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Mississippi Today

Shocker: Mississippi lawmakers not keen on sharing power with masses, more transparency for themselves

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Mississippi senators recently beat the stew out of a bill that would have applied more transparency and rules to their campaign finances, leaving the bill gutted, on life support and likely to die.

They gave similar treatment to a measure to restore voters’ right to sidestep the and put measures directly on a statewide ballot. The right was nullified by the state Supreme Court three years ago. The milquetoast move to restore it is once again dead.

Read that: Special interests, 2; unwashed masses, 0.

Now, if you asked the common ordinary Mississippian whether they should have the right to ballot initiative and to know who is buying their politicians and for how much, they’d say heck-yes.

So why are lawmakers killing what would appear to be basic, populistic initiatives?

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Such is the nature of representative , politicians’ self interest, special interests and voters’ short attention spans. Here’s a little secrets and axioms: Politicians don’t like relinquishing any power, even to their constituents. And when it comes to policing and transparency over the money they get from special interests, they are a hive mind — transparency and rules for thee, not for me.

READ MORE: Voter initiative would be hard to use under bills moving in Legislature

READ MORE: Campaign finance reform bill gets cold response; lawmakers axe transparency component

Perhaps no other issue ever brings such bipartisan support from Mississippi politicians as killing proposals for campaign finance or ethics reform. Recently they took turns with amendments, including removing anything from the campaign finance bill that would actually do anything, then making the measure repeal before it could take effect, just in case something crazy like it passing into law might happen.

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Various groups have called for lawmakers to reinstate voters’ right to ballot initiative since the state high court deemed it unconstitutional on a technicality. This was in a ruling that struck down a successful referendum where voters overwhelmingly approved medical marijuana in Mississippi. Lawmakers reluctantly approved medical marijuana afterward, but dickering over details between the House and Senate has prevented any reinstatement of the right to ballot initiative.

Oddly, a ballot initiative drive led by medical providers and other advocates in 2021 could have let voters settle an issue that still has state lawmakers in a twist: expansion. A petition drive to force a statewide vote on the issue had just begun that year when the state Supreme Court ruling nullified the state’s initiative .

READ MORE: For third-straight year, ballot initiative likely dead in Senate 

Certainly there are valid arguments against expansive use of ballot initiative in a representative democracy. Our founding fathers wanted to prevent “mob rule” in part to guarantee individual rights. But it seems pretty clear after three years of debate on the issue in the Legislature, that’s not the primary concern for most lawmakers.

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Several polls have shown voters want the safety valve the right to ballot initiative would , and while mob rule must be tempered, so must special interest influence over lawmakers.

That brings us back to the (now-defunct) campaign finance reform measure. It was technically passed and kept alive, but was gutted, then gutted again and now is only a shell of a bill containing only code sections ensuring the House couldn’t pass any reform into law if it wanted to (which it likely does not).

This bill was a result of Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and others seeking reelection or election last year realizing the state has extremely lax campaign finance laws, little transparency and basically nonexistent enforcement. As millions of dollars in dark money poured into campaigns and some candidates appeared to thumb their noses at what rules we do have, Hosemann and others called for enforcement.

But the secretary of state’s office and Ethics Commission noted they had no real enforcement authority under Mississippi’s confusing, conflicting hodgepodge of campaign finance laws. And the , the only officer with clear enforcement authority, made clear she had little interest in doing so.

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Later, though, after catching some political flak, Attorney General Lynn Fitch said in a press release that she, too, is for reform, and ironically enough would like to see some enforcement. But in doing so, she appeared to nullify one of the state’s few restrictions on campaign donations. More on that in a bit.

READ MORE: Attorney General Lynn Fitch wants campaign finance reform and more enforcement — wait, what?

Senate Bill 2575, authored by Senate Elections Chairman Jeremy England, would have brought some such reform, and could have brought Mississippi into the 20th if not 21st century with campaign finance regulations and transparency.

Notably, it would have created the same type public, searchable database of campaign donations that most other states — including all those that surround us — have had for years. It also would have made it illegal to lie on such a . This, Hosemann said, “goes to the heart of the electoral process,” and “to have an informed voter, you need to know who’s paying for what.”

