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A president from Georgia, a journalist from Mississippi, and an iconic photo

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mississippitoday.org – Adam Ganucheau – 2024-12-30 15:01:00

Among the many breathtaking mementos on display at Curtis Wilkie’s home in Oxford is a photograph that students of American history and political journalism know well.

The vertical black-and-white image, captured by Associated Press photographer Peter Bregg, shows former President Jimmy Carter, arms extended in the air with his eyes closed and face clinched, colliding with another man while catching a softball.

The other man in the photo is Mississippi’s most accomplished journalist.

The caption of the photo, which ran on front pages across America the next day, reads: “Democratic presidential nominee Jimmy Carter collides with Boston Globe reporter Curtis Wilkie during a softball game in Plains, Georgia, July 23, 1976. Carter made the catch and neither he nor Wilkie was injured in the friendly game between the press and the campaign staff.”

Democratic presidential nominee Jimmy Carter collides with Boston Globe reporter Curtis Wilkie during a softball game in Plains, Georgia, July 23, 1976. Carter made the catch and neither he nor Wilkie was injured in the friendly game between the press and the campaign staff. (AP Photo/Peter Bregg)

Carter, who passed away at age 100 on Sunday, is being eulogized around the world with heart-warming anecdotes that illustrate the former president’s personality and character. This story is worth adding to that collection, but first, a little context is necessary.

Wilkie, who covered eight presidential campaigns during his years as a journalist for The Boston Globe and other papers, was not exactly Carter’s favorite newsman.

Their relationship turned tempestuous early in the 1976 primary. Carter had not been considered among the formidable candidates to win the Democratic nomination let alone the presidency, but some early success in Iowa had pundits beginning to take notice. 

Wilkie, a cub reporter at The Boston Globe assigned to cover the peanut farmer from Georgia, flew south in January 1976 ahead of the New Hampshire primary to assess what Peach State politicians thought of him.

“I talked to people like Julian Bond, John Lewis and other civil rights people, but also to these old rednecks in the Georgia legislature,” Wilkie said. “No one on either side had much respect for him. He’d been stubborn and difficult to work with. Even Julian was critical of him. Really just no one in Georgia was very enthusiastic about his candidacy.

“So I put together a story that basically argued that while he was gaining some ground nationally and he had done well in Iowa, he was not universally loved in Georgia. The Globe ran the story on a Sunday, eight columns across the top of page 1. The headline was, ‘Strong at Home, Weak on the Road.’”

Carter, who was working hard at the time to capitalize on the Iowa coverage and grow his political brand in early primary states, seethed over the article.

“The night my story ran, I met Carter’s campaign at the airport in Manchester,” Wilkie recalled. “My friend Jim Wooten of The New York Times came up to me and said, ‘You better watch out, he is on a war path.’ A couple minutes later, sure enough, Carter saw me and got in my face there in the airport lobby. He had perfected this fierce glare with his piercing blue eyes, and he said very sarcastically, ‘Hello, my friend. I’m so glad to see you, my friend. I see you’ve been down in Georgia talking to some of my friends down there. Let me tell you about some of those friends. They’re all a bunch of corrupt legislators who’ve had their heads in the trough of government.’ He just gave me a blistering rebuke and suggested I’d only sought out his enemies for the article. That obviously wasn’t what I did, but it was the first time we ever crossed swords.”

Throughout the 1976 campaign, Carter and Wilkie had numerous other spats.

“It wasn’t like I disliked him or anything. I think it was just typical of conflict that reporters have with the people they cover,” Wilkie said. “He thought that I was a real smart ass, and I have to admit I deliberately gave him a hard time. I didn’t ask a lot of questions, but when I did, they would sometimes be fairly barbed. I was probably the least favorite reporter covering that campaign. We just had a kind of rivalry.”

Curtis Wilkie works in his office at University of Mississippi in late 2020. (Photo by Billy Schuerman/The Daily Mississippian.) Credit: Billy Schuerman/The Daily Mississippian

No moment more appropriately encapsulated that rivalry than the events of election night in November 1976. After hours of watching the returns roll in, Carter had officially won enough states to defeat then-President Gerald Ford. The first state that was called for Carter early in the evening was Massachusetts, home to Wilkie’s employer The Boston Globe. The final state that secured the electoral college victory at 3 a.m. was Mississippi, Wilkie’s home state.

The Carter campaign’s election watch party that night was held in downtown Atlanta, and when the race was called, the campaign rushed to get the president-elect and his motorcade to the airport for an early-morning live interview for The Today Show from Carter’s rural hometown of Plains, Georgia.

We’ll let Wilkie take it from here.

