Mississippi Today
Q&A with neonatologist Dr. Christina Glick on the science and stigma of breastfeeding

Note: This Q&A first published in Mississippi Today’s InformHer newsletter. Subscribe to our free women and girls newsletter to read stories like this monthly.

Dr. Christina Glick is a retired neonatologist who runs Mississippi Lactation Services, one of the only free-standing breastfeeding clinics in the Jackson area. She is an advocate of family-centered care, a system of practice that incorporates the family in therapeutic, management and even diagnostic decision-making, and a proponent of breastfeeding as medicine.
Research around breastfeeding – which lowers the incidence of numerous diseases, infections and depression in both mother and baby – has made strides in the last few decades. Still, Glick says she sometimes encounters colleagues who joke that she “quit practicing real medicine” when she opened her clinic in 2015.
With the highest rate of preterm birth, Mississippi could stand to benefit from increasing its breastfeeding rate – one of the lowest in the country. Mississippi Today spoke with Glick about the science and stigma of breastfeeding, the multi-billion dollar infant formula industry, and what would be needed to eradicate unnecessary pharmaceutical intervention in baby feeding practices.
Editor’s note: This Q&A has been edited for length and clarity.
Mississippi Today: How did you first get into breastfeeding research and, at the time, did you feel like it was a rather underappreciated or niche area?
Dr. Christina Glick: When I first did my training back in the early ‘80s, there was no breastfeeding training in medical school at all. It wasn’t even mentioned. And one of the things we were regularly losing babies from was malnutrition. So, the smallest babies were the hardest ones to be able to feed. And so there was some early work in the late ‘80s that breast milk was maybe a solution for some of our malnutrition issues in the tiniest, sickest babies who had chronic lung disease and just weren’t able to get enough nutrition. I got certified as a lactation consultant by the International Board of Certified Lactation Consultants, IBCLC, in the early 2000s. I started working with breastfeeding for my NICU patients at that time, and when I was in private practice I began to do a lot of breastfeeding medicine in the NICU.
When I opened my clinic, I thought ‘well I know a lot about breastfeeding and it’s going to be a pretty easy adjustment from intensive care medicine to lactation,’ and it was not – at all. I found that I knew very little about breastfeeding – and I’ve breastfed three children of my own. It’s a very confusing thing: you think it’s natural so it’s going to be simple, but it’s a very complex field of work. I have found that it’s absolutely critical to be able to coordinate the teamwork between the provider and the family to be able to successfully advocate for breastfeeding.
It is an extremely underrepresented field, still to this day. It’s getting more and more recognition but I still get people kidding me, ‘well, you quit practicing real medicine’ and stuff like that.
MT: Tell us a little bit about the research around breast milk and how breastfeeding has been shown to be mutually beneficial for mother and baby.
CG: There are so many aspects of breastfeeding that are just, seemingly magical. There’s the nutritional part of it – it’s the perfect food for the baby. So it’s exactly matched to the proteins that babies need. And we’ve found that breastfed babies actually need less volume, less protein, less calories when they’re fed breast milk – because it’s the perfect food.
Babies that are breastfed, we know, have a lower incidence of some of the diseases that are the most common causes of adult bad outcomes including cardiovascular disease, heart attack and stroke. So breastfed babies have less of that. And we always thought it was a nutritional thing but as we’ve been discovering, the human genome is actually affected by breastfeeding. So the epigenome, which is the part of our genetics that is changeable, is actually impacted greatly by breastfeeding. And so we think now that breastfeeding changes the likelihood of having heart attacks and strokes, based on the changes in the genome, not as a nutritional result – which I find pretty amazing. The breast milk actually turns off bad genes and turns on good genes.
And as we studied the microbiome, we found that breastfeeding dramatically changes the microbiome and probably has a really big effect on our overall long-term health as well as the epigenome. So breastfed babies have completely different colonies of bacteria in their gut and we think that affects their overall health and their immunological response to infections. So it’s not just the nutritional benefit but also the microbiome that helps fight infections.
MT: Aside from all the benefits for the baby, what are some of the benefits for the mother? Can it help with things like postpartum depression?
CG: Yes. And one of the confusing things about breastfeeding is that the first couple of weeks are usually pretty stressful. We always paint it as a time of bonding and rainbows and unicorns or whatever but establishing breastfeeding in the first couple of weeks can be extremely stressful.
And sometimes the first few weeks are so stressful that people imagine that postpartum depression is increased by breastfeeding – but the data shows that it’s actually protective. One of the best things that happens with breastfeeding is the hormonal changes that breastfeeding brings on are really unique. So, breastfeeding moms have really high levels of prolactin. And they have huge oxytocin surges which is what stimulates the transfer of milk to the baby. And it turns out that the oxytocin surges are pretty unique in breastfeeding mothers, and those oxytocin surges help reduce the incidence of cardiovascular disease long-term in the mother. So, we see less heart attacks and strokes in mothers who have breastfed for any significant time that is more than a matter of weeks.
