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A Tale of Two States: Arizona and Florida Diverge on How To Expand Kids’ Health Insurance

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Daniel Chang
Thu, 20 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Arizona and Florida — whose rates of uninsured are among the highest in the nation — set goals last year to widen the safety net that provides health insurance to people 18 and younger.

But their plans to expand coverage illustrate key ideological differences on the government’s role in subsidizing health insurance for kids: what to charge low-income families as premiums for public coverage — and what happens if they miss a payment.

“It’s a tale of two states,” said Joan Alker, executive director of Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

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That divergence represents more than just two states taking their own path. It showcases a broader breakthrough moment, Alker said, as the nation rethinks how government works for families the covid-19 pandemic.  The divide also underscores the policies at stake in the 2024 presidential election.

Republican-led legislatures in Florida and Arizona worked across party lines in 2023 to pass bills to expand their states’ Children’s Health Insurance Program — widely known as CHIP — which covers anyone younger than 19 in families earning too much to be eligible for .

Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis and Arizona Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs then signed bills into last year that increased the amount of money a can make and still be eligible for their states’ CHIP programs. That’s where the similarities end.

Arizona began to enroll newly eligible children in March. That state has adopted policies that align with the Biden administration’s efforts to apply Affordable Care Act-style protections to CHIP, such as eliminating annual and lifetime limits on coverage and lockouts if families don’t pay premiums.

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Arizona’s CHIP plan, called KidsCare, suspended its monthly premiums in 2020 and has yet to reinstate them. State officials are considering whether it’s worth the expense to manage and collect the payments given that new federal rules forbid the state from disenrolling children for nonpayment, said Marcus Johnson, a deputy director for the state’s Medicaid agency.

“We’re trying to understand if the juice is worth the squeeze,” he said.

By contrast, Florida has yet to begin its expanded enrollment and is the only state to file a federal lawsuit challenging a Biden administration rule requiring states to keep kids enrolled for 12 months even if their families don’t pay their premiums.

A judge dismissed Florida’s lawsuit on May 31, saying the state could appeal to federal regulators. The state’s CHIP expansion now awaits federal regulatory approval before newly eligible children can be enrolled.

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“No eligible child should face barriers to enrolling in CHIP or be at risk of losing the coverage they rely on,” said Sara Lonardo, a spokesperson for the federal Department of Health and Human Services.

Florida’s CHIP expansion calls for significantly raising premiums and then boosting them by 3% annually. The state estimates expansion will cost an additional $90 million in its first full year and expects to collect about $23 million in new premiums to help fund the expansion of what it calls Florida KidCare.

But Florida officials have said that complying with a provision that bars children from being disenrolled for unpaid premiums would cause the state to lose $1 million a month. The state’s 2024 budget allocates $46.5 to health care and projects a $14.6 billion surplus.

Florida officials have flouted federal regulations and removed at least 22,000 children from CHIP for unpaid premiums since the rule banning such disenrollments took effect on Jan. 1, according to public records obtained by the Florida Health Justice Project, a nonprofit advocacy group.

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DeSantis’ office and Florida’s Medicaid administration did not respond to KFF Health News’ repeated requests for comment about CHIP. But in legal filings, Florida said its CHIP plan is a “personal responsibility program.” It is “a bridge from Medicaid to private insurance,” the administration said on social media, to get families used to premiums, cost sharing, and the risk of losing coverage when missing a payment.

For some Floridians, like Emily Dent in Cape Coral, the higher premiums proposed in the state’s expansion plan would create a financial burden, not open a path to self-sufficiency.

Dent, 32, said her 8-year-old son, James, was disenrolled from Medicaid in April because the family’s income was too high. Although James would qualify for CHIP under Florida’s proposed expansion, Dent said the $195 monthly premium would be a financial struggle for her family.

Leaving James uninsured is not an option, Dent said. He is severely disabled due to a rare genetic disorder, Pallister-Killian syndrome, and requires round-the-clock nursing.

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“He has to have health insurance,” she said. “But it’s going to drain my savings, which was going to be for a house one day.”

Research shows the cost of premiums can block many families from obtaining and maintaining CHIP coverage even when premiums are low.

And premiums don’t offset much of a state’s costs to operate the program, said Matt Jewett, director of health policy for the Children’s Action Alliance of Arizona, a nonprofit that promotes health insurance coverage for kids in the Grand Canyon State.

He noted that the federal government pays 70% of Florida’s program costs and 75% of Arizona’s — after deducting all premiums collected.

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“Premiums are more about an ideological belief that families need to have skin in the game,” he said, “rather than any practical means of paying money to support the program.”

