Mississippi Today
AG Fitch seeks another death row execution date
Attorney General Lynn Fitch is asking the Supreme Court to set an execution date for Charles Ray Crawford, who has been on death row for over 30 years.
“Crawford’s death sentence is final and he has exhausted all state and federal remedies,” the attorney general’s office wrote in its Nov. 22 filing.
Fitch’s office requests the execution date to be set within the next 30 days, which could fall sometime around Christmas. But that 30 days can be extended if other court motions are filed or if other action is taken.
Since last year, Fitch’s office has also asked for execution dates to be set for three other death row inmates: Willie Jerome Manning, Robert Simon Jr. and Richard Jordan.
Crawford’s attorneys are asking for the court to hold off because he has not yet exhausted his remedies in federal court. They cited a divided decision that the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals issued last week denying him habeas relief challenging a previous rape conviction that is not tied to his death sentence.
The appeal court’s decision came the same day the attorney general’s office asked for an execution to be set.
For his death sentence, Craword, now 58, was convicted of the rape and murder of North Mississippi Community College student Kristy Ray in 1993.
Four days before a separate trial on aggravated assault and rape charges, Crawford kidnapped 20-year-old Ray from her parents’ home in Tippah County. He left ransom notes for her family and took her to an abandoned barn and stabbed her. Crawford’s DNA was also found on Ray, indicating he sexually assaulted her, according to court records.
Crawford, also a student at North Mississippi Community College, told investigators he was going hunting and had a knife and firearm. He said he was worried about “an upcoming event” and had been stockpiling food in the barn where he killed Ray, according to court records.
Crawford said he had blackouts, remembering only being inside the Ray home, hearing someone crying, finding Ray handcuffed and then putting her in a car and driving away. After another blackout, Crawford woke up in the woods with Ray dead and her hands handcuffed behind her back.
He admitted “he must have killed her, but did not remember doing so,” according to court records. Crawford also led police to Ray’s body in the woods.
At his 1994 trial, Crawford presented an insanity defense, with a prison psychiatrist who treated him testifying that he suffered from depression and periods of time lapse without memory. The psychiatrist also testified about Crawford’s past medication treatment, previous psychiatric hospitalization and bipolar disorder diagnosis in 1989.
A clinical psychologist who provided rebuttal testimony didn’t see evidence of Crawford suffering from bipolar illness, and said he showed premeditation and was able to distinguish right from wrong. Another rebuttal witness, a forensic psychiatrist, said Crawford was improperly diagnosed with having psychogenic amnesia.
Crawford was convicted in Lafayette County as a habitual offender for burglary, rape, sexual battery and capital murder.
The Mississippi Supreme Court denied his appeal, and several times the U.S. Supreme Court denied him a petition for writ of certiorari.
Crawford has also pursued post-conviction relief. In 2017, the court denied a motion for an execution to be set because he was still challenging his rape and aggravated assault conviction and sentence.
In those cases, he was convicted for raping a 17-year-old and hitting her friend over the head with a hammer, according to court records. Similarly, he claimed insanity and said he didn’t remember because of blackouts.
The Nov. 22 5th Circuit Court dissent said the trial court repeatedly declined to provide Crawford with a psychiatrist or mental health professional, other than a state expert, to evaluate him and help with his defense, a violation of his rights. The justices also said his appellate counsel was ineffective.
The dissent mentions how Crawford was eventually evaluated by qualified mental experts and diagnosed with severe brain injury and partial epilepsy, which explains his spells and periods of blackouts, and how on the day of the 17-year-old’s rape he was in a state of repetitive seizures.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Sending taxpayer money to private schools advances in Mississippi House
A House committee advanced a bill Tuesday that would send taxpayer money from public to private schools,
The move keeps alive a yearslong push from private school advocates and prompted concern among Democrats that the legislation could undermine public schools serving some of the state’s neediest students.
House Education Chairman Rob Roberson’s bill passed after an hour of debate. Roberson advanced the bill by voice vote and denied Democrats’ request for a roll call where each member’s vote could be recorded. Roberson acknowledged the bill faces a tough road ahead in the Legislature before it would have a chance of becoming law. But he said lawmakers needed to discuss solutions for students in disadvantaged areas who aren’t getting a quality education.
“The purpose of this is for us to continue having a conversation about how we help the poorest of the poor (students),” Roberon said. “I do realize that you all are getting a lot of pressure to push back on this, but we’ve got to keep talking about these things. Even if it makes you uncomfortable, even if you’re getting a million phone calls, these kids deserve to have us talking about this.”