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This (as did other reforms in the bill) drew indignant howls from Senate Democrats and alike. They generally seem to be all for government transparency, except when any might splash onto them. It would appear that stripping them of the right to turn in illegible campaign finance reports, written in crayon and full of inaccuracies and incomplete information would be a bridge too far. This got stripped in committee before the bill ever reached the Senate floor.

Obviously, as the legislative session enters the final stretch, no major campaign finance reform appears to be forthcoming. The shell of a Senate bill remains alive in the House, but even if the House were to revive its major reforms, the Senate already showed its disdain for it.

READ MORE: Gov. Tate Reeves’ top political donors received $1.4 billion in state contracts from his agencies

That brings us back to Fitch’s odd move when she called for reform. In her press release, she said that Mississippi has no limits on how much out-of-state corporations can donate to candidates. This is contrary to decades of interpretation of Mississippi law and practice by candidates. Everyone other than Fitch, including her predecessors and secretaries of state, had operated under the legal interpretation that out-of-state corporations had the same $1,000 a year per candidate limit as in-state corporations.

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Fitch made clear she doesn’t believe going over that limit is a violation. She even said that, perusing Mississippi code, she isn’t even sure what defines a corporation.

So, given what would appear to be an open invitation from the state’s chief legal officer to out-of-state corporate special interests, in the absence of any new law, Mississippi isn’t back where it started on campaign finance. It’s far worse.

So, that’s really: Special interests, 3; unwashed masses, 0.

The message to big money special interests appears clear: If you want to buy state politicians, on down to Mississippi. We’re stacking them deep and selling them cheap.

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=346469

Mississippi Today

A Mississippi town moves a Confederate monument that became a shrouded eyesore

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mississippitoday.org – Emily Wagster Pettus, Associated Press – 2024-09-18 14:17:57

GRENADA (AP) — A Mississippi town has taken down a monument that stood on the courthouse square since 1910 — a figure that was tightly wrapped in tarps the past four years, symbolizing the community’s enduring division over how to commemorate the past.

Grenada’s first Black in two decades seems determined to follow through on the city’s plans to relocate the monument to other public land. A concrete slab has already been poured behind a fire station about 3.5 miles (5.6 kilometers) from the square.

But a new fight might be developing. A Republican lawmaker from another part of Mississippi wrote to Grenada officials saying she believes the city is violating a state that restricts the relocation of war memorials or monuments.

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The Grenada City Council voted to move the monument in 2020, weeks after killed George Floyd in Minneapolis. The vote seemed timely: Mississippi legislators had just retired the last state flag in the U.S. that prominently featured the Confederate battle emblem.

The tarps went up soon after the vote, shrouding the Confederate soldier and the pedestal he stood on. But even as people complained about the eyesore, the move was delayed by tight budgets, state bureaucracy or political foot-dragging. Explanations vary, depending on who’s asked.

A new mayor and city council took office in May, prepared to take action. On Sept. 11, with little advance notice, police blocked traffic and a work crew disassembled and removed the 20-foot (6.1-meter) stone structure.

“I’m glad to see it move to a different location,” said Robin Whitfield, an artist with a studio just off Grenada’s historic square. “This represents that something has changed.”

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Still, Whitfield, who is white, said she wishes Grenada had invited the community to engage in dialogue about the symbol, to bridge the gap between those who think moving it is erasing history and those who see it as a daily reminder of white supremacy. She was among the few people watching as a crane lifted parts of the monument onto a flatbed truck.

“No one ever talked about it, other than yelling on Facebook,” Whitfield said.

Mayor Charles Latham said the monument has been “quite a divisive figure” in the town of 12,300, where about 57% of residents are Black and 40% are white.

“I understand people had and stuff to fight and die in that war, and they should be proud of their family,” Latham said. “But you’ve got to understand that there were those who were oppressed by this, by the Confederate flag on there. There’s been a lot of hate and violence perpetrated against people of color, under the color of that flag.”

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The city received permission from the Mississippi Department of Archives and History to move the Confederate monument, as required. But Rep. Stacey Hobgood-Wilkes of Picayune said the fire station site is inappropriate.

“We are prepared to pursue such avenues that may be necessary to ensure that the statue is relocated to a more suitable and appropriate location,” she wrote, suggesting a Confederate cemetery closer to the courthouse square as an alternative. She said the Ladies Cemetery Association is willing to deed a parcel to the city to make it happen.