In addition, breastfeeding helps reduce breast cancer. So breastfeeding mothers have a lower risk of developing breast cancer throughout the rest of their lives.
MT: Why do you think Mississippi has one of the lower rates of breastfeeding in the country?
CG: One of the things that gave formula such a strong foothold early on in the ‘50s and ‘60s was that it was called formula, so it was like the perfect scientific formulation of milk for a baby that was going to make babies healthier than breast milk. And so it became a socioeconomic incentive that well-off people can feed their babies with this new, special formulation of milk. So, it became a status symbol, if you will, that formula-fed babies are better off than breastfed babies. And that lingers in our culture today in America that it’s considered an advantage to be able to formula feed babies.
And one of the things that has happened is that one of the programs that serves lower socioeconomic groups, particularly single women, is the WIC program – Women, Infants and Children Program – and that has really translated to a sort of formula chain. There are some lactation consultants who work on supporting breastfeeding, but it’s not a perfect system and it tends to be sort of a knee-jerk to offer women formula instead of breastfeeding. It just seems easier, so if there’s any bump in the road they tend to switch to formula.
Breastfeeding is a cultural thing. If your mother breastfed you and your sisters and your cousins and everyone is breastfeeding their babies, then there is a lot of community support. If you come from a culture where everyone is formula feeding, there’s no one there who really understands. So when you hit problems, the answer is formula.
And unfortunately, the indigent population in Mississippi, and in the country as a whole, is still on the formula highway. There’s not support in our culture by a long history of breastfeeding. So, if you’re in a formula culture, you tend to formula feed and that is the case in Mississippi.
MT: Mississippi also has one of the highest rates of cesarean sections in the U.S. Are these two things, high rate of cesareans and high rate of formula use, connected?
CG: Right, great question. With a cesarean, there are a number of things that interfere with the initiation of breastfeeding. So, one of the big things is that a woman who has a C-section gets a big bolus of fluids, and that translates pretty quickly straight into the baby. So babies born of C-sections have higher water content in their bodies. And when we’re water overloaded what we do is pee it all out pretty quickly. And so babies born by C-section tend to lose weight really quickly. And we have this 10% cutoff, based on a terrible study that said that babies who lose more than 10% of their birth weight are in danger, and immediately supplement them with formula. So, just the weight loss piece of surgical deliveries makes them be at higher risk of formula supplementation recommendation right off the bat.
And then the second thing that happens is that surgical delivery delays the milk coming in. So, there’s breast milk and there’s colostrum. And normally, we transition from colostrum to regular milk by the second or third day, but with surgical deliveries that’s delayed to the fourth or fifth day. And oftentimes when a breastfed baby is only getting colostrum for four or five days, they’re pretty darn hungry by the time the milk comes in. And they’ve lost a lot of weight. So you have a crying, fussing baby who is acting unsatisfied and the natural response is to give the baby supplementation, instead of saying ‘it’s ok for that baby to cluster feed for 10 or 15 times a day to get that milk.’ And the data is that if you use more than four ounces of formula in a 24-hour period in the first month, it dramatically interferes with sustainability of breastfeeding in the long term.
MT: In your view, do you think more Americans are using formula than need it? What would be needed to shift the paradigm?
CG: Absolutely. That is completely, absolutely true. And one of the unfortunate things that has happened as a result of the move toward formula is the companies who have produced formula are very powerful political forces in this country. So it’s an economic incentive for hospitals and doctors to push formula. And that’s become a real driver in the supplementation of formula in our country. And breastfeeding is not a powerful money-making industry, right? So it’s very hard to fight the pharmaceutical intervention in infant feeding practices in our country.
We would need to strip the pharmaceutical power and make that not a factor anymore … Most mothers are given a sample of formula when they register at the prenatal clinic. So that’s a huge tool to get formula in your front door by sending you free formula. That should be banned. It should be illegal to do that.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Early voting proposal killed on last day of Mississippi legislative session
Mississippi will remain one of only three states without no-excuse early voting or no-excuse absentee voting.
Senate leaders, on the last day of their regular 2025 session, decided not to send a bill to Gov. Tate Reeves that would have expanded pre-Election Day voting options. The governor has been vocally opposed to early voting in Mississippi, and would likely have vetoed the measure.
The House and Senate this week overwhelmingly voted for legislation that established a watered-down version of early voting. The proposal would have required voters to go to a circuit clerk’s office and verify their identity with a photo ID.
The proposal also listed broad excuses that would have allowed many voters an opportunity to cast early ballots.
