the same sense of shock but. I didn’t know what to do at first. I didn’t know where to turn.
Dan: At first you tried Twitter, right? Or Facebook or…
Luke Messac: uh, yeah, I did. I just started using Twitter the year before I put out a couple of, you know, impotently angry tweets about it and said, someone’s got to do something about this. This shouldn’t exist. And, uh, didn’t get much of a response. You know, a few friends of mine said, right on. But, you know, it, it wasn’t, it wasn’t making much of a dent.
Dan: So he wrote an op ed. Submitted everywhere he could think of – New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, even his hometown paper, the Providence Journal.
Luke Messac: No one was interested. No bites. And then there was a small, uh, lefty blog run by this guy, Steve Alquist, a real muckraking crusader here in Providence. And I sent it to him and he said, this is really interesting. Absolutely., I’ll run it. I didn’t know if it would make any difference whether this blog post on Uprise Rhode Island, uh, uh, you know, would, would cause any waves, but sure enough, the morning it went up, I got a call from my superiors of the hospital saying they definitely wanted to meet. So it had, it had something of its desired effect. Although, uh, I won’t recommend the approach to everybody because it, it, it did imperil my job.
Dan: Because that first meeting was not set up as a friendly chat. The message also said he could face public correction or worse, dot dot dot.
Luke Messac: So I wondered what that or worse could be.
Dan: You met with a top administrator who was like, you’re just wrong buddy, we don’t do that, that never happens, I would know.
Luke Messac: Yeah, they did tell me that they didn’t sue patients, that I was wrong. And to be honest, it raised a couple other questions in my mind, saying… Is this guy just lying to me or does he literally not know? And so when I was able to prove to the folks who I was meeting with that were indeed suing patients, in fact, some of these lawsuits were filed in the last few weeks, they quickly changed course, they severed their relationship with the debt collector who was filing the lawsuits on their behalf and dismissed the remainder of the cases. So that was a, that was a sanguine outcome from that one thing, but it did make me realize a few things. One was that, you know, I’d really only started to understand what on earth was going on and how so many patients were being sued and how it was being done in a way that, uh, most of us who were involved in delivering care and even a lot of the people who were involved in running the hospital didn’t seem to know that this was happening.
Dan: So Luke Messac, the doctor, now knew that hospitals, including his, were suing patients to collect debt. Luke Messac, the historian, wanted to figure out when this practice started and why. That’s after this…
This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That’s a nonprofit newsroom covering health care in America. Their work is terrific. Wins all kinds of awards every year. So proud to work with them.
Luke writes: “Medical debts have long spurred people to desperate acts: theft, suicide, plane hijacking,” And yes, the story of the hijacking is in the book. But, he also writes quote: “the modern era of pay-up-or-else health financing and aggressive debt collection began in earnest during the last two decades of the twentieth century, as threats to their own survival made hospitals less financially forgiving toward their patients.” Unquote. He writes about the eighties, how changes to Medicare and Medicaid left hospitals strapped for cash. And how they tried to make up the difference by charging higher prices to private insurers– which meant higher prices for the
uninsured too. And how in the nineties, private insurers started pushing back hard on how much they’d pay, and what they’d pay for. And that hit hospitals in the pocketbook hard.
Luke Messac: And really the question is when those cost pressures start, who’s going to make up the difference? And for a lot of places, it was patients. It was patients paying in the form of higher deductibles, higher copays, or for the uninsured, more aggressive debt collection measures. And so a lot of hospitals would leave debts on the books for years, even decades, until this time when they started saying, we’re done waiting for our money. Literally, we’re done waiting for our money was the line. And so they turned to third party debt collectors to whom they would either assign debts or sell debts, and those debt collectors really introduced a whole new series of tactics that involved the court system that involved, uh, wage garnishment and reporting debt to credit bureaus and placing liens on property and foreclosing on homes and sometimes even seeking the arrest of patients who didn’t show up to hearings. So this was a really brave new world of medical debt collection that we continue to live with today.
Dan: So here’s what I don’t really get, um, this comes up whenever you see stories about hospitals sue patients over debts. It’s like how little money this actually generates for hospitals. And this is evident from like your very, your accounts of the very first sales of debts that hospitals are selling you know, these very large collections of debts for tiny, tiny amounts and like, so, what’s the point?
