Mississippi Today
Legislative leaders opt not to release typical pre-session budget plan after disagreement with governor
Legislative leaders have opted not to produce a budget recommendation to serve as a guideline for the upcoming 2024 session.
Normally, the 14-member Budget Committee, which includes outgoing House Speaker Philip Gunn and Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, develops a budget recommendation before each session begins in January. But during Wednesday’s meeting, Budget Committee members adjourned without adopting a budget recommendation.
House Pro Tem Jason White, R-West, who is expected to be elected by the membership as speaker in January, said the committee opted not to develop a budget recommendation because there was not an official revenue estimate agreed to by the Budget Committee and Gov. Tate Reeves.
“We didn’t have an agreement on a number,” said White.
READ MORE: Governor, legislative leaders deadlock on how much money the state has to spend next year
An initial step in developing a budget is for the governor and Budget Committee to agree in November on the amount of revenue expected to be collected during the upcoming fiscal year to fund the budget. Reeves wanted a revenue estimate of about $118 million more than supported by the Budget Committee.
Both White and Hosemann said Wednesday they anticipate legislative appropriators will begin work in January on separate budget proposals from the House and Senate using the revenue estimate supported by the Budget Committee. Hosemann said he hopes to meet with Reeves before he releases his budget proposal — due Jan. 31 — to discuss with him using the lower number.
At the very least, Hosemann said, “I would hope that (agreeing on a revenue estimate) would be worked out before March with the governor.” March is essentially when work will begin in earnest on developing a budget to fund state services, such as education, health care and law enforcement.
Reeves has said he supports the higher budget recommendation — $7.64 billion — because it would make it easier to pass in the 2024 session his plan to phase out the state income tax, which accounts for a little less than one-third of total state general fund revenue.
Hosemann again reiterated Wednesday current collections do not support the higher estimate supported by Reeves. The lieutenant governor pointed out that for three of the first five months of the current fiscal year, revenue has met the current estimate only because of interest earnings. Without those earnings, Hosemann said, revenue collections would be below the amount projected by the 2023 Legislature to fund the budget for the current fiscal year.
Hosemann added that he, like the governor, wants to consider tax cuts during the upcoming session. He said he would like to consider reductions in the income tax and the 7% tax on groceries. But he discounted efforts to pass legislation to totally eliminate the income tax sometimes in the future, saying it made sense to work each session to try to make incremental tax cuts.
Hosemann said through such incremental cuts, “it could be eliminated in 10 years, faster than what is being proposed” by the governor and others in past legislation.
This is the first time in recent history that the Budget Committee will not develop a budget recommendation. Before the 2003 session, then-Gov. Ronnie Musgrove and the Budget Committee did not agree on an estimate, but the committee still offered a budget recommendation.
Still, the recent posturing between the governor and legislative leaders most likely not derail work to pass a state budget. At some point in March or near the end of the session, the legislative leaders most likely will meet and hash out a revenue estimate and work to pass a budget. The governor in March will have no official role in developing that estimate. At that point, the governor will have the option to veto or sign those budget bills into law.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
An ad supporting Jenifer Branning finds imaginary liberals on the Mississippi Supreme Court
The Improve Mississippi PAC claims in advertising that the state Supreme Court “is in danger of being dominated by liberal justices” unless Jenifer Branning is elected in Tuesday’s runoff.
Improve Mississippi made the almost laughable claim in both radio commercials and mailers that were sent to homes in the court’s central district, where a runoff election will be held on Tuesday.
Improve Mississippi is an independent, third party political action committee created to aid state Sen. Jenifer Branning of Neshoba County in her efforts to defeat longtime Central District Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens of Copiah County.
The PAC should receive an award or at least be considered for an honor for best fiction writing.
At least seven current members of the nine-member Supreme Court would be shocked to know anyone considered them liberal.
It is telling that the ads do not offer any examples of “liberal” Supreme Court opinions issued by the current majority. It is even more telling that there have been no ads by Improve Mississippi or any other group citing the liberal dissenting opinions written or joined by Kitchens.
Granted, it is fair and likely accurate to point out that Branning is more conservative than Kitchens. After all, Branning is considered one of the more conservative members of a supermajority Republican Mississippi Senate.