Republican-leaning states are not alone in implementing monthly or quarterly premiums for CHIP. Twenty-two states, Democratic-leaning states such as New York and , charge premiums.

States have had wide discretion in how they run CHIP since the program became law in 1997, including the ability to charge such premiums and cut people’s access if they failed to pay. That’s been part of its success, said Jennifer Tolbert, deputy director of the Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured at KFF.

“Especially in more conservative states, the ability to create CHIP as a separate program — independent from Medicaid — enabled and fostered that bipartisan support,” Tolbert said.

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But in the decades since CHIP was enacted, government’s role in health insurance has evolved, most significantly after President Barack Obama in 2010 signed the Affordable Care Act, which introduced coverage protections and expanded assistance for low-income Americans.

Former didn’t prioritize those things while in office, Tolbert said. He has suggested that he is open to cutting federal assistance programs if reelected, while the Biden administration has adopted policies to make it easier for low-income Americans to enroll and keep their health coverage.

Just as for Dent, the question of CHIP premiums in this debate isn’t abstract for Erin Booth, a Florida mom who submitted a public comment to federal regulators about Florida’s proposed CHIP expansion. She said she would have to pay a high premium, plus copayments for doctor visits, to keep her 8-year-old son covered.

“I am faced with the impossible of whether to pay my mortgage or to pay for health insurance for my son,” she wrote.

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——————————
By: Daniel Chang
Title: A Tale of Two States: Arizona and Florida Diverge on How To Expand Kids’ Health Insurance
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/chip-waivers-children-health-insurance-coverage-subsidies-arizona-florida-2/
Published Date: Thu, 20 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Kaiser Health News

Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins

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Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

When Kamala Harris was California’s top prosecutor, she was concerned that mergers among hospitals, physician groups, and health insurers could thwart competition and lead to higher prices for patients. If she wins the presidency in November, she’ll have a wide range of options to blunt monopolistic behavior nationwide.

The Democratic vice president could influence the Federal Trade Commission and instruct the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services to prioritize enforcement of antitrust laws and channel resources accordingly. Already, the Biden administration has taken an aggressive stance against mergers and acquisitions. In his first year in office, President Joe Biden issued an executive order intended to intensify antitrust enforcement across multiple industries, .

Under Biden, the FTC and DOJ have fought more mergers than they have in decades, often targeting health care deals.

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“What Harris could do is set the tone that she is going to continue this laser focus on competition and health care prices,” said Katie Gudiksen, a senior health policy researcher at of California College of the , San Francisco.

The Harris campaign didn’t respond to a request for comment.

For decades, the health industry has undergone consolidation despite government efforts to maintain competition. When health systems expand, adding hospitals and doctor practices to their portfolios, they often gain a large enough share of regional health care resources to command higher prices from insurers. That results in higher premiums and other health care costs for consumers and employers, according to numerous studies.

Health insurers have also consolidated in recent decades, leaving only a handful controlling most markets.

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Health care analysts say it’s possible for Harris to slow the momentum of consolidation by blocking future mergers that could lead to higher prices and lower-quality care. But many of them agree the consolidation that has already taken place is an inescapable feature of the U.S. health care landscape.

“It’s hard to unscramble the eggs,” said Bob Town, an economics professor at the University of .

There were nearly 1,600 hospital mergers in the U.S. from 1998 to 2017 and 428 hospital and health system mergers from 2018 to 2023, according to a KFF study. The percentage of community hospitals that belong to a larger health system rose from 53 in 2005 to 68 in 2022. And in another sign of market concentration, as of January, well over three-quarters of the nation’s physicians were employed by hospitals or corporations, according to a report produced by Avalere Health.

Despite former President Donald Trump’s hostility to regulation as a candidate, his administration was active on antitrust efforts — though it did allow one of the largest health care mergers in U.S. history, between drugstore chain CVS Health and the insurer Aetna. Overall, Trump’s Justice Department was more aggressive on mergers than past Republican administrations.

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Harris, as California’s from 2011 to 2017, jump-started health care investigations and enforcement.

“She pushed back against anticompetitive pricing,” said Rob Bonta, California’s current attorney general, who is a Democrat.

One of Harris’ most impactful decisions was a 2012 investigation into whether consolidation among hospitals and physician practices gave health systems the clout to demand higher prices. That probe bore fruit six years later after Harris’ successor, Xavier Becerra, filed a landmark lawsuit against Sutter Health, the giant Northern California hospital operator, for anticompetitive behavior. Sutter settled with the state for $575 million.