Luke Messac: That is the persisting mystery of all of this. I think I have a few reasons why this might’ve happened. One is that it is a revenue garnering tactic, even as small as it is, it puts you a little more in the black or a little less in the red. And if you are a hospital financial administrator who’s charged with making sure that you remain as much in the black as possible or less in the red, then you’re going to take every tool in your toolkit until someone tells you not to. And without doctors and nurses and healthcare professionals really being involved in the process or aware that the process is going on, there’s really nothing to stop them. And the only people who you’re hearing from are debt collectors themselves. They are selling their wares at your door. They are at all your conferences. They are promising you that they will help your situation so
why not? I mean, your billing and collections office doesn’t want to deal with these bills. Folks who work in hospital billing offices, they’re used to dealing with insurers. They don’t mind that at all, right? This trench warfare trying to get insurers to pay up and dealing with all of their rigmarole in the reimbursement process is something in which they are well trained. But very few people want to deal with what are called self pay patients. They don’t want to be on the phone with poor folks trying to get them to pay up. And so you’re taking a headache off their hands by handing it to a third party debt collector who’s telling you that they’ll bet they’re better at it anyway. So I think a lot of
that has to do with kind of just the, the headache saved and the promised resources, however small they are from turning to this tactic. It just is too easy to do at this point.
Dan: Luke’s book profiles some of the early trailblazers in this headache saving business.
A guy named Michael Barrist founded NCO Financial Systems. A company that bought so much medical debt that they became known as the Walmart of debt collection.
A salesman for the company named Charles Piola was so good at selling the company’s services to doctors offices and hospitals that Inc magazine dubbed him the king of cold calls.
Luke writes that the company’s tactics included contacting patients up to 50 times in four or five months, and finding them at their workplaces. And these were not folks whose training started with a hippocratic oath: Do no harm. That was not their context.
Luke Messac: Their reference points are really other forms of consumer debt. When people don’t pay for their cars, their cars get impounded. When people don’t pay their credit card bills, they get double digit interest rates too. When people don’t pay for their homes, those homes get foreclosed. So when people don’t pay their medical bills, then use the tools at your disposal, including the legal system.
There was also some concern that if hospitals were too lenient on patients, that they might be running afoul of some Medicare rules about kickbacks. Um, and this is an interesting concern, one that I saw raised in some legal papers, but it’s one that, at least for the last 20 years, the Department of Health and Human Services has tried to allay. And some hospitals have forsworn the practice. There are hundreds of hospitals out there who just do not sue patients, will not sue patients, and will tell you straight out, we don’t do it, we won’t do it. And they’re not getting sued by the federal government for kickbacks, right? So it’s not necessary. You don’t have to do it. And yet hospitals still do.
Dan: Towards the end of the book, you talk about like, how do we reform this system and that this issue of these kind of aggressive debt collection practices kind of rouse the conscience of most everyone. When individual institutions get the spotlight shown on, they generally stop doing it. But it’s not enough. Like it still leaves people with so, so many people with so much debt, with so many bills they can’t pay.
Luke Messac: Yeah. I have a lot of sympathy for people who feel like this problem is just too big. Or that they have other things that they need to do. For patients, often the patients who face this problems, you know, they’re often dealing with their own illnesses and their own debts and their own problems and to ask them to solve the problem themselves doesn’t seem a reasonable solution. But then I also have sympathy for the people who work in hospitals, the doctors, the nurses, the respiratory technicians, the janitors, the administrators, even who feel like their work is harder than ever and that they have enough trouble trying to make sure their patients get decent care and that they’re able to keep their own heads above water while doing it and not burn out and ask them to really look upon a really ugly feature of the healthcare system. And not only imbibe it and make sense of it, but do something about it. That’s asking a lot. And I’m really cognizant of the fact that we’re already asking so much of healthcare workers around the country. But I do think it’s something we need to take on. The best efforts are really the collective ones. And so I would say any possibility of joining up with other like minded folks who are already doing this work is going to be so much more fun, so much more effective.
