Mississippi Today
Gov. Reeves mum on health care meetings, claims no documents exist
As the state’s hospital crisis continues, Gov. Tate Reeves has held meetings on health care, but his office refuses to say what they’re about.
His staffers also claim there are no official documents for those meetings, despite internal correspondence that indicates otherwise and despite Reeves proposing detailed health policy changes.
Several experts, including a former governor, say the lack of documentation for meetings and the lack of detail on Reeves’ calendar is unusual. One national expert called it “bad practice.”
Reeves appears to have attended meetings in the Governor’s Mansion from May to August on topics ranging from “Medicaid Policies” to “Healthcare Industry Issues” and “Healthcare Policies,” Mississippi Today discovered through a records request of the governor’s calendar.
During that time, Mississippi’s health industry experienced significant turmoil. The state Medicaid division disenrolled thousands of beneficiaries, while hospitals struggled. One hospital closed, while several others shuttered departments and applied to close their inpatient beds because of financial difficulties.
Amid the upheaval, it’s not clear exactly what happened in those meetings, nor who attended. Reeves’ calendar only shows the time, date and place for most meetings, and if his calendar lists the meeting topic, it usually doesn’t list with whom he met. His spokesperson, Shelby Wilcher, did not respond to multiple emails asking who attended those health care meetings and details about the topics.
When Mississippi Today requested official documents from the meetings, Reeves’ office claimed that, aside from a few email threads about scheduling, no notes or documents were used in or produced from the meetings.
One of the email threads produced as a result of the request revealed that the governor requires a briefing document that includes information about meeting attendees and the topic to be discussed before all of his meetings.
“For all meetings with him, we need to provide a briefing document beforehand,” Reeves’ scheduler Barrie Nelson said in one thread. “Can you please get me some information so I can make sure we have our ducks in a row?”
However, when Mississippi Today followed up by requesting briefing documents for those meetings about health care, Reeves’ office claimed that those, too, did not exist.
The state Public Records Act defines a public record as documentary materials used “in the conduct, transaction or performance of any business, transaction, work, duty or function of any public body.” That means if those briefing documents exist, they would theoretically be considered a public record.
John Pelissero, director of government ethics at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University, was confused about the discrepancy regarding “briefing documents.”
“It’s striking, because you have emails that showed that they were expected to produce documents in order to have the meeting with the governor,” he said. “Even if they’re not hiding it, even if they’re trying to be transparent, they don’t appear to be transparent. When you create the perception there is something irregular … then you’ve created an ethical issue for yourself because the governor’s office is eroding trust among the public.”
He went on to say that that strategy directly works against the governor’s interest, and that it’s critical for the public to know if any public business was discussed in those meetings or if decisions were made in them that would affect people.
“The thing about being governor is that you’re typically going to be more effective if you’re transparent,” Pelissero said. “The public that chose that individual to be the governor has the expectation that the governor is going to be acting on those things that the governor campaigned for as the candidate, and so there’s sort of a duty to your voters to demonstrate to them that you are, in fact, working on those things that you campaigned for.”
According to Ronnie Musgrove, who served as governor from 2000 to 2004, his calendar showed more detail. It included, in most cases, both whom Musgrove met with and an overview of the meeting topic.
Powerpoints and paper documents were common at most meetings when Musgrove was governor, he said, and a copy of those would have been provided to his office.
“Of course, I cannot say as to what the reasons are that they are not producing information, but if the information exists, it certainly should be produced,” he said. “Maybe (Reeves) thinks that showing his hand early on might produce some difficult discussions, but anything in health care is going to produce a lot of discussion.”
Musgrove conceded that there were occasions he remained tight-lipped about certain projects, but that was only when it would be “damaging if the details were known publicly,” he said.
“Being governor is an elected position, and it is one that’s being paid for by the taxpayers,” he said. “I believe that the people are entitled to know what the potential policies are and some of the details about them, especially before they go into effect.”
Former Gov. Phil Bryant, a Republican who served from 2012 to 2020, declined an interview.
Tom Hood, the Mississippi Ethics Commission’s executive director, said the commission’s ability to look into public records issues is “very limited.” Only after a records complaint is filed can the commission make a determination, he said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
An ad supporting Jenifer Branning finds imaginary liberals on the Mississippi Supreme Court
The Improve Mississippi PAC claims in advertising that the state Supreme Court “is in danger of being dominated by liberal justices” unless Jenifer Branning is elected in Tuesday’s runoff.
Improve Mississippi made the almost laughable claim in both radio commercials and mailers that were sent to homes in the court’s central district, where a runoff election will be held on Tuesday.
Improve Mississippi is an independent, third party political action committee created to aid state Sen. Jenifer Branning of Neshoba County in her efforts to defeat longtime Central District Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens of Copiah County.