“We didn’t know it, but the press bus got lost from the caravan to get out to the airport from the watch party, so we got there about 15 minutes late,” Wilkie said. “We didn’t know this at the time, but Carter was furious because he was in a hurry to get home to go on the air with The Today Show. He was going to leave the whole press corps in Atlanta, but someone stalled him. I get on the plane while it’s being loaded, and Carter came stomping down the aisle to expedite things. Again, not knowing about the delay or how angry he was, I thought it was a good time to congratulate him.

“I thought I had a cute way to do it. I said, ‘Governor, congratulations. I didn’t have to do much to deliver Massachusetts, but I had to work like hell to get Mississippi.’ He stopped and gave me that piercing glare again, and he was mad. He said to me, ‘If it weren’t for people like you, this election would’ve been over at 9 o’clock last night.’ He turned his back and marched back up to his seat in first class. As he walked away, I said to the rest of my press colleagues gathered there, ‘There goes the biggest asshole I’ve ever known.’ My quote wound up in Rolling Stone the next day, which certainly didn’t do much to endear me to him.”

Back to the iconic softball photo. During the summer of 1976, shortly after Carter won the Democratic nomination, the traveling press corps spent a good bit of time in Plains. Out of boredom, Wilkie said, the reporters began playing pickup softball games at the high school field.

One day, Carter, a noted fan of the Atlanta Braves and of baseball in general, decided to join the reporters on the field for the first time.

“I was a captain for one team, and Rick Kaplan, who was at CBS at the time and later became head of CNN, was choosing for the other team,” Wilkie recalled. “We deliberately didn’t pick Carter until very last — we even chose some women who weren’t even trying to play before we chose him, which I’m sure he loved. So it ends up that he’s on my team. I said, ‘Governor, I suppose you’d like to pitch.’ He of course did want to pitch, so I ran over to play third base.

“The very first pitch of the game, the batter hit a pop fly right to me at third base,” Wilkie continued. “So I’m standing my ground at third waiting to catch this fly ball, and I hear some big feet tromping toward me. Carter had quite large feet, and I could hear them pounding the red clay and getting closer. I knew he was coming, and sure enough, we collided. He snatched the ball away from me right as it was coming down into my glove. I had my arms up, and my elbow jabbed right into his Adam’s apple.

“I said immediately to Carter, ‘Jesus, governor, now I know how Scoop Jackson (U.S. senator from Washington) felt during the primaries.’ He said without hesitating, ‘Ah, it’s just another run-in with The Boston Globe.’ I always thought that was such a great quip.”

After Carter won the presidency, the Globe sent Wilkie to Washington to cover the Carter White House. “Unsurprisingly, I don’t think I got a single one-on-one interview with him that entire term,” Wilkie said with a laugh. “I had a lot less time with him during his years as president than I had when he was still a little-known candidate from Georgia.”

In the years after Carter left the White House, Wilkie would occasionally get dispatched by his Boston Globe editors to write about the former president’s new books or other key developments at the Carter Center in Atlanta. It was those subsequent visits down south, Wilkie said, that he and Carter developed a friendly relationship.

“There were lots of things I respected and admired about him, other things I didn’t,” Wilkie said. “I appreciated the fact that he was a Southerner and kind of brought us out of the dark years of George Wallace. I admired how genuine his faith was to him, and he did a lot of good works. He was gracious to me in those later years, and I think he became a much better person after he left the White House. He was genuine and kind, and he treated me well. We connected over the loss of his brother Billy, who was a good friend of mine.

“When I’d cover the release of his books, I’d always get him to sign them,” Wilkie said. “Even after all those years of rivalry and contention, he would always sign those books to me with, ‘Your friend, Jimmy Carter.’”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1903

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mississippitoday.org – Debbie Skipper – 2025-01-02 07:00:00

Jan. 2, 1903 

Minnie Cox, circa 1890. Credit: A circa 1900 photograph of Minnie Cox (Courtesy: Wikipedia)

President Theodore Roosevelt shut down the post office in Indianola, Mississippi, to take a stand against terror. 

In 1891, then-President Benjamin Harrison had appointed educator Minnie Cox, a Mississippi property owner active in the Republican Party, as one of a handful of Black female postmasters. She served her community so well that she installed a telephone at her own expense so that customers could call to see if they had mail. 

But then Reconstruction ended, accompanied by a continuing rise in white supremacy and violence. 

In 1902, James K. Vardaman, who spewed racist rhetoric while successfully running for governor, insulted both Cox and white citizens for “tolerating” her. He used Cox’s position as proof Black Americans had too much power, demanding that Roosevelt remove her, but the President refused. 