Dan: Find your people,
Luke Messac: Amen. And then look around and see what your own place is doing your own hospital system because I regret to inform you that some of them won’t be what you hoped, but they are susceptible to pressure. They are capable of shame. And so there is a lot you can do close to home to make sure that your own institution is doing right by patients. Find out if your institution is suing patients. Look up your own hospital’s financial assistance policy and see what sort of extraordinary collection actions they will take against patients. See how patients qualify for free and discounted care and ask yourself is that as much as the hospital system could be doing given their resources. So there’s a lot you could do. Some of it involves grand systemic change, and some of it involves just making sure that where you go to work every day, where you’re training, where you’re studying is a place that you can believe in.
Dan: Luke Messac’s book is “Your Money or Your Life: Debt Collection in American Medicine.” It is out NOW from Oxford University Press. And speaking of right now: NEWSMATCH– is in effect. This is where we raise the biggest piece of our budget for next year, with your help. And the NewsMatch program matches every dollar you give us. The place to go is arm and a leg show dot com, slash, support.
Next time on “An Arm and a Leg:” For a lot of us, November is open enrollment for next year’s health insurance.
Last year around this time, Ellen Hahn was absolutely scrambling — super creatively.
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Now, the movie’s out, We’ll hear all about it.
And: of course this year, she needs insurance all over again. Plus her union has
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——————————
By: Dan Weissmann
Title: An Arm and a Leg: ‘Your Money or Your Life’: This Doctor Wrote the Book on Medical Debt
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/your-money-or-your-life-this-doctor-wrote-the-book-on-medical-debt/
Published Date: Thu, 09 Nov 2023 10:00:00 +0000
Kaiser Health News
Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers
In a top-rated nursing home in Alexandria, Virginia, the Rev. Donald Goodness is cared for by nurses and aides from various parts of Africa. One of them, Jackline Conteh, a naturalized citizen and nurse assistant from Sierra Leone, bathes and helps dress him most days and vigilantly intercepts any meal headed his way that contains gluten, as Goodness has celiac disease.
“We are full of people who come from other countries,” Goodness, 92, said about Goodwin House Alexandria’s staff. Without them, the retired Episcopal priest said, “I would be, and my building would be, desolate.”
The long-term health care industry is facing a double whammy from President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigrants and the GOP’s proposals to reduce Medicaid spending. The industry is highly dependent on foreign workers: More than 800,000 immigrants and naturalized citizens comprise 28% of direct care employees at home care agencies, nursing homes, assisted living facilities, and other long-term care companies.
But in January, the Trump administration rescinded former President Joe Biden’s 2021 policy that protected health care facilities from Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids. The administration’s broad immigration crackdown threatens to drastically reduce the number of current and future workers for the industry. “People may be here on a green card, and they are afraid ICE is going to show up,” said Katie Smith Sloan, president of LeadingAge, an association of nonprofits that care for older adults.
Existing staffing shortages and quality-of-care problems would be compounded by other policies pushed by Trump and the Republican-led Congress, according to nursing home officials, resident advocates, and academic experts. Federal spending cuts under negotiation may strip nursing homes of some of their largest revenue sources by limiting ways states leverage Medicaid money and making it harder for new nursing home residents to retroactively qualify for Medicaid. Care for 6 in 10 residents is paid for by Medicaid, the state-federal health program for poor or disabled Americans.
“We are facing the collision of two policies here that could further erode staffing in nursing homes and present health outcome challenges,” said Eric Roberts, an associate professor of internal medicine at the University of Pennsylvania.
The industry hasn’t recovered from covid-19, which killed more than 200,000 long-term care facility residents and workers and led to massive staff attrition and turnover. Nursing homes have struggled to replace licensed nurses, who can find better-paying jobs at hospitals and doctors’ offices, as well as nursing assistants, who can earn more working at big-box stores or fast-food joints. Quality issues that preceded the pandemic have expanded: The percentage of nursing homes that federal health inspectors cited for putting residents in jeopardy of immediate harm or death has risen alarmingly from 17% in 2015 to 28% in 2024.