Roberson’s bill would allow students who have been enrolled in a district rated D or F within the past five years to use the state portion of their base student cost — money that would normally go to their local public school — and use it to pay for private school tuition.
Students could only use the money at a private school if there is not an A- or B-rated district willing to accept them within 30 miles of their home. The legislation does not cover transportation costs for students, an omission that Democrats on the committee said would exacerbate the economic strain on poor families.
The money from each child’s base student cost would be placed in an education savings account, a provision designed to protect the legislation from a legal challenge.
The constitutionality of education savings accounts in Mississippi remains a subject of debate. Skeptics say ESAs are unconstitutional because they allow public money to be used to support private schools. Supporters say the accounts do not directly fund private schools, but instead allow families to make their own decisions about where to educate their children.
The legislation creates an initial appropriation of $5 million in public money. The Legislature would then need to appropriate funds for the program based on the state Department of Education’s estimation of students attending private schools that are currently receiving public money and the projected number of eligible students who opt to attend a private school.
Students in families that make less than 138% of the federal poverty level would have first access to the money. After that, funds would be disbursed on a first-come, first-served basis.
Students would need to obtain approval from the receiving district in order to transfer to another public school. The district could decline to accept the student if school officials say they don’t have enough room.
Proponents of such “school choice” measures argue that parents should have greater autonomy to customize their children’s education and that students shouldn’t be trapped in low-performing schools. Opponents argue these measures starve already under-resourced public schools of funds they would otherwise receive.
Rep. Cheikh Taylor, D-Starkville, said the bill and similar measures sending taxpayer funds to private schools would widen the “separation of school systems” between rich and poor areas. He also said the bill would be struck down by either a state or federal court if it became law.
“There will be an educational gap that will be furthered by this bill and the constitutionality has not been vetted,” Taylor said. “The intent has always been to divert money to charter schools and private schools. For years we’ve pushed back against it. Now we’re seeing again that this ugly head of the separation of education, those who are afforded more access and those who are not.”
Roberson said that divide already exists in Mississippi and that wealthy families find ways to send their children to the schools of their choosing, either public or private.
“Frankly it comes down to, the rich people can take kids can take their kids and go anywhere they want to. The poor kids, whether transportation is attached or not, end up going to what’s left over,” Roberson said. “If you’re a wealthy person, you have school choice.”
The school choice debate has been intertwined with debates over race and class in education. Those against school choice say the policies could effectively re-segregate schools. School choice supporters say some high-performing school districts fight school choice measures to avoid accepting students from poor and minority backgrounds.
Roberson said he did not believe the Legislature was ready to support “full-blown school choice.” Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and senators with sway over education policy have not said they support sending public money to private schools. Senate Education Chairman Dennis DeBar, R-Leakesville, said this week that he is skeptical that even a measure to ease transfers between public schools could pass.
The bill has already drawn fierce opposition from public education groups, who said the measure could lay the groundwork for an unconstitutional voucher program impacting all public schools in the state
“Just because it is being passed through the parents’ hands before it goes to the private school, doesn’t make the action any less unconstitutional, in our opinion,” said Erica Jones, Executive Director of the Mississippi Association of Educators.
The proposal now awaits a vote on the House floor.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Mississippi midwives push for licensure: ‘If we don’t do something now, it’s going to get done for us’
A group of Mississippi midwives is again advocating for regulations around their profession – a move they say will actually make it easier for midwives to practice in the state in the long run.
Under proposed legislation, midwives who want to practice in Mississippi would need to attain licensure from a board, and in turn would gain multiple privileges. As it stands, Mississippi is one of 13 states that has no regulations around professional midwifery – a freedom that hasn’t benefited midwives or mothers, advocates say.
“Tattoo artists have to apply for a license within our state, but yet someone who’s actually delivering a life and taking care of a mom, prenatal and postnatal – there’s no oversight,” said Rep. Dana McLean, R-Columbus, author of the bill. McLean has proposed similar legislation over the past few years.
This is the first year the legislation made it to a full floor vote. The bill specifically addresses professional midwifery – not nurse midwifery, which requires more extensive medical training.
House Medicaid Chair Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, proposed an amendment that would make it unlawful for licensed midwives to do homebirths for breech babies, but withdrew her amendment after other committee members voiced opposition to it. McLean said part of the purpose of the bill is to give women the opportunity to choose to give birth how they feel safest, and it would be the board’s responsibility to determine scope of practice.