When she tried to quit, he refused her resignation and rerouted the mail to nearby Greenville. Days later, she and her family fled from the mob violence, which had already stolen the lives of two Black postmasters in South Carolina and Georgia. 

Cox’s saga became a national story on race, and Roosevelt shut down the post office until local citizens would accept Cox as postmaster. That never happened, and when her term expired, Roosevelt appointed her friend, William Martin, in her place in 1904. 

Cox and her husband, Wayne, the city’s first Black alderman, finally returned and founded the Delta Penny Savings Bank, the largest Black-owned bank in Mississippi. During those days, the bank sold hundreds of homes to Black citizens, and some of the same white citizens who called for Cox’s resignation now put money in her bank. 

Her story echoed the difficulties of many Black Americans, wrestling “with racism and the erosion of democratic rights at every level of government” that led to boycotts and “Buy Black” movements. 

She died in 1933, and the Indianola Post Office now bears her name. Mississippi author Steve Yarbrough fictionalized her life in his 2001 novel Visible Spirits.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Medicaid expansion: What are its chances in 2025?

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mississippitoday.org – Sophia Paffenroth – 2025-01-02 06:00:00

Arguably the biggest issue of the 2024 legislative session, Medicaid expansion is likely to come up again next year. But did the historic 2024 session create the momentum needed for it to cross the finish line in 2025, or was it merely a one-off?

The two most influential lawmakers for this issue in the Senate, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, who oversees the Senate, and Senate Medicaid Chair Kevin Blackwell, both told Mississippi Today they would not consider an expansion plan that didn’t include a work requirement. 

Hosemann, who said he was disappointed with the way expansion died last year, confirmed in an emailed statement that he would push for an expansion bill next session as long as it had a work requirement in it. Blackwell declined to comment whether he would push the issue next year.

A work requirement is more likely to be approved by the federal government this year than last, since President-elect Donald Trump will be in office and approved work requirements in his last term. 

Still, the Trump administration only ever approved work requirements in states that had expansion – as a means of limiting it – and never in states seeking to expand Medicaid for the first time. That means the Senate is banking on the president making an unprecedented move for Mississippi. 

Including a work requirement is a political tactic meant to make expansion more palatable to a Republican majority Legislature led by a governor who has been vehemently opposed to expansion for years, derisively calling it “Obamacare” and “welfare” on social media. 

The bureaucracy of requiring monthly or semi-annual proof of employment ends up being another stressor on low-income people already facing a slew of socioeconomic barriers – as well as a stressor on the state Medicaid system, some experts say. 

Currently, Georgia is the only expanded state with a work requirement, and it remains in litigation with the federal government over the issue. The plan has only covered 4,300 people – despite lawmakers predicting 345,000 people would be eligible – and cost taxpayers $26 million as of last March. More than 90% of that went toward administrative costs. 

“Georgia’s plan has proven to be very profitable for large companies like Deloitte (the primary consultant for Georgia’s project) but has provided health care to almost no one who needs it,” said Joan Alker, Medicaid expert and executive director of Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families. “It’s been a terrible waste of taxpayer dollars so far.”

Meanwhile, Hosemann and Blackwell’s counterparts in the House chose not to speak to Mississippi Today on the details of the issue ahead of the session, despite being the main drivers of last year’s expansion bill – the first expansion bill authored by Republicans in the history of the Mississippi Legislature, and which garnered more support than any other expansion bill in the last decade. 

Speaker of the House Jason White did not respond to Mississippi Today’s questions about his plans for the session.

White told business leaders at the Mississippi Economic Council’s annual Hobnob event that he would make Medicaid expansion a 2025 legislative priority.

“We trust our elected officials and state agencies to use federal dollars responsibly to invest in critical infrastructure, promote education and workforce training and maintain a balanced regulatory framework that all promote economic development,” White said. “Let’s give our hospitals and health care experts the same opportunity, so that hardworking, low-income Mississippians will benefit.”

House Medicaid Chairwoman Missy McGee told Mississippi Today that it will be a priority for the House Medicaid Committee.

The 2024 House expansion bill included a provision that if federal authorities did not approve the waiver necessary to allow a Mississippi work requirement by a certain deadline, Medicaid would still be fully expanded to people up to 138% of the federal poverty level – about $20,000 for an individual or $43,000 for a family of four. Ultimately, the Senate scratched that provision in conference, and also lowered the income threshold to 99% of the federal poverty level – about $15,000 for an individual or $31,000 for a family of four. The Senate’s plan isn’t considered traditional expansion and wouldn’t qualify for the increased federal match that makes expansion a prudent economic policy for states. 