In addition to seeking to reduce Medicaid spending, congressional Republicans have proposed shelving the biggest nursing home reform in decades: a Biden-era rule mandating minimum staffing levels that would require most of the nation’s nearly 15,000 nursing homes to hire more workers.
The long-term care industry expects demand for direct care workers to burgeon with an influx of aging baby boomers needing professional care. The Census Bureau has projected the number of people 65 and older would grow from 63 million this year to 82 million in 2050.
In an email, Vianca Rodriguez Feliciano, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, said the agency “is committed to supporting a strong, stable long-term care workforce” and “continues to work with states and providers to ensure quality care for older adults and individuals with disabilities.” In a separate email, Tricia McLaughlin, a Department of Homeland Security spokesperson, said foreigners wanting to work as caregivers “need to do that by coming here the legal way” but did not address the effect on the long-term care workforce of deportations of classes of authorized immigrants.
Goodwin Living, a faith-based nonprofit, runs three retirement communities in northern Virginia for people who live independently, need a little assistance each day, have memory issues, or require the availability of around-the-clock nurses. It also operates a retirement community in Washington, D.C. Medicare rates Goodwin House Alexandria as one of the best-staffed nursing homes in the country. Forty percent of the organization’s 1,450 employees are foreign-born and are either seeking citizenship or are already naturalized, according to Lindsay Hutter, a Goodwin spokesperson.
“As an employer, we see they stay on with us, they have longer tenure, they are more committed to the organization,” said Rob Liebreich, Goodwin’s president and CEO.
Jackline Conteh spent much of her youth shuttling between Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Ghana to avoid wars and tribal conflicts. Her mother was killed by a stray bullet in her home country of Liberia, Conteh said. “She was sitting outside,” Conteh, 56, recalled in an interview.
Conteh was working as a nurse in a hospital in Sierra Leone in 2009 when she learned of a lottery for visas to come to the United States. She won, though she couldn’t afford to bring her husband and two children along at the time. After she got a nursing assistant certification, Goodwin hired her in 2012.
Conteh said taking care of elders is embedded in the culture of African families. When she was 9, she helped feed and dress her grandmother, a job that rotated among her and her sisters. She washed her father when he was dying of prostate cancer. Her husband joined her in the United States in 2017; she cares for him because he has heart failure.
“Nearly every one of us from Africa, we know how to care for older adults,” she said.
Her daughter is now in the United States, while her son is still in Africa. Conteh said she sends money to him, her mother-in-law, and one of her sisters.
In the nursing home where Goodness and 89 other residents live, Conteh helps with daily tasks like dressing and eating, checks residents’ skin for signs of swelling or sores, and tries to help them avoid falling or getting disoriented. Of 102 employees in the building, broken up into eight residential wings called “small houses” and a wing for memory care, at least 72 were born abroad, Hutter said.
Donald Goodness grew up in Rochester, New York, and spent 25 years as rector of The Church of the Ascension in New York City, retiring in 1997. He and his late wife moved to Alexandria to be closer to their daughter, and in 2011 they moved into independent living at the Goodwin House. In 2023 he moved into one of the skilled nursing small houses, where Conteh started caring for him.
“I have a bad leg and I can’t stand on it very much, or I’d fall over,” he said. “She’s in there at 7:30 in the morning, and she helps me bathe.” Goodness said Conteh is exacting about cleanliness and will tell the housekeepers if his room is not kept properly.
Conteh said Goodness was withdrawn when he first arrived. “He don’t want to come out, he want to eat in his room,” she said. “He don’t want to be with the other people in the dining room, so I start making friends with him.”
She showed him a photo of Sierra Leone on her phone and told him of the weather there. He told her about his work at the church and how his wife did laundry for the choir. The breakthrough, she said, came one day when he agreed to lunch with her in the dining room. Long out of his shell, Goodness now sits on the community’s resident council and enjoys distributing the mail to other residents on his floor.
“The people that work in my building become so important to us,” Goodness said.
While Trump’s 2024 election campaign focused on foreigners here without authorization, his administration has broadened to target those legally here, including refugees who fled countries beset by wars or natural disasters. This month, the Department of Homeland Security revoked the work permits for migrants and refugees from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela who arrived under a Biden-era program.
