Mississippi Today
A president from Georgia, a journalist from Mississippi, and an iconic photo
Among the many breathtaking mementos on display at Curtis Wilkie’s home in Oxford is a photograph that students of American history and political journalism know well.
The vertical black-and-white image, captured by Associated Press photographer Peter Bregg, shows former President Jimmy Carter, arms extended in the air with his eyes closed and face clinched, colliding with another man while catching a softball.
The other man in the photo is Mississippi’s most accomplished journalist.
The caption of the photo, which ran on front pages across America the next day, reads: “Democratic presidential nominee Jimmy Carter collides with Boston Globe reporter Curtis Wilkie during a softball game in Plains, Georgia, July 23, 1976. Carter made the catch and neither he nor Wilkie was injured in the friendly game between the press and the campaign staff.”
Carter, who passed away at age 100 on Sunday, is being eulogized around the world with heart-warming anecdotes that illustrate the former president’s personality and character. This story is worth adding to that collection, but first, a little context is necessary.
Wilkie, who covered eight presidential campaigns during his years as a journalist for The Boston Globe and other papers, was not exactly Carter’s favorite newsman.
Their relationship turned tempestuous early in the 1976 primary. Carter had not been considered among the formidable candidates to win the Democratic nomination let alone the presidency, but some early success in Iowa had pundits beginning to take notice.
Wilkie, a cub reporter at The Boston Globe assigned to cover the peanut farmer from Georgia, flew south in January 1976 ahead of the New Hampshire primary to assess what Peach State politicians thought of him.
“I talked to people like Julian Bond, John Lewis and other civil rights people, but also to these old rednecks in the Georgia legislature,” Wilkie said. “No one on either side had much respect for him. He’d been stubborn and difficult to work with. Even Julian was critical of him. Really just no one in Georgia was very enthusiastic about his candidacy.
“So I put together a story that basically argued that while he was gaining some ground nationally and he had done well in Iowa, he was not universally loved in Georgia. The Globe ran the story on a Sunday, eight columns across the top of page 1. The headline was, ‘Strong at Home, Weak on the Road.’”
Carter, who was working hard at the time to capitalize on the Iowa coverage and grow his political brand in early primary states, seethed over the article.
“The night my story ran, I met Carter’s campaign at the airport in Manchester,” Wilkie recalled. “My friend Jim Wooten of The New York Times came up to me and said, ‘You better watch out, he is on a war path.’ A couple minutes later, sure enough, Carter saw me and got in my face there in the airport lobby. He had perfected this fierce glare with his piercing blue eyes, and he said very sarcastically, ‘Hello, my friend. I’m so glad to see you, my friend. I see you’ve been down in Georgia talking to some of my friends down there. Let me tell you about some of those friends. They’re all a bunch of corrupt legislators who’ve had their heads in the trough of government.’ He just gave me a blistering rebuke and suggested I’d only sought out his enemies for the article. That obviously wasn’t what I did, but it was the first time we ever crossed swords.”
Throughout the 1976 campaign, Carter and Wilkie had numerous other spats.
“It wasn’t like I disliked him or anything. I think it was just typical of conflict that reporters have with the people they cover,” Wilkie said. “He thought that I was a real smart ass, and I have to admit I deliberately gave him a hard time. I didn’t ask a lot of questions, but when I did, they would sometimes be fairly barbed. I was probably the least favorite reporter covering that campaign. We just had a kind of rivalry.”
No moment more appropriately encapsulated that rivalry than the events of election night in November 1976. After hours of watching the returns roll in, Carter had officially won enough states to defeat then-President Gerald Ford. The first state that was called for Carter early in the evening was Massachusetts, home to Wilkie’s employer The Boston Globe. The final state that secured the electoral college victory at 3 a.m. was Mississippi, Wilkie’s home state.
The Carter campaign’s election watch party that night was held in downtown Atlanta, and when the race was called, the campaign rushed to get the president-elect and his motorcade to the airport for an early-morning live interview for The Today Show from Carter’s rural hometown of Plains, Georgia.
We’ll let Wilkie take it from here.
“We didn’t know it, but the press bus got lost from the caravan to get out to the airport from the watch party, so we got there about 15 minutes late,” Wilkie said. “We didn’t know this at the time, but Carter was furious because he was in a hurry to get home to go on the air with The Today Show. He was going to leave the whole press corps in Atlanta, but someone stalled him. I get on the plane while it’s being loaded, and Carter came stomping down the aisle to expedite things. Again, not knowing about the delay or how angry he was, I thought it was a good time to congratulate him.
“I thought I had a cute way to do it. I said, ‘Governor, congratulations. I didn’t have to do much to deliver Massachusetts, but I had to work like hell to get Mississippi.’ He stopped and gave me that piercing glare again, and he was mad. He said to me, ‘If it weren’t for people like you, this election would’ve been over at 9 o’clock last night.’ He turned his back and marched back up to his seat in first class. As he walked away, I said to the rest of my press colleagues gathered there, ‘There goes the biggest asshole I’ve ever known.’ My quote wound up in Rolling Stone the next day, which certainly didn’t do much to endear me to him.”