In 2014, Harris was among 16 state attorneys general who joined the FTC in a lawsuit to dismantle a merger between one of Idaho’s largest hospital chains and its biggest physician group. In 2016, Harris joined the U.S. Department of Justice and 11 other states in a successful lawsuit to block a proposed $48.3 billion merger between two of the nation’s largest health insurers, Cigna and Anthem.

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Attempts to give the state attorney general the power to nix or impose conditions on a wide range of health care mergers have been fiercely, and successfully, opposed by California’s hospital industry. Most recently, the hospital industry persuaded state lawmakers to exempt for-profit hospitals from pending legislation that would subject private equity-backed health care transactions to review by the attorney general.

A spokesperson for the California Hospital Association declined to comment.

As attorney general of California, Harris’ work was eased by the state’s deep blue political hue. Were she to be elected president, she could face a less hospitable political environment, especially if Republicans control one or both houses of . In addition, she could face opposition from powerful health care lobbyists.

Though it often gets a bad rap, consolidation in health care also confers benefits. Many doctors choose to join large organizations because it relieves them of the administrative headaches and financial burdens of running their own practices. And being absorbed into a large health system can be a lifeline for financially troubled hospitals.

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Still, a major reason health systems choose to expand through acquisition is to accumulate market clout so they can match consolidation among insurers and bargain with them for higher payments. It’s an understandable reaction to the financial pressures hospitals are under, said James Robinson, a professor of health economics at the University of California-Berkeley.

Robinson noted that hospitals are required to treat anyone who shows up at the emergency room, including uninsured people. Many hospitals have a large number of patients on , which pays poorly. And in California, they face a of regulatory requirements, including seismic retrofitting and nurse staffing minimums, that are expensive. “How are they going to pay for that?” Robinson said.

At the federal level, any effort to blunt anticompetitive mergers would depend in part on how aggressive the FTC is in pursuing the most egregious cases. FTC Chair Lina Khan has made the FTC more proactive in this regard.

Last year, the FTC and DOJ jointly issued new merger guidelines, which suggested the federal government would scrutinize deals more closely and take a broader view of which ones violate antitrust laws. In September, the FTC filed a lawsuit against an anesthesiology group and its private equity backer, alleging they had engaged in anticompetitive practices in Texas to drive up prices.

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In January, the agency sued to stop a $320 million hospital acquisition in North Carolina.

Still, many transactions don’t come to the attention of the FTC because their value is below its $119.5 million reporting threshold. And even if it heard about more deals, “it is very underresourced and needing to be very selective in which mergers they ,” said Paul Ginsburg, a professor of the practice of health policy at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.

Khan’s term ends in September 2024, and Harris, if elected, could try to reappoint her, though her ability to do so may depend on which party controls the Senate.

Harris could also promote regulations that discourage monopolistic behaviors such as all-or-nothing contracting, in which large health systems refuse to do business with insurance companies unless they agree to include all their facilities in their networks, whether needed or not. That behavior was one of the core allegations in the Sutter case.

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She could also seek policies at the Department of Health and Human Services, which runs Medicare and Medicaid, that encourage competition.

Bonta, California’s current attorney general, said that, while there are bad mergers, there are also good ones. “We approve them all the time,” he said. “And we approve them with conditions that address cost and that address access and that address quality.”

He expects Harris to bring similar concerns to the presidency if she wins.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

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——————————
By: Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/kamala-harris-california-hospitals-health-care-antitrust-ftc/
Published Date: Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof

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Phil Galewitz, KFF
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. — Facing an ultracompetitive market in one of the nation’s fastest-growing cities, UF Health is trying a new way to attract : a combination emergency room and urgent care center.

In the past year and a half, UF Health and a private equity-backed company, Intuitive Health, have opened three centers that offer both types of care 24/7 so patients don’t have to decide which facility they need.

Instead, doctors there decide whether it’s urgent or emergency care —the health system bills accordingly — and inform the patient of their decision at the time of the service.

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“Most of the time you do not realize where you should go — to an urgent care or an ER — and that triage decision you make can have dramatic economic repercussions,” said Steven Wylie, associate vice president for planning and business development at UF Health Jacksonville. About 70% of patients at its facilities are billed at urgent care rates, Wylie said.

Emergency care is almost always more expensive than urgent care. For patients who might otherwise show up at the ER with an urgent care-level problem — a small cut that requires stitches or an infection treatable with antibiotics — the savings could be hundreds or thousands of dollars.

While no research has been conducted on this new hybrid model, consumer advocates worry hospitals are more likely to route patients to costlier ER-level care whenever possible.

