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Why Long-Term Care Insurance Falls Short for So Many 

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Jordan Rau, KFF and JoNel Aleccia, KFF Health News
Wed, 22 Nov 2023 10:00:00 +0000

For 35 years, Angela Jemmott and her five brothers paid premiums on a long-term care insurance policy for their 91-year-old mother. But the policy does not home health aides whose assistance allows her to stay in her Sacramento, California, bungalow, near the friends and neighbors she loves. Her family pays $4,000 a month for that. 

“We want her to stay in her house,” Jemmott said. “That’s what’s probably keeping her alive, because she’s in her element, not in a strange place.” 

The private insurance market has proved wildly inadequate in providing financial security for most of the millions of older Americans who might need home health aides, assisted living, or other types of assistance with daily living. 

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For decades, the industry severely underestimated how many policyholders would use their coverage, how long they would live, and how much their care would cost. 

And as Jemmott belatedly discovered, the older generation of plans — those from the 1980s — often covered only nursing homes. 

Only 3% to 4% of Americans 50 and older pay for a long-term care policy, according to LIMRA, an insurance marketing and research association. That stands in stark contrast to federal estimates that 70% of people 65 and older will need critical services before they die. 

Repeated efforts to create a functioning market for long-term care insurance — or to provide public alternatives — have never taken hold. Today, most insurers have stopped selling stand-alone long-term care policies: The ones that still exist are too expensive for most people. And they have become less affordable each year, with insurers raising premiums higher and higher. Many policyholders face painful choices to pay more, pare , or drop coverage altogether. 

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“It’s a giant bait-and-switch,” said Laura Lunceford, 69, of Sandy, Utah, whose annual premium with her husband leaped to more than $5,700 in 2019 from less than $3,800. Her stomach knots up a couple of months before the next premium is due, as she fears another spike. “They had a business model that just wasn’t sustainable from the get-go,” she said. “Why they didn’t know that is beyond me, but now we’re getting punished for their lack of foresight.”

The glaring gaps in access to coverage persist despite steady increases in overall payouts. Last year, insurers paid more than $13 billion to cover 345,000 long-term care claims, according to industry figures. Many policyholders and their relatives reported that their plans helped them avert financial catastrophes when they long-term care costs that would have otherwise eviscerated their savings. 

But others have been startled to learn that policies they paid into over decades will not fully cover the escalating present-day costs of home health aides, assisted living facilities, or nursing homes. And in other cases, people entitled to benefits confront lengthy response times to coverage requests or outright denials, according to records kept by the National Association of Insurance Commissioners, the organization of state regulators. 

Jesse Slome, executive director of the American Association for Long-Term Care Insurance, an industry trade group, said long-term care was the most challenging type of insurance to manage. “You need multiple crystal balls,” Slome said. “And you have to look 20 years into the future and be right.”

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The Pandemic Paused a Long-Term Decline 

The industry’s wobbly finances haven’t steadied despite a brief profitable surge during the coronavirus pandemic. Earnings rose because thousands of people who were drawing benefits, many in nursing homes or assisted living facilities, died from , and other policyholders died before using their insurance. Others stopped tapping their benefits because they fled facilities and went to live with their families, who provided unpaid care. 

Overall, earnings went from $2.3 billion in losses in 2019 to two years of profits totaling $1.1 billion, before receding into the red in 2022 by losing $304 million, according to Fitch Ratings. 

Still, none of that was enough to reverse the industry’s long-term decline. Doug Baker, a director in Fitch’s U.S. life insurance group, said long-term care insurance “is one of the riskiest in our universe” because of the lingering financial burden from underestimating the number of people who would tap their policies. 

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More insurers now offer hybrid plans that combine life insurance with long-term care. Those policies are less generous than the ones offered a decade ago — and using the long-term care benefit drains some or all of the money policyholders hoped to leave to their heirs. 

“I don’t think people will offer unlimited again,” said Tom McInerney, the chief executive of Genworth Financial, which suspended selling plans through brokers in 2019. “One way or another, taxpayers are going to have to pay more for long-term care needs of the baby boomers.” 

Many experts believe it’s untenable to expect that a private insurance market can protect most people from the growing burden of long-term care costs. 

“The whole situation is poorly suited to that kind of insurance offering,” said Robert Saldin, a political science professor at the University of Montana who studies the industry. 