As a member of the Senate, for example, she voted against removing the Confederate battle emblem from the Mississippi state flag, opposed Medicaid expansion and an equal pay bill for women.
And if she is elected to the state Supreme Court in Tuesday’s runoff election, she might be one of the panel’s more conservative members. But she will be surrounded by a Supreme Court bench full of conservatives.
A look at the history of the members of the Supreme Court might be helpful.
Chief Justice Michael Randolph originally was appointed to the court by Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, who is credited with leading the effort to make the Republican Party dominant in Mississippi. Before Randolph was appointed by Barbour, he served a stint on the National Coal Council — appointed to the post by President Ronald Reagan who is considered an icon in the conservative movement.
Justices James Maxwell, Dawn Beam, David Ishee and Kenneth Griffis were appointed by Republican Gov. Phil Bryant.
Only three members of the current court were not initially appointed to the Supreme Court by conservative Republican governors: Kitchens, Josiah Coleman and Robert Chamberlin. All three got their initial posts on the court by winning elections for full eight-year terms.
But Chamberlin, once a Republican state senator from Southaven, was appointed as a circuit court judge by Barbour before winning his Supreme Court post. And Coleman was endorsed in his election effort by both the Republican Party and by current Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who also contributed to his campaign.
Only Kitchens earned a spot on the court without either being appointed by a Republican governor or being endorsed by the state Republican Party.
The ninth member of the court is Leslie King, who, like Kitchens, is viewed as not as conservative as the other seven justices. King, former chief judge on the Mississippi Court of Appeals, was originally appointed to the Supreme Court by Barbour, who to his credit made the appointment at least in part to ensure that a Black Mississippian remained on the nine-member court.
It should be noted that Beam was defeated on Nov. 5 by David Sullivan, a Gulf Coast municipal judge who has a local reputation for leaning conservative. Even if Sullivan is less conservative when he takes his new post in January, there still be six justices on the Supreme Court with strong conservative bonafides, not counting what happens in the Branning-Kitchens runoff.
Granted, Kitchens is next in line to serve as chief justice should Randolph, who has been on the court since 2004, step down. The longest tenured justice serves as the chief justice.
But to think that Kitchens as chief justice would be able to exert enough influence to force the other longtime conservative members of the court to start voting as liberals is even more fiction.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1968
Nov. 24, 1968
Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver fled the U.S. to avoid imprisonment on a parole violation. He wrote in “Soul on Ice”: “If a man like Malcolm X could change and repudiate racism, if I myself and other former Muslims can change, if young whites can change, then there is hope for America.”
The Arkansas native began to be incarcerated when he was still in junior high and soon read about Malcolm X. He began writing his own essays, drawing the praise of Norman Mailer and others. That work helped him win parole in 1966. His “Soul on Ice” memoir, written from Folsom state prison, described his journey from selling marijuana to following Malcolm X. The book he wrote became a seminal work in Black literature, and he became a national figure.
Cleaver soon joined the Black Panther Party, serving as the minister of information. After a Panther shootout with police that left him injured, one Panther dead and two officers wounded, he jumped bail and fled the U.S. In 1977, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt, he returned to the U.S. pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of assault and served 1,200 hours of community service.
From that point forward, “Mr. Cleaver metamorphosed into variously a born-again Christian, a follower of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, a Mormon, a crack cocaine addict, a designer of men’s trousers featuring a codpiece and even, finally, a Republican,” The New York Times wrote in his 1998 obituary. His wife said he was suffering from mental illness and never recovered.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1867
Nov. 23, 1867
The Louisiana Constitutional Convention, composed of 49 White delegates and 49 Black delegates, met in New Orleans. The new constitution became the first in the state’s history to include a bill of rights.
The document gave property rights to married women, funded public education without segregated schools, provided full citizenship for Black Americans, and eliminated the Black Codes of 1865 and property qualifications for officeholders.
The voters ratified the constitution months later. Despite the document, prejudice and corruption continued to reign in Louisiana, and when Reconstruction ended, the constitution was replaced with one that helped restore the rule of white supremacy.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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