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For instance, some services that trigger higher-priced, ER-level care at UF Health’s facilities — such as blood work and ultrasounds — can be obtained at some urgent care centers.

“That sounds crazy, that a blood test can trigger an ER fee, which can cost thousands of dollars,” said Cynthia Fisher, founder and chair of PatientRightsAdvocate.org, a patient advocacy organization.

For UF Health, the hybrid centers can increase profits because they attract patients. Those patient visits can lead to more revenue through diagnostic testing and referrals for specialists or inpatient care.

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Offering less expensive urgent care around-the-clock, the hybrid facilities stand out in an industry known for its aggressive billing practices.

On a recent visit to one of UF Health’s facilities about 15 miles southeast of downtown, several patients said in interviews that they sought a short wait for care. None had sat in the waiting room more than five minutes.

“Sometimes urgent care sends you to the ER, so here you can get everything,” said Andrea Cruz, 24, who was pregnant and came in for shortness of breath. Cruz said she was being treated as an ER patient because she needed blood tests and monitoring.

“It’s good to have a place like this that can treat you no matter what,” said Penny Wilding, 91, who said she has no regular physician and was being evaluated for a likely urinary tract infection.

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UF Health is one of about a dozen health systems in 10 states partnering with Intuitive Health to set up and run hybrid ER-urgent care facilities. More are in the works; VHC Health, a large hospital in Arlington, Virginia, plans to start building one this year.

Intuitive Health was established in 2008 by three emergency physicians. For several years the company ran independent combination ER-urgent care centers in .

Then Altamont Capital Partners, a multibillion-dollar private equity firm based in Palo Alto, California, bought a majority stake in Intuitive in 2014.

Soon after, the company began partnering with hospitals to open facilities in states including Arizona, Indiana, Kentucky, and Delaware. Under their agreements, the hospitals handle medical staff and billing while Intuitive manages administrative functions — including initial efforts to collect payment, including checking insurance and taking copays — and nonclinical staff, said Thom Herrmann, of Intuitive Health.

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Herrmann said hospitals have become more interested in the concept as Medicare and other insurers pay for value instead of just a fee for each service. That means hospitals have an incentive to find ways to treat patients for less.

And Intuitive has a strong incentive to partner with hospitals, said Christine Monahan, an assistant research professor at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown : Facilities licensed as freestanding emergency rooms — as Intuitive’s are — must be affiliated with hospitals to be covered by Medicare.

At the combo facilities, emergency room specialists determine whether to bill for higher-priced ER or lower-priced urgent care after patients undergo a medical screening. They compare the care needed against a list of criteria that trigger emergency-level care and bills, such as the patient requiring IV fluids or cardiac monitoring.

Inside its combo facilities, UF posts a sign listing some of the urgent care services it offers, including treatment for ear infections, sprains, and minor wounds. When its doctors determine ER-level care is necessary, UF requires patients to sign a form acknowledging they will be billed for an ER visit.

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Patients who opt out of ER care at that time are charged a triage fee. UF would not disclose the amount of the fee, saying it varies.

UF say patients pay only for the level of care they need. Its centers accept most insurance plans, including Medicare, which covers people older than 65 and those with disabilities, and Medicaid, the program for low-income people.

But there are important caveats, said Fisher, the patient advocate.

Patients who pay cash for urgent care at UF’s hybrid centers are charged an “all-inclusive” $250 fee, whether they need an X-ray or a rapid strep test, to name two such services, or both.

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But if they use insurance, patients may have higher cost sharing if their health plan is charged more than it would pay for stand-alone urgent care, she said.

Also, federal surprise billing protections that shield patients in an ER don’t extend to urgent care centers, Fisher said.

Herrmann said Intuitive’s facilities charge commercial insurers for urgent care the same as if they provided only urgent care. But Medicare may pay more.

While urgent care has long been intended for minor injuries and illnesses and ERs are supposed to be for life- or health-threatening conditions, the two models have melded in recent years. Urgent care clinics have increased the scope of injuries and conditions they can treat, while hospitals have taken to advertising ER wait times on highway billboards to attract patients.

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Intuitive is credited with pioneering hybrid ER-urgent care, though its facilities are not the only ones with both “emergency” and “urgent care” on their signs. Such branding can sometimes confuse patients.

While Intuitive’s hybrid facilities offer some price transparency, providers have the upper hand on cost, said Vivian Ho, a health economist at Rice University in Texas. “Patients are at the mercy of what the hospital tells them,” she said.