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Falling Profits and Skyrocketing Premiums

Starting in the 1970s, long-term care insurance was touted as a way to keep older people from eroding their retirement savings or resorting to Medicaid, the state-federal program for the poor and disabled. Early plans were limited to nursing home care but later expanded to cover in-home care and assisted living centers. Sales of the policies doubled from 1990 to 2002.

As demand grew, however, there were signs the industry had vastly miscalculated the cost of its products. Insurers set early policy prices competitively low, based on actuarial models that turned out to be markedly inaccurate. Forecasters’ estimates of policyholders’ longevity were wrong. U.S. life expectancy increased to nearly 77 years in 2000 from about 68 years in 1950, federal records show. And as people lived longer, their need for care increased. 

Industry also failed to account for the behavior of savvy consumers determined to keep their long-term care coverage. Insurers counted on policy lapse rates — people giving up their policies or defaulting on payments — of about 4% annually. The actual lapse rate was closer to 1%. 

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As the miscalculations sent profits plummeting, insurers raised premiums or exited the market. By 2020, sales of traditional policies had dropped to 49,000 and the number of carriers offering plans had fallen to fewer than a dozen from more than 100. 

Premiums for some consumers doubled in just a year or two. Three class-action lawsuits accused Genworth of failing to disclose to policyholders that it had planned multiyear rate increases, leaving them without information they needed to decide whether to keep their policies. Genworth settled the lawsuits with offers to allow customers to adjust their policies, and in some cases it paid cash damage to those who accepted reduced benefits. The company did not admit wrongdoing.

The increases continue. AM Best, a rating agency, said in a report last November that Genworth “will continue to need annual rate increases for at least several more years to reach economic break-even.” 

Prices for new policies have jumped, too. A decade ago, a couple aged 55 could expect to pay about $3,725 a year for a policy that included $162,000 in total benefits and 3% annual inflation protection, according to the American Association for Long-Term Care Insurance. Today, a policy that is virtually the same would cost $5,025, 35% more, even as rising health costs and inflation have eroded the value of the benefits. 

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And that’s only for the people who can qualify. To limit their losses, insurers have narrowed the eligible pool of clients. In 2021, about 30% of applicants ages 60 to 64 were denied long-term care insurance. For applicants 70 to 74, the rejection rate was 47%. Even among people in their 50s, more than 1 in 5 were turned down. Chronic health conditions, a history of stroke or diabetes, or psychiatric illness may all be grounds for disqualification. 

At the same time, insurers began scrutinizing claims more closely. “They tightened their belts,” said Alan Kassan, a senior partner with the California firm Kantor & Kantor, which represents clients challenging denials. “Then they tightened their claim administration and started denying claims more and more.” 

In 2022, the proportion of traditional long-term care claim denials varied, from 4.5% in Rhode Island to 9.6% in Alaska, according to the National Association of Insurance Commissioners

Despite efforts to limit liability, financial problems forced several high-profile insurance providers to drastically revise policy terms and premiums or go into insolvency, affecting the investments of thousands of clients. 

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They included Alice Kempski, a retired nurse who, after her husband died, bought a policy from the insurance company Penn Treaty and American Network in 2004 on the advice of a financial adviser, paying premiums of $180 a month for 16 years. By 2017, she was hobbled by osteoporosis and was struggling to manage her multiple medications, according to her daughter, Ann Kempski. She sold the family home in Wilmington, Delaware, in 2017 and, now needing help bathing, moved to an assisted living center there. But when the family tried to file a claim, they discovered that Penn Treaty was insolvent and the policy had been taken over by the Pennsylvania state insurance guaranty fund. 

The fund had frozen Kempski’s benefits and increased her premiums to about $280 a month, her daughter said. Her doctor told Penn that she had “mild dementia” and osteoporosis and should be in an assisted living facility. But the insurer said that there was not enough evidence that she needed help with two daily living activities or had severe cognitive impairment, conditions that would trigger coverage, according to correspondence between Kempski and the company. 

Kempski was paying roughly $5,400 a month out-of-pocket to the assisted living center. She moved in with her daughter when the pandemic hit, but she continued to pay full rent to the facility to save her spot until she returned in 2021. In March of that year, when her daughter was preparing to refile a claim for long-term care insurance and her premiums had reached $320 a month, Kempski had a massive stroke. She died the next month. The insurer never paid for any of her care. 

Coverage in a Facility but Not at Home

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The policy held by Angela Jemmott’s mother, Jewell Thomas, went unused for a different reason: Like many older policies, it covered only skilled nursing care in a facility. Her children had purchased the policy after Thomas’ husband died at 56. 

