Mississippi Today
Mississippi Legislature bigger than most even as population lags
At noon on Jan. 2, one of the largest law-making bodies in the country – the Mississippi Legislature – will convene for a 120-day regular session.
Mississippi has one of the largest legislatures even though the state ranks as the 35th most populous of the nation’s 50 states. And Mississippi’s population ranking has been dropping in recent decades. In 2000, for instance, Mississippi was the 32nd most populous state.
But for decades, Mississippi has had one of the nation’s biggest legislatures in terms of number of members.
Whether the fact the Mississippi Legislature is so large is good or bad for the state depends on perspective. It could be argued that Mississippi legislators represent fewer people, making them closer and more responsive to their constituents. Others could argue that the Legislature is bloated and would be more efficient with fewer members.
Perspective.
Only 13 states have lower chambers larger than the 122-member Mississippi House of Representatives. And only four states have upper chambers with more members than the 52-member Mississippi Senate.
Tiny New Hampshire has by far the largest lower chamber with a 400-member house. The second largest house is Pennsylvania with 203 members, but its senate has two fewer members than does the Mississippi Senate.
Minnesota, which also has a house larger than Mississippi’s, has the nation’s largest senate with 67 members. California, the most populous state, has a smaller legislature than Mississippi.
The large size of the Mississippi Legislature means each member represents fewer people than do legislators in most states. Only 12 states have senate districts where the members represent fewer people than Mississippi senators, according to information compiled by Ballotpedia using U.S. Census apportionment data. The ideal size of a Mississippi Senate district to ensure the federally mandated equal distribution of the population across the state is 56,998. The smallest ideal size is North Dakota at 16,589. California is the largest at 989,419 people per senate district – far larger than the average U.S. House district, which is about 750,000 people. The national average size is 167,820 people per state senate district.
In the house, the ideal size of a Mississippi district is 24,294 compared to the national average of 61,169. California, again, is the largest at 494,709 while the ideal size of a House district in New Hampshire is 3,448. Only 11 states have House districts where members represent fewer people than House members in Mississippi represent.
Like so many issues in Mississippi, race played a major role in the development of the legislative districts. According to the Mississippi Historical Society, the legislative districts were apportioned in a manner to form “the legal basis and bulwark of the design of white supremacy in a state with an overwhelming and growing negro majority.” Each county was assigned a certain number of legislative districts and done so in a manner to ensure a white legislative majority. The 1890 Constitution said the Senate should be composed of between 30 and 45 members while the House should be between 100 and 133.
In 1962, the state constitution was amended to place the number of senators at not more than 52 and the number of House members at not more than 122.
In 1966, the state lost a landmark federal redistricting lawsuit. Federal judges ruled the Mississippi system established in 1890 to assign legislative districts to counties was unconstitutional because it diluted Black voter strength. In 1977 after lengthy appeals and legal maneuvering, it was finalized that the Mississippi Legislature had to be made up of what was called single-member districts that had to be near equal in population.
The state Constitution was amended again based on that federal court mandate ensuring equal population. The size of the Legislature was not changed, though, by the 1977 amendment.
Occasionally there are efforts to reduce the size of the Mississippi Legislature. In the 1990s, then-Lt. Gov. Eddie Briggs tried to gather enough signatures to place on the ballot a proposal to reduce the Legislature’s size. That effort did not go very far before it was dropped.
Any modern effort to reduce the size of the Mississippi Legislature would likely be opposed by multiple groups, including by many Black leaders.
The Mississippi Legislature, once designed in a manner to limit Black representation, now has 56 African American members (14 in the Senate and 42 in the House.) Only Georgia and Maryland have more Black members serving in their legislatures.
Of course, African Americans still remain under-represented in the Mississippi Legislature. The state has a Black population of about 38%, the highest in the nation, but about 32% of Mississippi legislators are African American.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
An ad supporting Jenifer Branning finds imaginary liberals on the Mississippi Supreme Court
The Improve Mississippi PAC claims in advertising that the state Supreme Court “is in danger of being dominated by liberal justices” unless Jenifer Branning is elected in Tuesday’s runoff.
Improve Mississippi made the almost laughable claim in both radio commercials and mailers that were sent to homes in the court’s central district, where a runoff election will be held on Tuesday.
Improve Mississippi is an independent, third party political action committee created to aid state Sen. Jenifer Branning of Neshoba County in her efforts to defeat longtime Central District Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens of Copiah County.
The PAC should receive an award or at least be considered for an honor for best fiction writing.