“I’ve just spent my morning firing good, honest people because the federal government told us that we had to,” Rachel Blumberg, president of the Toby & Leon Cooperman Sinai Residences of Boca Raton, a Florida retirement community, said in a video posted on LinkedIn. “I am so sick of people saying that we are deporting people because they are criminals. Let me tell you, they are not all criminals.”
At Goodwin House, Conteh is fearful for her fellow immigrants. Foreign workers at Goodwin rarely talk about their backgrounds. “They’re scared,” she said. “Nobody trusts anybody.” Her neighbors in her apartment complex fled the U.S. in December and returned to Sierra Leone after Trump won the election, leaving their children with relatives.
“If all these people leave the United States, they go back to Africa or to their various countries, what will become of our residents?” Conteh asked. “What will become of our old people that we’re taking care of?”
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.
This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
The post Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content primarily highlights concerns about the impact of restrictive immigration policies and Medicaid spending cuts proposed by the Trump administration and Republican lawmakers on the long-term care industry. It emphasizes the importance of immigrant workers in healthcare, the challenges that staffing shortages pose to patient care, and the potential negative effects of GOP policy proposals. The tone is critical of these policies while sympathetic toward immigrant workers and advocates for maintaining or increasing government support for healthcare funding. The framing aligns with a center-left perspective, focusing on social welfare, immigrant rights, and concern about the consequences of conservative economic and immigration policies without descending into partisan rhetoric.
Kaiser Health News
California’s Much-Touted IVF Law May Be Delayed Until 2026, Leaving Many in the Lurch
California lawmakers are poised to delay the state’s much-ballyhooed new law mandating in vitro fertilization insurance coverage for millions, set to take effect July 1. Gov. Gavin Newsom has asked lawmakers to push the implementation date to January 2026, leaving patients, insurers, and employers in limbo.
The law, SB 729, requires state-regulated health plans offered by large employers to cover infertility diagnosis and treatment, including IVF. Nine million people will qualify for coverage under the law. Advocates have praised the law as “a major win for Californians,” especially in making same-sex couples and aspiring single parents eligible, though cost concerns limited the mandate’s breadth.
People who had been planning fertility care based on the original timeline are now “left in a holding pattern facing more uncertainty, financial strain, and emotional distress,” Alise Powell, a director at Resolve: The National Infertility Association, said in a statement.
During IVF, a patient’s eggs are retrieved, combined with sperm in a lab, and then transferred to a person’s uterus. A single cycle can total around $25,000, out of reach for many. The California law requires insurers to cover up to three egg retrievals and an unlimited number of embryo transfers.
Not everyone’s coverage would be affected by the delay. Even if the law took effect July 1, it wouldn’t require IVF coverage to start until the month an employer’s contract renews with its insurer. Rachel Arrezola, a spokesperson for the California Department of Managed Health Care, said most of the employers subject to the law renew their contracts in January, so their employees would not be affected by a delay.
She declined to provide data on the percentage of eligible contracts that renew in July or later, which would mean those enrollees wouldn’t get IVF coverage until at least a full year from now, in July 2026 or later.
The proposed new implementation date comes amid heightened national attention on fertility coverage. California is now one of 15 states with an IVF mandate, and in February, President Donald Trump signed an executive order seeking policy recommendations to expand IVF access.
It’s the second time Newsom has asked lawmakers to delay the law. When the Democratic governor signed the bill in September, he asked the legislature to consider delaying implementation by six months. The reason, Newsom said then, was to allow time to reconcile differences between the bill and a broader effort by state regulators to include IVF and other fertility services as an essential health benefit, which would require the marketplace and other individual and small-group plans to provide the coverage.
Newsom spokesperson Elana Ross said the state needs more time to provide guidance to insurers on specific services not addressed in the law to ensure adequate and uniform coverage. Arrezola said embryo storage and donor eggs and sperm were examples of services requiring more guidance.
State Sen. Caroline Menjivar, a Democrat who authored the original IVF mandate, acknowledged a delay could frustrate people yearning to expand their families, but requested patience “a little longer so we can roll this out right.”
Sean Tipton, a lobbyist for the American Society for Reproductive Medicine, contended that the few remaining questions on the mandate did not warrant a long delay.