Back to the iconic softball photo. During the summer of 1976, shortly after Carter won the Democratic nomination, the traveling press corps spent a good bit of time in Plains. Out of boredom, Wilkie said, the reporters began playing pickup softball games at the high school field.
One day, Carter, a noted fan of the Atlanta Braves and of baseball in general, decided to join the reporters on the field for the first time.
“I was a captain for one team, and Rick Kaplan, who was at CBS at the time and later became head of CNN, was choosing for the other team,” Wilkie recalled. “We deliberately didn’t pick Carter until very last — we even chose some women who weren’t even trying to play before we chose him, which I’m sure he loved. So it ends up that he’s on my team. I said, ‘Governor, I suppose you’d like to pitch.’ He of course did want to pitch, so I ran over to play third base.
“The very first pitch of the game, the batter hit a pop fly right to me at third base,” Wilkie continued. “So I’m standing my ground at third waiting to catch this fly ball, and I hear some big feet tromping toward me. Carter had quite large feet, and I could hear them pounding the red clay and getting closer. I knew he was coming, and sure enough, we collided. He snatched the ball away from me right as it was coming down into my glove. I had my arms up, and my elbow jabbed right into his Adam’s apple.
“I said immediately to Carter, ‘Jesus, governor, now I know how Scoop Jackson (U.S. senator from Washington) felt during the primaries.’ He said without hesitating, ‘Ah, it’s just another run-in with The Boston Globe.’ I always thought that was such a great quip.”
After Carter won the presidency, the Globe sent Wilkie to Washington to cover the Carter White House. “Unsurprisingly, I don’t think I got a single one-on-one interview with him that entire term,” Wilkie said with a laugh. “I had a lot less time with him during his years as president than I had when he was still a little-known candidate from Georgia.”
In the years after Carter left the White House, Wilkie would occasionally get dispatched by his Boston Globe editors to write about the former president’s new books or other key developments at the Carter Center in Atlanta. It was those subsequent visits down south, Wilkie said, that he and Carter developed a friendly relationship.
“There were lots of things I respected and admired about him, other things I didn’t,” Wilkie said. “I appreciated the fact that he was a Southerner and kind of brought us out of the dark years of George Wallace. I admired how genuine his faith was to him, and he did a lot of good works. He was gracious to me in those later years, and I think he became a much better person after he left the White House. He was genuine and kind, and he treated me well. We connected over the loss of his brother Billy, who was a good friend of mine.
“When I’d cover the release of his books, I’d always get him to sign them,” Wilkie said. “Even after all those years of rivalry and contention, he would always sign those books to me with, ‘Your friend, Jimmy Carter.’”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1960
Feb. 1, 1960
Four Black freshmen students from North Carolina A&T — Franklin McCain, Joseph A. McNeil, David L. Richmond and Ezell A. Blair Jr. — began to ask themselves what they were going to do about discrimination.
“At what point does a moral man act against injustice?” McCain recalled.
McNeil spoke up. “We have a definite purpose and goal in mind,” he said, “and with God on our side, then we ask, ‘Who can be against us?’”
That afternoon, they entered Woolworth’s in downtown Greensboro. After buying toothpaste and other items inside the store, they walked to the lunch counter and sat down.
They ordered coffee, but those in charge refused to serve them. The students stood their ground by keeping their seats.
The next day, they returned with dozens of students. This time, white customers shouted racial epithets and insults at them. The students stayed put. By the next day, the number of protesting students had doubled, and by the day after, about 300 students packed not just Woolworth’s, but the S.H. Kress Store as well.
A number of the protesting students were female students from Bennett College, where students had already been gathering for NAACP Youth Council meetings and had discussed possible sit-ins.
By the end of the month, 31 sit-ins had been held in nine other Southern states, resulting in hundreds of arrests. The International Civil Rights Center & Museum has preserved this famous lunch counter and the stories of courage of those who took part in the sit-ins.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why
At least 96 Mississippians died from domestic violence. Bills seek to answer why
Nearly 100 Mississippians, some of them children, some of them law enforcement, died last year in domestic violence-related events, according to data Mississippi Today collected from multiple sources.
Information was pulled from local news stories, the Gun Violence Archive and Gun Violence Memorial and law enforcement to track locations of incidents, demographics of victims and perpetrators and any available information about court cases tied to the fatalities.
But domestic violence advocates say Mississippi needs more than numbers to save lives.
They are backing a refiled bill to create a statewide board that reviews domestic violence deaths and reveals trends, in hopes of taking preventative steps and making informed policy recommendations to lawmakers.
A pair of bills, House Bill 1551 and Senate Bill 2886, ask the state to establish a Domestic Violence Fatality Review Board. The House bill would place the board in the State Department of Public Health, which oversees similar existing boards that review child and maternal deaths, and the Senate version proposes putting the board under the Department of Public Safety.
“We have to keep people alive, but to do that, we have to have the infrastructure as a system to appropriately respond to these things,” said Stacey Riley, executive director of the Gulf Coast Center for Nonviolence and a board member of the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence.