But decades later, once Thomas developed dementia in her 80s, her children realized how desperately their mother wanted to stay home. Jemmott said they tried to add a rider to the policy to cover home care but were told that their mother’s age (older than 75) barred add-ons. Now the siblings jointly pay about $4,000 a month for two home health aides, while still paying the insurance premium of more than $2,500 a year. “We feel like if we stop paying it, another unforeseen need will arise and cause us to wish we kept it,” Jemmott said. 

Not all policyholders are displeased. 

Bert Minushkin, of Royal Palm Beach, Florida, paid monthly premiums for 27 years, beginning in 1993 when the policy was offered as a benefit by Westinghouse Electric Corp., where he worked as a nuclear engineer. Over time, he paid about $120,000 toward the policy, said his daughter Lisa Heffley, 61, of Louisville, Kentucky. 

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Diagnosed with dementia, Minushkin began declining swiftly in 2019. His wife spent $220,000 on assisted living facilities and private aides for him over three years, with about $90,000 of the cost offset by his policy, Heffley said. He died in February 2022 at age 91. 

“He didn’t break even, but thank God he had it,” she said. 

Turning to Crowdfunding

Many experts say what’s needed is a government-subsidized or public program that requires people to carry long-term care insurance, as the Netherlands and Singapore have. But federal efforts to create such a system, including the CLASS Act, which was repealed in 2013, and the WISH Act, introduced in 2021, have failed to gain traction in Congress. At the state level, Washington this summer started a first-in-the-nation program that will provide long-term care benefits for residents who pay into a fund, but it is voluntary, and the maximum benefit of $36,500 will not cover a year in most assisted living facilities.

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Lack of a safety net leaves some people unprotected, like Jeffrey Tanck, a real estate broker in Washington, D.C. In 2021, his mother, Sue Tanck, at 75, suffered a serious fall, leaving her with broken arms and a traumatic brain injury. She had been the primary caretaker for his father, Roger, then 77, who had rapidly worsening dementia. 

Without warning, Jeffrey Tanck had to assume charge of his father’s care, moving him into an assisted living center in Ocala, Florida, that now charges $4,600 a month, and had to get his mother into a skilled nursing facility paid for by Medicaid. With no money to cover his father’s costs until he sold their house, Tanck resorted to a plea on the crowdfunding site GoFundMe. 

Wanting to shield himself from a similar financial crisis somewhere down the road, Tanck, who is 51, applied for long-term care insurance, only to be denied. The reason? He takes antidepressants, which help him cope with the anxiety and stress of caring for his

“What are people supposed to do?” Tanck asked. “I’m going to need something.” 

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——————————
By: Jordan Rau, KFF Health News and JoNel Aleccia, KFF Health News
Title: Why Long-Term Care Insurance Falls Short for So Many 
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/dying-broke-why-long-term-care-insurance-falls-short/
Published Date: Wed, 22 Nov 2023 10:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins

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Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

When Kamala Harris was California’s top prosecutor, she was concerned that mergers among hospitals, physician groups, and health insurers could thwart competition and lead to higher prices for . If she wins the presidency in November, she’ll have a wide range of options to blunt monopolistic behavior nationwide.

The Democratic vice president could influence the Federal Trade Commission and instruct the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services to prioritize enforcement of antitrust laws and channel resources accordingly. Already, the Biden administration has taken an aggressive stance against mergers and acquisitions. In his first year in office, President Joe Biden issued an executive order intended to intensify antitrust enforcement across multiple industries, .

Under Biden, the FTC and DOJ have fought more mergers than they have in decades, often targeting health care deals.

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“What Harris could do is set the tone that she is going to continue this laser focus on competition and health care prices,” said Katie Gudiksen, a senior health policy researcher at University of California College of the , San Francisco.

The Harris campaign didn’t respond to a request for comment.

For decades, the health industry has undergone consolidation despite efforts to maintain competition. When health expand, adding hospitals and doctor practices to their portfolios, they often gain a large enough share of regional health care resources to command higher prices from insurers. That results in higher premiums and other health care costs for consumers and employers, according to numerous studies.

Health insurers have also consolidated in recent decades, leaving only a handful controlling most markets.

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Health care analysts say it’s possible for Harris to slow the momentum of consolidation by blocking future mergers that could lead to higher prices and lower-quality care. But many of them agree the consolidation that has already taken place is an inescapable feature of the U.S. health care landscape.