At least seven current members of the nine-member Supreme Court would be shocked to know anyone considered them liberal.
It is telling that the ads do not offer any examples of “liberal” Supreme Court opinions issued by the current majority. It is even more telling that there have been no ads by Improve Mississippi or any other group citing the liberal dissenting opinions written or joined by Kitchens.
Granted, it is fair and likely accurate to point out that Branning is more conservative than Kitchens. After all, Branning is considered one of the more conservative members of a supermajority Republican Mississippi Senate.
As a member of the Senate, for example, she voted against removing the Confederate battle emblem from the Mississippi state flag, opposed Medicaid expansion and an equal pay bill for women.
And if she is elected to the state Supreme Court in Tuesday’s runoff election, she might be one of the panel’s more conservative members. But she will be surrounded by a Supreme Court bench full of conservatives.
A look at the history of the members of the Supreme Court might be helpful.
Chief Justice Michael Randolph originally was appointed to the court by Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, who is credited with leading the effort to make the Republican Party dominant in Mississippi. Before Randolph was appointed by Barbour, he served a stint on the National Coal Council — appointed to the post by President Ronald Reagan who is considered an icon in the conservative movement.
Justices James Maxwell, Dawn Beam, David Ishee and Kenneth Griffis were appointed by Republican Gov. Phil Bryant.
Only three members of the current court were not initially appointed to the Supreme Court by conservative Republican governors: Kitchens, Josiah Coleman and Robert Chamberlin. All three got their initial posts on the court by winning elections for full eight-year terms.
But Chamberlin, once a Republican state senator from Southaven, was appointed as a circuit court judge by Barbour before winning his Supreme Court post. And Coleman was endorsed in his election effort by both the Republican Party and by current Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who also contributed to his campaign.
Only Kitchens earned a spot on the court without either being appointed by a Republican governor or being endorsed by the state Republican Party.
The ninth member of the court is Leslie King, who, like Kitchens, is viewed as not as conservative as the other seven justices. King, former chief judge on the Mississippi Court of Appeals, was originally appointed to the Supreme Court by Barbour, who to his credit made the appointment at least in part to ensure that a Black Mississippian remained on the nine-member court.
It should be noted that Beam was defeated on Nov. 5 by David Sullivan, a Gulf Coast municipal judge who has a local reputation for leaning conservative. Even if Sullivan is less conservative when he takes his new post in January, there still be six justices on the Supreme Court with strong conservative bonafides, not counting what happens in the Branning-Kitchens runoff.
Granted, Kitchens is next in line to serve as chief justice should Randolph, who has been on the court since 2004, step down. The longest tenured justice serves as the chief justice.
But to think that Kitchens as chief justice would be able to exert enough influence to force the other longtime conservative members of the court to start voting as liberals is even more fiction.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1968
Nov. 24, 1968
Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver fled the U.S. to avoid imprisonment on a parole violation. He wrote in “Soul on Ice”: “If a man like Malcolm X could change and repudiate racism, if I myself and other former Muslims can change, if young whites can change, then there is hope for America.”
The Arkansas native began to be incarcerated when he was still in junior high and soon read about Malcolm X. He began writing his own essays, drawing the praise of Norman Mailer and others. That work helped him win parole in 1966. His “Soul on Ice” memoir, written from Folsom state prison, described his journey from selling marijuana to following Malcolm X. The book he wrote became a seminal work in Black literature, and he became a national figure.
Cleaver soon joined the Black Panther Party, serving as the minister of information. After a Panther shootout with police that left him injured, one Panther dead and two officers wounded, he jumped bail and fled the U.S. In 1977, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt, he returned to the U.S. pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of assault and served 1,200 hours of community service.
From that point forward, “Mr. Cleaver metamorphosed into variously a born-again Christian, a follower of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, a Mormon, a crack cocaine addict, a designer of men’s trousers featuring a codpiece and even, finally, a Republican,” The New York Times wrote in his 1998 obituary. His wife said he was suffering from mental illness and never recovered.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1867
Nov. 23, 1867
The Louisiana Constitutional Convention, composed of 49 White delegates and 49 Black delegates, met in New Orleans. The new constitution became the first in the state’s history to include a bill of rights.
The document gave property rights to married women, funded public education without segregated schools, provided full citizenship for Black Americans, and eliminated the Black Codes of 1865 and property qualifications for officeholders.
The voters ratified the constitution months later. Despite the document, prejudice and corruption continued to reign in Louisiana, and when Reconstruction ended, the constitution was replaced with one that helped restore the rule of white supremacy.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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