Proponents of House Bill 927 say it builds value around midwives, protects mothers and babies, and strengthens the respect and collaboration between midwives and physicians.
“Consumers should be able to birth wherever they want and with whom they want – but they should know who is a midwife and who isn’t,” explained Tanya Smith-Johnson, president of the National College of Midwifery. “… Right now the way the law is, technically my husband could say ‘I’m a midwife,’ and there’s no one to say that you’re not.”
The lack of licensure, despite seeming inclusive, has rendered midwifery services inaccessible to poor women – and has also run some midwives out of business, Smith-Johnson explained.
Without licensure, insurance companies won’t cover midwifery services. Mississippi mothers have to pay out of pocket for the services and midwives end up undervaluing themselves to stay competitive in a market that doesn’t recognize them as licensed professionals.
“It’s hard for a midwife to be sustainable here,” Smith-Johnson said. “ … What is the standard of how much midwifery can cost if anyone and everyone can say they’re a midwife?”
The absence of licensure has also meant that midwives don’t get access to things like labor medication that those certified in states with licensure can access.
“It means that you’re kind of working just rogue … not being able to fully take care of a client, where you can order labs, carry oxygen, have medications a midwife would use for someone who is in labor – all of those things,” she said.
Smith-Johnson is part of Better Birth, a group that has been pushing for this legislation for five years. The group formed in response to an infant death that involved a midwife making questionable choices. The mother involved didn’t want to press charges – she just wanted reform.
“We formed because the mom had two options,” explained Erin Raftery, president of Better Birth. “She could either sue the midwife … but if she did that then it’s almost a guarantee that the profession would either be heavily restricted or outlawed, which is not what that mama wanted … So the other option her attorney gave her was to push for licensure.”
Anyone who practiced midwifery without a license under the bill would be fined $1,000.
In a state riddled with maternity care deserts, the last thing mothers want to see is birth workers leaving the state. But with no clear pathway to becoming a professional midwife, some birth workers are doing just that.
When Amanda Smith, originally from Jackson, was looking for a midwife to attend the births of her last three children, she and her husband couldn’t find a midwife with whom they felt comfortable working. Smith later discovered her calling for birth work while she was supporting her sister through labor, and she ended up getting her professional midwifery license in Colorado.
She returned to Mississippi in 2022 to serve her home state and now practices in Hattiesburg. However, she imagines there are midwives like her who leave the state and don’t come back – in no small part because of the liability risk that lack of licensure poses. While Smith has a Colorado midwifery license, she can’t become licensed in Mississippi because it doesn’t exist.
“It was one thing that really worried me about moving back,” Smith said. “I hired a lawyer to do a consultation and help me look over my paperwork and talk me through any scenario where I could potentially go to jail for being a midwife in Mississippi … I really look at this (bill) as a protection for midwives.”
If the bill becomes law, the board – comprised of nine members, including six midwives and the state health officer – will get to choose the kind of training midwives must undergo in order to attain a license.
In Texas, licensed midwives must complete a minimum of 1,350 hours of supervised clinical experience and pass an examination with NARM, the North American Registry of Midwives.
The bill seems to have more traction this year than it has in years past. Midwives say that in part, that’s due to a growing realization that they have the opportunity to regulate their profession as they see fit – before one too many risky situations causes physicians to impose regulations that don’t have midwives’ best interests in mind.
“I think there’s just been more iffy situations happening in the state, and it’s caused the midwives to realize that if we don’t do something now, it’s going to get done for us,” said Raftery.
The bill now advances to a full floor vote in the House.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Stories
Mississippi Stories: James Storey
Mississippi Stories: James Storey
People still remember where they were on that hot, muggy Mississippi afternoon when Ole Miss fullback James Storey caught two touchdown passes to defeat Notre Dame 20-13 at Mississippi Veterans Memorial Stadium. Nearly 50 years later, people also remember all the ways that Coach Storey has changed their lives for the better. Moving back to his hometown of Ripley, Storey left the gridiron for the classroom. Dedicating his life to a mindset of humility, generosity, and selflessness that involves serving others without expecting anything in return, he truly has a servant’s heart. I traveled to north Mississippi to meet up with him to discuss his football days and his long career as an educator, principal and coach. He also shared his passion of helping the Boys & Girls Club of North Mississippi as well. Storey is a hero on and off the gridiron. And while the 1977 Notre Dame team may not agree, he’s also a heck of a nice guy.
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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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