“It’s not necessarily just law enforcement, just medical, just this,” she said. “It’s a collaborative response to this to make sure that the system has everything it needs.”
Mississippi is one of several states that do not have a domestic violence fatality review board, according to the National Domestic Violence Fatality Review Initiative.
Without one, advocates say it is impossible to know how many domestic fatalities and injuries there are in the state in any year.
Riley said data can tell the story of each person affected by domestic violence and how dangerous it can be. Her hope is that a fatality review board can lead to systemic change in how the system helps victims and survivors.
Last year, Mississippi Today began to track domestic violence fatalities similar to the way the board would be tasked to do. It found over 80 incidents in 2024 that resulted in at least 100 deaths.
Most of the victims were women killed by current and former partners, including Shaterica Bell, a mother of four allegedly shot by Donald Demario Patrick, the father of her child, in the Delta at the beginning of that year. She was found dead at the home with her infant. One of her older children went to a neighbor, who called 911.
Just before Thanksgiving on the Coast, Christopher Antoine Davis allegedly shot and killed his wife, Elena Davis, who had recently filed a protection order against him. She faced threats from him and was staying at another residence, where her husband allegedly killed her and Koritnik Graves.
The proposed fatality review board would have access to information that can help them see where interventions could have been made and opportunities for prevention, Riley said.
The board could look at whether a victim had any domestic abuse protection orders, law enforcement calls to a location, medical and mental health records, court documents and prison records on parole and probation.
In 2024, perpetrators were mostly men, which is in line with national statistics and trends about intimate partner violence.
Over a dozen perpetrators took their own lives, and at least two children – a toddler and a teenager – were killed during domestic incidents in 2024, according to Mississippi Today’s review.
Some of the fatalities were family violence, with victims dying after domestic interactions with children, parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles or cousins.
Most of the compiled deaths involved a firearm. Research has shown that more than half of all intimate partner homicides involve a firearm.
A fatality review board is meant to be multidisciplinary with members appointed by the state health officer, including members who are survivors of domestic violence and a representative from a domestic violence shelter program, according to the House bill.
Other members would include: a health and mental health professionals, a social worker, law enforcement and members of the criminal justice system – from prosecutors and judges to appointees from the Department of Public Safety and the attorney general’s office.
The House bill did not make it out of the Judiciary B Committee last year. This session’s House bill was filed by the original author, Rep. Fabian Nelson, D-Byram, and the Senate version was filed by Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula.
The Senate bill was approved by the Judiciary A Committee Thursday and will proceed to the full chamber. The House bill needs approval by the Public Health and Human Services Committee by Feb. 4.
“The idea behind this is to get at the root cause or at least to study, to look at what is leading to our domestic violence situation in the state,” Wiggins said during the Judiciary A meeting.
Luis Montgomery, a public policy and compliance specialist with the Mississippi Coalition Against Domestic Violence, has been part of drafting the House bill and is working with lawmakers as both bills go through the legislative process.
He said having state-specific, centralized data can help uncover trends that could lead to opportunities to pass policies to help victims and survivors, obtain resources from the state, educate the public and see impacts on how the judicial system handles domestic violence cases.
“It’s going to force people to have conversations they should have been having,” Montgomery said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Emergency hospital to open in Smith County
A new emergency-care hospital is set to open in Smith County early this year. It will house the rural county’s first emergency room in two decades.
Smith County Emergency Hospital in Raleigh will provide 24-hour emergency services, observation care and outpatient radiology and lab work services. Raleigh is currently a 35-minute drive from the nearest emergency room.
The hospital will operate as a division of Covington County Hospital. The Collins hospital is a part of South Central Regional Medical Center’s partnership with rural community hospitals Simpson General Hospital in Mendenhall and Magee General Hospital, all helmed by CEO Greg Gibbes.
The hospital’s opening reflects Covington County Hospital’s “deeply held mission of helping others, serving patients and trying to do it in a way that would create sustainability,” not just for its own county, but also for surrounding communities, said Gibbes at a ribbon-cutting ceremony Friday.
Renovations of the building – which previously housed Patients’ Choice Medical Center of Smith County, an acute-care facility that closed in 2023 – are complete. The facility now awaits the Mississippi Department of Health’s final inspection, which could come as soon as next week, according to Gibbes.
The hospital hopes to then be approved as a “rural emergency hospital” by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
A rural emergency hospital status allows hospitals to receive $3.3 million from the federal government each year in exchange for closing their inpatient units and transferring patients requiring stays over 24 hours to a nearby facility.
The program was created to serve as a lifeline for struggling rural hospitals at risk of closing. Six hospitals have closed in Mississippi since 2005, and 33% are at immediate risk of closure, according to the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform.
Receiving a rural emergency hospital designation will make the hospital more financially sustainable, said Gibbes. He said he has “no concerns” about the hospital being awarded the federal designation.
Mississippi has more rural emergency hospitals than any other state besides Arkansas, which also operates five. Nationwide, 34 hospitals have received the designation, according to Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services enrollment data. Over half of them are located in the Southeast.
The hospital will have a “significant economic impact” of tens of millions of dollars and has already created about 60 jobs in Smith County, Gibbes said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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