The Confederate monument in Grenada is one of hundreds in the South, most of which were dedicated during the early 20th century when groups such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy sought to shape the historical narrative by valorizing the Lost Cause mythology of the .

The monuments, many of them outside courthouses, came under fresh scrutiny after an avowed white supremacist who had posed with Confederate flags in photos posted online killed nine Black people inside the historic Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015.

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Grenada’s monument includes images of Confederate president Jefferson Davis and a Confederate battle flag. It was engraved with praise for “the noble men who marched neath the flag of the and Bars” and “the noble women of the South,” who “gave their loved ones to our country to conquer or to die for truth and right.”

A half-century after it was dedicated, the monument’s symbolism figured in a voting rights march. When the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and other leaders held a mass rally in Grenada in June 1966, Robert Green of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference scrambled up the pedestal and planted a U.S. flag above the image of Davis.

The cemetery is a spot Latham himself had previously advocated as a new site for the monument, but he said it’s too late to change now, after the city already budgeted $60,000 for the move.

“So, who’s going to pay the city back for the $30,000 we’ve already expended to relocate this?” he said. “You should’ve showed up a year and a half ago, two years ago, before the city gets to this point.”

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A few other Confederate monuments in Mississippi have been relocated. In July 2020, a Confederate soldier statue was moved from a prominent spot at the University of Mississippi to a Civil War cemetery in a secluded part of the Oxford campus. In May 2021, a Confederate monument featuring three soldiers was moved from outside the Lowndes County Courthouse in Columbus to another cemetery with Confederate soldiers.

Lori Chavis, a Grenada City Council member, said that since the monument was covered by tarps, “it’s caused nothing but more divide in our city.”

She said she supports relocating the monument but worries about a lawsuit. She acknowledged that people probably didn’t know until recently exactly where it would reappear.

“It’s tucked back in the woods, and it’s not visible from even pulling behind the fire station,” Chavis said. “And I think that’s what got some of the citizens upset.”

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Crooked Letter Sports Podcast

Podcast: New Orleans sports columnist and author Jeff Duncan joins the podcast to talk about his new Steve Gleason book and the new-look New Orleans Saints.

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mississippitoday.org – Rick Cleveland and Tyler Cleveland – 2024-09-18 10:00:00

Jeff Duncan went from the Mississippi Book in on Saturday to Jerry World in Dallas on Sunday where he watched and wrote about the Saints’ total dismantling of the Dallas Cowboys. We about both and also about what happened in high school and college football last and what’s coming up this weekend.

Stream all episodes here.

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1899

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-09-18 07:00:00

Sept. 18, 1899

Credit: Wikipedia

Scott Joplin, known as “the King of Ragtime,” copyrighted the “Maple Leaf Rag,” which became the first song to sell more than 1 million copies of sheet music. The popularity launched a sensation surrounding ragtime, which has been called America’s “first classical music.” 

Born near Texarkana, , Joplin grew up in a musical . He worked on the railroad with other family members until he was able to earn money as a musician, traveling across the South. He wound up playing at the World’s Fair in Chicago in 1893, where he met fellow musician Otis Saunders, who encouraged him to write down the songs he had been making up to entertain audiences. In all, Joplin wrote dozens of ragtime songs. 

After some , he moved to New York , hoping he could make a living while stretching the boundaries of music. He wrote a ragtime ballet and two operas, but success in these new forms eluded him. He was buried in a pauper’s grave in New York City in 1917. 

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More than six decades later, his music was rediscovered, initially by Joshua Rifkin, who recorded Joplin’s songs on a record, and then Gunther Schuller of the New England Conservatory, who performed four of the ragtime songs in concert: “My faculty, many of whom had never even heard of Joplin, were saying things like, ‘My gosh, he writes melodies like Schubert!’” 

Joplin’s music won over even more admirers through the 1973 , “The Sting,” which won an Oscar for the music. His song, “The Entertainer,” reached No. 3 on Billboard and was ranked No. 10 among “Songs of the Century” list by the Recording Industry Association of America. His opera “Treemonisha” was produced to wide acclaim, and he won a Pulitzer Prize in 1976 for his special contribution to American music. 

“The ragtime craze, the faddish thing, will obviously die down, but Joplin will have his position secure in American music history,” Rifkin said. “He is a treasurable composer.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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