Since the Affordable Care Act made it possible in 2014, states have had the option to expand Medicaid to cover the working poor. Mississippi is one of only 10 states not to do so. 

Tens of thousands of working Mississippians go without health coverage each year, making too little to afford the high deductibles on the cheapest marketplace insurance plan but too much to qualify for Medicaid under the current stipulations. 

Medicaid eligibility varies from state to state, and Mississippi has one of the strictest income requirements in the nation. Childless adults don’t qualify, and parents must make less than 28% of the federal poverty level, a mere $7,000 annually for a family of three, to qualify. More times than not, that means that working a full-time job counts against an individual – despite anti-expansion critics arguing that Medicaid should only apply to those who work.

Expanding Medicaid would cover adults – including those without children – who make up to 138% of the federal poverty level.

But it would also alleviate an enormous burden that Mississippi hospitals currently shoulder: uncompensated care costs. 

Without health insurance, many Mississippians are forced to let their health conditions deteriorate. That, in conjunction with the fact that the emergency room is the only place health care providers can’t turn patients away for not having money, means that some Mississippians use the emergency room as their only source of primary care. 

The emergency room is also the most expensive place to receive care. When patients can’t pay, hospitals pick up the slack covering their care, and the practice – called uncompensated care – costs hospitals millions. 

That’s why Mississippi Hospital Association’s CEO, Richard Roberson, is again asking the Legislature to consider expansion. 

“The upside for hospitals could be several hundred million dollars,” he said. “Right now, the hospitals continue to see the patients that don’t have any form of insurance, which is financially harmful for hospitals because they’re having to provide that care for which they’re not being paid. But probably the bigger and most important part of that is you’re having people that are showing up in the hospitals for what really amounts to primary care services – and that’s not what hospitals are for.”

Without expansion, he said, it’s “very possible” more rural hospitals will be forced to shut down in the coming years.

Right now, they’re being kept afloat by enhanced Medicaid payments Gov. Tate Reeves passed in the eleventh-hour of his heated 2023 reelection campaign. But Roberson said there’s no guarantee those payments will continue, which makes it hard for hospitals to plan services and staff. 

“We don’t want to rely on a program that’s a one-year program, because that enhanced payment, we’ve got to ask for it every single year,” he said. “And so, as hospitals try to plan for the services they’re going to provide, or as they’re trying to recruit physicians and other staff members, you know you’ve got this for one year … but there are no guarantees.”

Roberson says he’s hopeful going into 2025, given how far expansion got last session. 

“I’m more hopeful than I have been, because we now know what a starting place is – for both the Senate and the House. We now know from that conference report what a meeting of the minds was seven months ago. So, that makes me hopeful that whatever concerns still remain, it’s a shorter path to get to those. We’re not starting from scratch.”

But because many Republicans still oppose expansion, any expansion bill in 2025 will likely need the help of the minority party to achieve a veto-proof majority. Last year, Democrats came under fire for blocking a Medicaid expansion compromise in the final days of the session – despite pushing expansion bills for years to no avail – because they felt that the compromise Republican leaders reached wasn’t expansion at all. 

Getting both chambers and both parties to agree could prove difficult again this year. 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi teen among those killed in suspected terrorist attack in New Orleans

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mississippitoday.org – Associated Press – 2025-01-01 13:14:00

NEW ORLEANS (AP) — A driver wrought carnage on New Orleans’ famed French Quarter early on New Year’s Day, killing 10 people as he rammed a pickup truck into a crowd before being shot to death by police, authorities said.

More than 30 people were injured as Wednesday’s attack turned festive Bourbon Street into macabre mayhem.

Among those killed was 18-year-old Nikyra Cheyenne Dedeaux of Gulfport, NOLA.com reported Wednesday. Her mother said that her daughter wasn’t supposed to be in New Orleans, and that she had sneaked over for the night with her 18-year-old cousin and a friend.

“I just want to see my baby,” her mother Melissa Dedeaux, 40, told NOLA.com. “She was the sweetest person. She would give you anything, anything.”

The FBI is investigating the attack as an act of terrorism. An Islamic State group flag was found in the vehicle.

The FBI identified the driver as Shamsud-Din Jabbar, 42, a U.S. citizen from Texas and said it is working to determine Jabbar’s potential associations and affiliations with terrorist organizations. Authorities are also looking into whether other people may have been involved.

Jabbar was killed by police after he exited the vehicle and opened fire on officers, police said. Two officers were shot and are in stable condition, police said. They were in addition to 33 people injured in the vehicle attack.