The measure passed the House unanimously and the Senate approved it 42-7. However, Sen. Jeff Tate, a Republican from Meridian who strongly opposes early voting, held the bill on a procedural motion.
Senate Elections Chairman Jeremy England chose not to dispose of Tate’s motion on Thursday morning, the last day the Senate was in session. This killed the bill and prevented it from going to the governor.
England, a Republican from Vancleave, told reporters he decided to kill the legislation because he believed some of its language needed tweaking.
The other reality is that Republican Gov. Tate Reeves strongly opposes early voting proposals and even attacked England on social media for advancing the proposal out of the Senate chamber.
England said he received word “through some sources” that Reeves would veto the measure.
“I’m not done working on it, though,” England said.
Although Mississippi does not have no-excuse early voting or no-excuse absentee voting, it does have absentee voting.
To vote by absentee, a voter must meet one of around a dozen legal excuses, such as temporarily living outside of their county or being over 65. Mississippi law doesn’t allow people to vote by absentee purely out of convenience or choice.
Several conservative states, such as Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas and Florida, have an in-person early voting system. The Republican National Committee in 2023 urged Republican voters to cast an early ballot in states that have early voting procedures.
Yet some Republican leaders in Mississippi have ardently opposed early voting legislation over concerns that it undermines election security.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
Mississippi Legislature approves DEI ban after heated debate
Mississippi lawmakers have reached an agreement to ban diversity, equity and inclusion programs and a list of “divisive concepts” from public schools across the state education system, following the lead of numerous other Republican-controlled states and President Donald Trump’s administration.
House and Senate lawmakers approved a compromise bill in votes on Tuesday and Wednesday. It will likely head to Republican Gov. Tate Reeves for his signature after it clears a procedural motion.
The agreement between the Republican-dominated chambers followed hours of heated debate in which Democrats, almost all of whom are Black, excoriated the legislation as a setback in the long struggle to make Mississippi a fairer place for minorities. They also said the bill could bog universities down with costly legal fights and erode academic freedom.
Democratic Rep. Bryant Clark, who seldom addresses the entire House chamber from the podium during debates, rose to speak out against the bill on Tuesday. He is the son of the late Robert Clark, the first Black Mississippian elected to the state Legislature since the 1800s and the first Black Mississippian to serve as speaker pro tempore and preside over the House chamber since Reconstruction.
“We are better than this, and all of you know that we don’t need this with Mississippi history,” Clark said. “We should be the ones that say, ‘listen, we may be from Mississippi, we may have a dark past, but you know what, we’re going to be the first to stand up this time and say there is nothing wrong with DEI.'”
Legislative Republicans argued that the measure — which will apply to all public schools from the K-12 level through universities — will elevate merit in education and remove a list of so-called “divisive concepts” from academic settings. More broadly, conservative critics of DEI say the programs divide people into categories of victims and oppressors and infuse left-wing ideology into campus life.
“We are a diverse state. Nowhere in here are we trying to wipe that out,” said Republican Sen. Tyler McCaughn, one of the bill’s authors. “We’re just trying to change the focus back to that of excellence.”
The House and Senate initially passed proposals that differed in who they would impact, what activities they would regulate and how they aim to reshape the inner workings of the state’s education system. Some House leaders wanted the bill to be “semi-vague” in its language and wanted to create a process for withholding state funds based on complaints that almost anyone could lodge. The Senate wanted to pair a DEI ban with a task force to study inefficiencies in the higher education system, a provision the upper chamber later agreed to scrap.
The concepts that will be rooted out from curricula include the idea that gender identity can be a “subjective sense of self, disconnected from biological reality.” The move reflects another effort to align with the Trump administration, which has declared via executive order that there are only two sexes.
The House and Senate disagreed on how to enforce the measure but ultimately settled on an agreement that would empower students, parents of minor students, faculty members and contractors to sue schools for violating the law.
People could only sue after they go through an internal campus review process and a 25-day period when schools could fix the alleged violation. Republican Rep. Joey Hood, one of the House negotiators, said that was a compromise between the chambers. The House wanted to make it possible for almost anyone to file lawsuits over the DEI ban, while Senate negotiators initially bristled at the idea of fast-tracking internal campus disputes to the legal system.
The House ultimately held firm in its position to create a private cause of action, or the right to sue, but it agreed to give schools the ability to conduct an investigative process and potentially resolve the alleged violation before letting people sue in chancery courts.
“You have to go through the administrative process,” said Republican Sen. Nicole Boyd, one of the bill’s lead authors. “Because the whole idea is that, if there is a violation, the school needs to cure the violation. That’s what the purpose is. It’s not to create litigation, it’s to cure violations.”
If people disagree with the findings from that process, they could also ask the attorney general’s office to sue on their behalf.