Lawmakers appear poised to advance the delay to a vote by both houses of the legislature, likely before the end of June. If a delay is approved and signed by the governor, the law would immediately be paused. If this does not happen before July 1, Arrezola said, the Department of Managed Health Care would enforce the mandate as it exists. All plans were required to submit compliance filings to the agency by March. Arrezola was unable to explain what would happen to IVF patients whose coverage had already begun if the delay passes after July 1.
The California Association of Health Plans, which opposed the mandate, declined to comment on where implementation efforts stand, although the group agrees that insurers need more guidance, spokesperson Mary Ellen Grant said.
Kaiser Permanente, the state’s largest insurer, has already sent employers information they can provide to their employees about the new benefit, company spokesperson Kathleen Chambers said. She added that eligible members whose plans renew on or after July 1 would have IVF coverage if implementation of the law is not delayed.
Employers and some fertility care providers appear to be grappling over the uncertainty of the law’s start date. Amy Donovan, a lawyer at insurance brokerage and consulting firm Keenan & Associates, said the firm has fielded many questions from employers about the possibility of delay. Reproductive Science Center and Shady Grove Fertility, major clinics serving different areas of California, posted on their websites that the IVF mandate had been delayed until January 2026, which is not yet the case. They did not respond to requests for comment.
Some infertility patients confused over whether and when they will be covered have run out of patience. Ana Rios and her wife, who live in the Central Valley, had been trying to have a baby for six years, dipping into savings for each failed treatment. Although she was “freaking thrilled” to learn about the new law last fall, Rios could not get clarity from her employer or health plan on whether she was eligible for the coverage and when it would go into effect, she said. The couple decided to go to Mexico to pursue cheaper treatment options.
“You think you finally have a helping hand,” Rios said of learning about the law and then, later, the requested delay. “You reach out, and they take it back.”
This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
USE OUR CONTENT
This story can be republished for free (details).
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.
This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
The post California’s Much-Touted IVF Law May Be Delayed Until 2026, Leaving Many in the Lurch appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content is presented in a factual, balanced manner typical of center-left public policy reporting. It focuses on a progressive healthcare issue (mandated IVF insurance coverage) favorably highlighting benefits for diverse family structures and individuals, including same-sex couples and single parents, which often aligns with center-left values. At the same time, it includes perspectives from government officials, industry representatives, opponents, and patients, offering a nuanced view without overt ideological framing or partisan rhetoric. The emphasis on healthcare access, social equity, and patient impact situates the coverage within a center-left orientation.
Kaiser Health News
Push To Move OB-GYN Exam Out of Texas Is Piece of AGs’ Broader Reproductive Rights Campaign
Democratic state attorneys general led by those from California, New York, and Massachusetts are pressuring medical professional groups to defend reproductive rights, including medication abortion, emergency abortions, and travel between states for health care in response to recent increases in the number of abortion bans.
The American Medical Association adopted a formal position June 9 recommending that medical certification exams be moved out of states with restrictive abortion policies or made virtual, after 20 attorneys general petitioned to protect physicians who fear legal repercussions because of their work. The petition focused on the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology’s certification exams in Dallas, and the subsequent AMA recommendation was hailed as a win for Democrats trying to regain ground after the fall of Roe v. Wade.
“It seems incremental, but there are so many things that go into expanding and maintaining access to care,” said Arneta Rogers, executive director of the Center on Reproductive Rights and Justice at the University of California-Berkeley’s law school. “We see AGs banding together, governors banding together, as advocates work on the ground. That feels somewhat more hopeful — that people are thinking about a coordinated strategy.”
Since the Supreme Court eliminated the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, 16 states, including Texas, have implemented laws banning abortion almost entirely, and many of them impose criminal penalties on providers as well as options to sue doctors. More than 25 states restrict access to gender-affirming care for trans people, and six of them make it a felony to provide such care to youth.
That’s raised concern among some physicians who fear being charged if they go to those states, even if their home state offers protection to provide reproductive and gender-affirming health care.