But Daniel Marthey, an assistant professor of health policy and management at Texas A&M University, said the facilities can help patients find a lower-cost option for care by avoiding steep ER bills when they need only urgent-level care. “This is a potentially good thing for patients,” he said.

Marthey said hospitals may be investing in hybrid facilities to make up for lost revenue after federal surprise medical billing protections took effect in 2022 and restricted what hospitals could charge patients treated by out-of-network providers, particularly in emergencies.

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“Basically, they are just competing for market share,” Marthey said.

UF Health has placed its new facilities in suburban areas near freestanding ERs owned by competitors HCA and Ascension rather than near its downtown hospital in Jacksonville. It is also building a fourth facility, near The Villages, a large retirement community more than 100 miles south.

“This has been more of an offensive move to expand our market reach and go into suburban markets,” Wylie said.

Though the three centers are not state-approved to care for trauma patients, doctors there said they can handle almost any emergency, including heart attacks and strokes. Patients needing hospitalization are taken by ambulance to the UF hospital about 20 minutes away. If they need to follow up with a specialist, they’re referred to a UF physician.

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“If you fall and sprain your leg and need an X-ray and crutches, you can here and get charged urgent care,” said Justin Nippert, medical director of two of UF’s combo centers. “But if you break your ankle and need it put back in place it can get treated here, too. It’s a one-stop shop.”

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By: Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/urgent-emergency-care-combo-centers-intuitive-health-jacksonville-florida/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/since-fall-of-roe-self-managed-abortions-have-increased/

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Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased

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Sarah Varney, KFF Health
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

The percentage of people who say they’ve tried to end a pregnancy without medical assistance increased after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. That’s according to a study published Tuesday in the online journal JAMA Network Open.

Tia Freeman, a reproductive health organizer, leads workshops for Tennesseans on how to safely take medication pills outside of medical settings.

Abortion is almost entirely illegal in Tennessee. Freeman, who lives near Nashville, said people planning to stop pregnancies have all sorts of reasons for wanting to do so without help from the formal health care system — the cost of traveling to another state, challenge of finding child care, and fear of lost wages.

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“Some people, it’s that they don’t have the support networks in their families where they would need to have someone drive them to a clinic and then sit with them,” said Freeman, who works for Self-Managed Abortion; Safe and Supported, a U.S.-based project of Women Help Women, an international nonprofit that advocates for abortion access.

“Maybe their is superconservative and they would rather get the pills in their home and do it by themselves,” she said.

The new study is from Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health, a research group based at the of California-San Francisco. The researchers surveyed more than 7,000 people ages 15 to 49 from December 2021 to January 2022 and another 7,000-plus from June 2023 to July 2023.

Of the respondents who had attempted self-managed abortions, they found the percentage who used the abortion pill mifepristone was 11 in 2023 — up from 6.6 before the Supreme Court ended federal abortion rights in 2022.

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One of the most common reasons for seeking a self-administered abortion was privacy concerns, said a study co-author, epidemiologist Lauren Ralph.

“So not wanting others to know that they were seeking or in need of an abortion or wanted to maintain autonomy in the decision,” Ralph said. “They liked it was something under their control that they could do on their own.”

Kristi Hamrick, vice president of and policy at for Action, a national anti-abortion group, said she doesn’t believe the study findings, which she said benefit people who abortion pills.

“It should surprise no one that the abortion lobby reports their business is doing well, without problems,” Hamrick said in an emailed statement.

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Ralph said in addition to privacy concerns, state laws criminalizing abortion also weighed heavily on women’s minds.

“We found 6% of people said the reason they self-managed was because abortion was illegal where they lived,” Ralph said.

In the JAMA study, women who self-managed abortion attempts reported using a range of methods, including using or alcohol, lifting heavy objects, and taking a hot bath. In addition, about 22% reported hitting themselves in the stomach. Nearly 4% reported inserting an object in their body.

The term “self-managed abortion” may conjure images of back-alley procedures from the 1950s and ’60s. But OB-GYN Laura Laursen, a family planning physician in Chicago, said self-managed abortions using medication abortion — the drugs mifepristone and misoprostol — are far safer, whether done inside or outside the health care system.

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“They’re equally safe no matter which way you do it,” Laursen said. “It involves passing a pregnancy and bleeding, which is what happens when you have a miscarriage. If your body doesn’t have a miscarriage on its own, these are actually the medications we give women to pass the miscarriage.”

Since Roe‘s end, more than 20 states have banned or further restricted abortion.

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By: Sarah Varney, KFF Health News
Title: Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/self-managed-abortions-increase-post-roe-dobbs-privacy-concerns/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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