A photo circulated among law enforcement officials showed a bearded Jabbar wearing camouflage next to the truck after he was killed. The attack happened around 3:15 a.m. in an area teeming with New Year’s revelers.

Investigators recovered a handgun and an AR-style rifle after the shootout, a law enforcement official said. The official was not authorized to discuss details of the investigation publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity.

The FBI said a potential improvised explosive device was located in the vehicle and other potential explosive devices were also located in the French Quarter.

New Orleans Mayor LaToya Cantrell described the killings as a “terrorist attack.”

New Orleans Police Superintendent Anne Kirkpatrick said the driver was “hell-bent on creating the carnage and the damage that he did.”

“It was very intentional behavior. This man was trying to run over as many people as he could,” Kirkpatrick said.

New Orleans city councilmember Helena Moreno told WWL-TV that after being briefed on the attack, she understands that “there is a potential that other suspects could be involved in this and all hands on deck on determining who these individuals are and finding them.”

The area is a prime New Year’s Eve destination, and tens of thousands of college football fans were in the city for Wednesday night’s Sugar Bowl playoff quarterfinal between Georgia and Notre Dame at the nearby Superdome.

“When I got to work this morning, it was kind of pandemonium everywhere,” Derick Fleming, chief bellhop at a downtown hotel, told The Associated Press. “There were a couple of bodies on the ground covered up. Police were looking for bombs in garbage cans.”

University of Georgia President Jere Morehead said a student was critically injured in the attack and is receiving medical treatment.

Zion Parsons told NOLA.com that he and two friends were leaving a Bourbon Street restaurant when he heard a “commotion” and “banging” and turned his head to see a vehicle barreling onto the pavement toward them. He dodged the vehicle, but it struck one of his friends.

“I yell her name, and I turn my head, and her leg is twisted and contorted above and around her back. And there was just blood,” Parsons said. The 18-year-old said he ran after hearing gunshots shortly thereafter.

“As you’re walking down the street, you can just look and see bodies, just bodies of people, just bleeding, broken bones,” he said. “I just ran until I couldn’t hear nothing no more.”

Bourbon Street has had barriers to prevent vehicle attacks since 2017, but Wednesday’s rampage happened amid a major project to remove and replace the devices, which left the area vulnerable. Work began in November and was expected to be largely wrapped up in time for the Super Bowl in the city in February.

Hours after the attack, several coroner’s office vans were parked on the corner of Bourbon and Canal streets, cordoned off by police tape with crowds of dazed tourists standing around, some trying to navigate their luggage through the labyrinth of blockades.

“We looked out our front door and saw caution tape and dead silence and it’s eerie,” said Tessa Cundiff, an Indiana native who moved to the French Quarter a few years ago. “This is not what we fell in love with, it’s sad.”

Elsewhere, life went on as normal in the city known to some for a motto that translates to “let the good times roll.”

Close to where the truck came to rest, some people were talking about the attack while others dressed in Georgia gear talked football. At a cafe a block away, people crowded in for breakfast as upbeat pop music played. Two blocks away, people drank at a bar, seemingly as if nothing happened.

“We recognize that there are tourists around us, and we urge all to avoid the French Quarter as this is an active investigation,” Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry said. “We understand the concerns of the community and want to reassure everyone that the safety of the French Quarter and the city of New Orleans remains our top priority.”

President Joe Biden, speaking to reporters in Delaware, said he felt “anger and frustration” over the attack but would refrain from further comment until more is known.

“My heart goes out to the victims and their families who were simply trying to celebrate the holiday,” Biden said in a statement. “There is no justification for violence of any kind, and we will not tolerate any attack on any of our nation’s communities.”

The attack is the latest example of a vehicle being used as a weapon to carry out mass violence, a trend that has alarmed law enforcement officials and that can be difficult to protect against.

A 50-year-old Saudi doctor plowed into a Christmas market teeming with holiday shoppers in the German city of Magdeburg last month, killing four women and a 9-year-old boy.

A man who drove his SUV through a Christmas parade in suburban Milwaukee in 2021 is serving a life sentence after a judge rejected arguments from him and his family that mental illness drove him to do it. Six people were killed.

An Islamic extremist was sentenced last year to 10 life sentences for killing eight people with a truck on a bike path in Manhattan on Halloween in 2017. Also in 2017, a self-proclaimed admirer of Adolf Hitler slammed his car into counterprotesters at a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia and is now serving a life sentence.


Stephen Smith, Chevel Johnson and Brett Martel in New Orleans, Jeff Martin in Atlanta, Alanna Durkin Richer and Zeke Miller in Washington and Darlene Superville in New Castle, Delaware, contributed to this report.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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