Pointing to the recent fining and indictment of a physician in New York who allegedly provided abortion pills to a woman in Texas and a teen in Louisiana, a coalition of physicians wrote in a letter to the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology that “the limits of shield laws are tenuous” and that “Texas laws can affect physicians practicing outside of the state as well.”
The campaign was launched by several Democratic attorneys general, including Rob Bonta of California, Andrea Joy Campbell of Massachusetts, and Letitia James of New York, who each have established a reproductive rights unit as a bulwark for their state following the Dobbs decision.
“Reproductive health care and gender-affirming care providers should not have to risk their safety or freedom just to advance in their medical careers,” James said in a statement. “Forcing providers to travel to states that have declared war on reproductive freedom and LGBTQ+ rights is as unnecessary as it is dangerous.”
In their petition, the attorneys general included a letter from Joseph Ottolenghi, medical director at Choices Women’s Medical Center in New York City, who was denied his request to take the test remotely or outside of Texas. To be certified by the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology, physicians need to take the in-person exam at its testing facility in Dallas. The board completed construction of its new testing facility last year.
“As a New York practitioner, I have made every effort not to violate any other state’s laws, but the outer contours of these draconian laws have not been tested or clarified by the courts,” Ottolenghi wrote.
Rachel Rebouché, the dean of Temple University’s law school and a reproductive law scholar, said “putting the heft” of the attorneys general behind this effort helps build awareness and a “public reckoning” on behalf of providers. Separately, some doctors have urged medical conferences to boycott states with abortion bans.
Anti-abortion groups, however, see the campaign as forcing providers to conform to abortion-rights views. Donna Harrison, an OB-GYN and the director of research at the American Association of Pro-Life Obstetricians and Gynecologists, described the petition as an “attack not only on pro-life states but also on life-affirming medical professionals.”
Harrison said the “OB-GYN community consists of physicians with values that are as diverse as our nation’s state abortion laws,” and that this diversity “fosters a medical environment of debate and rigorous thought leading to advancements that ultimately serve our patients.”
The AMA’s new policy urges specialty medical boards to host exams in states without restrictive abortion laws, offer the tests remotely, or provide exemptions for physicians. However, the decision to implement any changes to the administration of these exams is up to those boards. There is no deadline for a decision to be made.
The OB-GYN board did not respond to requests for comment, but after the public petition from the attorneys general criticizing it for refusing exam accommodations, the board said that in-person exams conducted at its national center in Dallas “provide the most equitable, fair, secure, and standardized assessment.”
The OB-GYN board emphasized that Texas’ laws apply to doctors licensed in Texas and to medical care within Texas, specifically. And it noted that its exam dates are kept under wraps, and that there have been “no incidents of harm to candidates or examiners across thousands of in-person examinations.”
Democratic state prosecutors, however, warned in their petition that the “web of confusing and punitive state-based restrictions creates a legal minefield for medical providers.” Texas is among the states that have banned doctors from providing gender-affirming care to transgender youth, and it has reportedly made efforts to get records from medical facilities and professionals in other states who may have provided that type of care to Texans.
The Texas attorney general’s office did not respond to requests for comment.
States such as California and New York have laws to block doctors from being extradited under other states’ laws and to prevent sharing evidence against them. But instances that require leveraging these laws could still mean lengthy legal proceedings.
“We live in a moment where we’ve seen actions by executive bodies that don’t necessarily square with what we thought the rules provided,” Rebouché said.
This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
USE OUR CONTENT
This story can be republished for free (details).
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.
Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.
This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
The post Push To Move OB-GYN Exam Out of Texas Is Piece of AGs’ Broader Reproductive Rights Campaign appeared first on kffhealthnews.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article presents a viewpoint largely aligned with progressive and Democratic positions on reproductive rights and gender-affirming care. It highlights efforts led by Democratic attorneys general and the American Medical Association to protect abortion access and transgender healthcare amid restrictive state laws, portraying these actions positively. While it includes perspectives from anti-abortion advocates, their views are presented briefly and framed as opposition to the broader pro-choice initiatives. The overall tone and framing emphasize support for reproductive freedom and healthcare protections, reflecting a center-left leaning stance typical of mainstream health policy reporting sympathetic to Democratic policy goals.
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