“It’s hard to unscramble the eggs,” said Bob Town, an economics professor at the University of Texas.

There were nearly 1,600 hospital mergers in the U.S. from 1998 to 2017 and 428 hospital and health system mergers from 2018 to 2023, according to a KFF study. The percentage of community hospitals that belong to a larger health system rose from 53 in 2005 to 68 in 2022. And in another sign of market concentration, as of January, well over three-quarters of the nation’s physicians were employed by hospitals or corporations, according to a report produced by Avalere Health.

Despite former President Donald Trump’s hostility to regulation as a candidate, his administration was active on antitrust efforts — though it did allow one of the largest health care mergers in U.S. history, between drugstore chain CVS Health and the insurer Aetna. Overall, Trump’s Justice Department was more aggressive on mergers than past Republican administrations.

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Harris, as California’s attorney general from 2011 to 2017, jump-started health care investigations and enforcement.

“She pushed back against anticompetitive pricing,” said Rob Bonta, California’s current attorney general, who is a Democrat.

One of Harris’ most impactful decisions was a 2012 investigation into whether consolidation among hospitals and physician practices gave health systems the clout to demand higher prices. That probe bore fruit six years later after Harris’ successor, Xavier Becerra, filed a landmark lawsuit against Sutter Health, the giant Northern California hospital operator, for anticompetitive behavior. Sutter settled with the state for $575 million.

In 2014, Harris was among 16 state attorneys general who joined the FTC in a lawsuit to dismantle a merger between one of Idaho’s largest hospital chains and its biggest physician group. In 2016, Harris joined the U.S. Department of Justice and 11 other states in a successful lawsuit to block a proposed $48.3 merger between two of the nation’s largest health insurers, Cigna and Anthem.

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Attempts to give the state attorney general the power to nix or impose conditions on a wide range of health care mergers have been fiercely, and successfully, opposed by California’s hospital industry. Most recently, the hospital industry persuaded state lawmakers to exempt for-profit hospitals from pending legislation that would subject private equity-backed health care transactions to review by the attorney general.

A spokesperson for the California Hospital Association declined to comment.

As attorney general of California, Harris’ work was eased by the state’s deep blue political hue. Were she to be elected president, she could face a less hospitable political environment, especially if Republicans control one or both houses of Congress. In addition, she could face opposition from powerful health care lobbyists.

Though it often gets a bad rap, consolidation in health care also confers benefits. Many choose to join large organizations because it relieves them of the administrative headaches and financial burdens of running their own practices. And being absorbed into a large health system can be a lifeline for financially troubled hospitals.

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Still, a major reason health systems choose to expand through acquisition is to accumulate market clout so they can match consolidation among insurers and bargain with them for higher payments. It’s an understandable reaction to the financial pressures hospitals are under, said James Robinson, a professor of health economics at the University of California-Berkeley.

Robinson noted that hospitals are required to treat anyone who shows up at the emergency room, including uninsured people. Many hospitals have a large number of patients on Medicaid, which pays poorly. And in California, they face a of regulatory requirements, including seismic retrofitting and nurse staffing minimums, that are expensive. “How are they going to pay for that?” Robinson said.

At the federal level, any effort to blunt anticompetitive mergers would depend in part on how aggressive the FTC is in pursuing the most egregious cases. FTC Chair Lina Khan has made the FTC more proactive in this regard.

Last year, the FTC and DOJ jointly issued new merger guidelines, which suggested the federal government would scrutinize deals more closely and take a broader view of which ones violate antitrust laws. In September, the FTC filed a lawsuit against an anesthesiology group and its private equity backer, alleging they had engaged in anticompetitive practices in Texas to drive up prices.

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In January, the agency sued to stop a $320 million hospital acquisition in North Carolina.

Still, many transactions don’t to the attention of the FTC because their value is below its $119.5 million reporting threshold. And even if it heard about more deals, “it is very underresourced and needing to be very selective in which mergers they challenge,” said Paul Ginsburg, a professor of the practice of health policy at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.

Khan’s term ends in September 2024, and Harris, if elected, could try to reappoint her, though her ability to do so may depend on which party controls the Senate.

Harris could also promote regulations that discourage monopolistic behaviors such as all-or-nothing contracting, in which large health systems refuse to do business with insurance companies unless they agree to include all their facilities in their networks, whether needed or not. That behavior was one of the core allegations in the Sutter case.