The PAC should receive an award or at least be considered for an honor for best fiction writing.
At least seven current members of the nine-member Supreme Court would be shocked to know anyone considered them liberal.
It is telling that the ads do not offer any examples of “liberal” Supreme Court opinions issued by the current majority. It is even more telling that there have been no ads by Improve Mississippi or any other group citing the liberal dissenting opinions written or joined by Kitchens.
Granted, it is fair and likely accurate to point out that Branning is more conservative than Kitchens. After all, Branning is considered one of the more conservative members of a supermajority Republican Mississippi Senate.
As a member of the Senate, for example, she voted against removing the Confederate battle emblem from the Mississippi state flag, opposed Medicaid expansion and an equal pay bill for women.
And if she is elected to the state Supreme Court in Tuesday’s runoff election, she might be one of the panel’s more conservative members. But she will be surrounded by a Supreme Court bench full of conservatives.
A look at the history of the members of the Supreme Court might be helpful.
Chief Justice Michael Randolph originally was appointed to the court by Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, who is credited with leading the effort to make the Republican Party dominant in Mississippi. Before Randolph was appointed by Barbour, he served a stint on the National Coal Council — appointed to the post by President Ronald Reagan who is considered an icon in the conservative movement.
Justices James Maxwell, Dawn Beam, David Ishee and Kenneth Griffis were appointed by Republican Gov. Phil Bryant.
Only three members of the current court were not initially appointed to the Supreme Court by conservative Republican governors: Kitchens, Josiah Coleman and Robert Chamberlin. All three got their initial posts on the court by winning elections for full eight-year terms.
But Chamberlin, once a Republican state senator from Southaven, was appointed as a circuit court judge by Barbour before winning his Supreme Court post. And Coleman was endorsed in his election effort by both the Republican Party and by current Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who also contributed to his campaign.
Only Kitchens earned a spot on the court without either being appointed by a Republican governor or being endorsed by the state Republican Party.
The ninth member of the court is Leslie King, who, like Kitchens, is viewed as not as conservative as the other seven justices. King, former chief judge on the Mississippi Court of Appeals, was originally appointed to the Supreme Court by Barbour, who to his credit made the appointment at least in part to ensure that a Black Mississippian remained on the nine-member court.
It should be noted that Beam was defeated on Nov. 5 by David Sullivan, a Gulf Coast municipal judge who has a local reputation for leaning conservative. Even if Sullivan is less conservative when he takes his new post in January, there still be six justices on the Supreme Court with strong conservative bonafides, not counting what happens in the Branning-Kitchens runoff.
Granted, Kitchens is next in line to serve as chief justice should Randolph, who has been on the court since 2004, step down. The longest tenured justice serves as the chief justice.
But to think that Kitchens as chief justice would be able to exert enough influence to force the other longtime conservative members of the court to start voting as liberals is even more fiction.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1968
Nov. 24, 1968
Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver fled the U.S. to avoid imprisonment on a parole violation. He wrote in “Soul on Ice”: “If a man like Malcolm X could change and repudiate racism, if I myself and other former Muslims can change, if young whites can change, then there is hope for America.”
The Arkansas native began to be incarcerated when he was still in junior high and soon read about Malcolm X. He began writing his own essays, drawing the praise of Norman Mailer and others. That work helped him win parole in 1966. His “Soul on Ice” memoir, written from Folsom state prison, described his journey from selling marijuana to following Malcolm X. The book he wrote became a seminal work in Black literature, and he became a national figure.
Cleaver soon joined the Black Panther Party, serving as the minister of information. After a Panther shootout with police that left him injured, one Panther dead and two officers wounded, he jumped bail and fled the U.S. In 1977, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt, he returned to the U.S. pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of assault and served 1,200 hours of community service.
From that point forward, “Mr. Cleaver metamorphosed into variously a born-again Christian, a follower of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, a Mormon, a crack cocaine addict, a designer of men’s trousers featuring a codpiece and even, finally, a Republican,” The New York Times wrote in his 1998 obituary. His wife said he was suffering from mental illness and never recovered.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1867
Nov. 23, 1867
The Louisiana Constitutional Convention, composed of 49 White delegates and 49 Black delegates, met in New Orleans. The new constitution became the first in the state’s history to include a bill of rights.
The document gave property rights to married women, funded public education without segregated schools, provided full citizenship for Black Americans, and eliminated the Black Codes of 1865 and property qualifications for officeholders.
The voters ratified the constitution months later. Despite the document, prejudice and corruption continued to reign in Louisiana, and when Reconstruction ended, the constitution was replaced with one that helped restore the rule of white supremacy.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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