Under the new law, Mississippi could withhold state funds from schools that don’t comply. Schools would be required to compile reports on all complaints filed in response to the new law.
Trump promised in his 2024 campaign to eliminate DEI in the federal government. One of the first executive orders he signed did that. Some Mississippi lawmakers introduced bills in the 2024 session to restrict DEI, but the proposals never made it out of committee. With the national headwinds at their backs and several other laws in Republican-led states to use as models, Mississippi lawmakers made plans to introduce anti-DEI legislation.
The policy debate also unfolded amid the early stages of a potential Republican primary matchup in the 2027 governor’s race between State Auditor Shad White and Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann. White, who has been one of the state’s loudest advocates for banning DEI, had branded Hosemann in the months before the 2025 session “DEI Delbert,” claiming the Senate leader has stood in the way of DEI restrictions passing the Legislature.
During the first Senate floor debate over the chamber’s DEI legislation during this year’s legislative session, Hosemann seemed to be conscious of these political attacks. He walked over to staff members and asked how many people were watching the debate live on YouTube.
As the DEI debate cleared one of its final hurdles Wednesday afternoon, the House and Senate remained at loggerheads over the state budget amid Republican infighting. It appeared likely the Legislature would end its session Wednesday or Thursday without passing a $7 billion budget to fund state agencies, potentially threatening a government shutdown.
“It is my understanding that we don’t have a budget and will likely leave here without a budget. But this piece of legislation …which I don’t think remedies any of Mississippi’s issues, this has become one of the top priorities that we had to get done,” said Democratic Sen. Rod Hickman. “I just want to say, if we put that much work into everything else we did, Mississippi might be a much better place.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
House gives Senate 5 p.m. deadline to come to table, or legislative session ends with no state budget
The House on Wednesday attempted one final time to revive negotiations between it and the Senate over passing a state budget.
Otherwise, the two Republican-led chambers will likely end their session without funding government services for the next fiscal year and potentially jeopardize state agencies.
The House on Wednesday unanimously passed a measure to extend the legislative session and revive budget bills that had died on legislative deadlines last weekend.
House Speaker Jason White said he did not have any prior commitment that the Senate would agree to the proposal, but he wanted to extend one last offer to pass the budget. White, a Republican from West, said if he did not hear from the Senate by 5 p.m. on Wednesday, his chamber would end its regular session.
“The ball is in their court,” White said of the Senate. “Every indication has been that they would not agree to extend the deadlines for purposes of doing the budget. I don’t know why that is. We did it last year, and we’ve done it most years.”
But it did not appear likely Wednesday afternoon that the Senate would comply.
The Mississippi Legislature has not left Jackson without setting at least most of the state budget since 2009, when then Gov. Haley Barbour had to force them back to set one to avoid a government shutdown.
The House measure to extend the session is now before the Senate for consideration. To pass, it would require a two-thirds majority vote of senators. But that might prove impossible. Numerous senators on both sides of the aisle vowed to vote against extending the current session, and Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann who oversees the chamber said such an extension likely couldn’t pass.
Senate leadership seemed surprised at the news that the House passed the resolution to negotiate a budget, and several senators earlier on Wednesday made passing references to ending the session without passing a budget.
“We’ll look at it after it passes the full House,” Senate President Pro Tempore Dean Kirby said.
The House and Senate, each having a Republican supermajority, have fought over many issues since the legislative session began early January.
But the battle over a tax overhaul plan, including elimination of the state individual income tax, appeared to cause a major rift. Lawmakers did pass a tax overhaul, which the governor has signed into law, but Senate leaders cried foul over how it passed, with the House seizing on typos in the Senate’s proposal that accidentally resembled the House’s more aggressive elimination plan.
The Senate had urged caution in eliminating the income tax, and had economic growth triggers that would have likely phased in the elimination over many years. But the typos essentially negated the triggers, and the House and governor ran with it.
The two chambers have also recently fought over the budget. White said he communicated directly with Senate leaders that the House would stand firm on not passing a budget late in the session.
But Senate leaders said they had trouble getting the House to meet with them to haggle out the final budget.
On the normally scheduled “conference weekend” with a deadline to agree to a budget last Saturday, the House did not show, taking the weekend off. This angered Hosemann and the Senate. All the budget bills died, requiring a vote to extend the session, or the governor forcing them into a special session.
If the Legislature ends its regular session without adopting a budget, the only option to fund state agencies before their budgets expire on June 30 is for Gov. Tate Reeves to call lawmakers back into a special session later.
“There really isn’t any other option (than the governor calling a special session),” Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann previously said.
If Reeves calls a special session, he gets to set the Legislature’s agenda. A special session call gives an otherwise constitutionally weak Mississippi governor more power over the Legislature.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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