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She could also seek policies at the Department of Health and Human Services, which runs Medicare and Medicaid, that encourage competition.

Bonta, California’s current attorney general, said that, while there are bad mergers, there are also good ones. “We approve them all the time,” he said. “And we approve them with conditions that address cost and that address access and that address quality.”

He expects Harris to bring similar concerns to the presidency if she wins.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

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By: Bernard J. Wolfson and Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Harris’ California Health Care Battles Signal Fights Ahead for Hospitals if She Wins
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/kamala-harris-california-hospitals-health-care-antitrust-ftc/
Published Date: Mon, 05 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof

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Phil Galewitz, KFF Health
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

JACKSONVILLE, . — Facing an ultracompetitive market in one of the nation’s fastest-growing cities, UF Health is trying a new way to attract patients: a combination emergency room and urgent care center.

In the past year and a half, UF Health and a private equity-backed company, Intuitive Health, have opened three centers that offer both types of care 24/7 so patients don’t have to decide which facility they need.

Instead, doctors there decide whether it’s urgent or emergency care —the health system bills accordingly — and inform the patient of their decision at the time of the service.

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“Most of the time you do not realize where you should go — to an urgent care or an ER — and that triage decision you make can have dramatic economic repercussions,” said Steven Wylie, associate vice president for planning and business development at UF Health Jacksonville. About 70% of patients at its facilities are billed at urgent care rates, Wylie said.

Emergency care is almost always more expensive than urgent care. For patients who might otherwise show up at the ER with an urgent care-level problem — a small cut that requires stitches or an infection treatable with antibiotics — the savings could be hundreds or thousands of dollars.

While no research has been conducted on this new hybrid model, consumer advocates worry hospitals are more likely to route patients to costlier ER-level care whenever possible.

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For instance, some services that trigger higher-priced, ER-level care at UF Health’s facilities — such as blood work and ultrasounds — can be obtained at some urgent care centers.

“That sounds crazy, that a blood test can trigger an ER fee, which can cost thousands of dollars,” said Cynthia Fisher, founder and chair of PatientRightsAdvocate.org, a patient advocacy organization.

For UF Health, the hybrid centers can increase profits because they attract patients. Those patient visits can to more revenue through diagnostic testing and referrals for specialists or inpatient care.

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Offering less expensive urgent care around-the-clock, the hybrid facilities stand out in an industry known for its aggressive billing practices.

On a recent visit to one of UF Health’s facilities about 15 miles southeast of downtown, several patients said in interviews that they sought a short wait for care. None had sat in the waiting room more than five minutes.

“Sometimes urgent care sends you to the ER, so here you can get everything,” said Andrea Cruz, 24, who was pregnant and came in for shortness of breath. Cruz said she was being treated as an ER patient because she needed blood tests and monitoring.

“It’s good to have a place like this that can treat you no matter what,” said Penny Wilding, 91, who said she has no regular physician and was being evaluated for a likely urinary tract infection.

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UF Health is one of about a dozen health systems in 10 states partnering with Intuitive Health to set up and hybrid ER-urgent care facilities. More are in the works; VHC Health, a large hospital in Arlington, Virginia, plans to start building one this year.

Intuitive Health was established in 2008 by three emergency physicians. For several years the company ran independent combination ER-urgent care centers in Texas.

Then Altamont Capital Partners, a multibillion-dollar private equity firm based in Palo Alto, California, bought a majority stake in Intuitive in 2014.

Soon after, the company began partnering with hospitals to open facilities in states Arizona, Indiana, Kentucky, and Delaware. Under their agreements, the hospitals handle medical staff and billing while Intuitive manages administrative functions — including initial efforts to collect payment, including checking insurance and taking copays — and nonclinical staff, said Thom Herrmann, of Intuitive Health.

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Herrmann said hospitals have become more interested in the concept as Medicare and other insurers pay for value instead of just a fee for each service. That means hospitals have an incentive to find ways to treat patients for less.

And Intuitive has a strong incentive to partner with hospitals, said Christine Monahan, an assistant research professor at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University: Facilities licensed as freestanding emergency rooms — as Intuitive’s are — must be affiliated with hospitals to be covered by Medicare.

At the combo facilities, emergency room specialists determine whether to bill for higher-priced ER or lower-priced urgent care after patients undergo a medical screening. They compare the care needed against a list of criteria that trigger emergency-level care and bills, such as the patient requiring IV fluids or cardiac monitoring.

Inside its combo facilities, UF posts a sign listing some of the urgent care services it offers, including treatment for ear infections, sprains, and minor wounds. When its doctors determine ER-level care is necessary, UF requires patients to sign a form acknowledging they will be billed for an ER visit.

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Patients who opt out of ER care at that time are charged a triage fee. UF would not disclose the amount of the fee, saying it varies.

UF officials say patients pay only for the level of care they need. Its centers accept most insurance plans, including Medicare, which covers people older than 65 and those with disabilities, and , the program for low-income people.

But there are important caveats, said Fisher, the patient advocate.

Patients who pay cash for urgent care at UF’s hybrid centers are charged an “all-inclusive” $250 fee, whether they need an X-ray or a rapid strep test, to name two such services, or both.

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But if they use insurance, patients may have higher cost sharing if their health plan is charged more than it would pay for stand-alone urgent care, she said.

Also, federal surprise billing protections that shield patients in an ER don’t extend to urgent care centers, Fisher said.

Herrmann said Intuitive’s facilities charge commercial insurers for urgent care the same as if they provided only urgent care. But Medicare may pay more.

While urgent care has long been intended for minor injuries and illnesses and ERs are supposed to be for – or health-threatening conditions, the two models have melded in recent years. Urgent care clinics have increased the scope of injuries and conditions they can treat, while hospitals have taken to advertising ER wait times on highway billboards to attract patients.

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Intuitive is credited with pioneering hybrid ER-urgent care, though its facilities are not the only ones with both “emergency” and “urgent care” on their signs. Such branding can sometimes confuse patients.

While Intuitive’s hybrid facilities offer some price transparency, providers have the upper hand on cost, said Vivian Ho, a health economist at Rice University in Texas. “Patients are at the mercy of what the hospital tells them,” she said.

But Daniel Marthey, an assistant professor of health policy and management at Texas A&M University, said the facilities can help patients find a lower-cost option for care by avoiding steep ER bills when they need only urgent-level care. “This is a potentially good thing for patients,” he said.

Marthey said hospitals may be investing in hybrid facilities to make up for lost revenue after federal surprise medical billing protections took effect in 2022 and restricted what hospitals could charge patients treated by out-of-network providers, particularly in emergencies.

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“Basically, they are just competing for market share,” Marthey said.

UF Health has placed its new facilities in suburban areas near freestanding ERs owned by competitors HCA Healthcare and Ascension rather than near its downtown hospital in Jacksonville. It is also building a fourth facility, near The Villages, a large retirement community more than 100 miles south.

“This has been more of an offensive move to expand our market reach and go into suburban markets,” Wylie said.

Though the three centers are not state-approved to care for trauma patients, doctors there said they can handle almost any emergency, including heart attacks and strokes. Patients needing hospitalization are taken by ambulance to the UF hospital about 20 minutes away. If they need to follow up with a specialist, they’re referred to a UF physician.

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“If you fall and sprain your leg and need an X-ray and crutches, you can come here and get charged urgent care,” said Justin Nippert, medical director of two of UF’s combo centers. “But if you break your ankle and need it put back in place it can get treated here, too. It’s a one-stop .”

——————————
By: Phil Galewitz, KFF Health News
Title: Urgent Care or ER? With ‘One-Stop Shop,’ Hospitals Offer Both Under Same Roof
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/urgent-emergency-care-combo-centers-intuitive-health-jacksonville-florida/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased

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Sarah Varney, KFF Health
Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

The percentage of people who say they’ve tried to end a pregnancy without medical assistance increased after the Supreme Court overturned . That’s according to a study published Tuesday in the online journal JAMA Network Open.

Tia Freeman, a reproductive health organizer, workshops for Tennesseans on how to safely take medication pills outside of medical settings.

Abortion is almost entirely illegal in Tennessee. Freeman, who lives near Nashville, said people planning to stop pregnancies have all sorts of reasons for wanting to do so without help from the formal health care system — the cost of traveling to another , challenge of finding child care, and fear of lost wages.

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“Some people, it’s that they don’t have the networks in their families where they would need to have someone them to a clinic and then sit with them,” said Freeman, who works for Self-Managed Abortion; Safe and Supported, a U.S.-based of Women Help Women, an international nonprofit that advocates for abortion access.

“Maybe their family is superconservative and they would rather get the pills in their home and do it by themselves,” she said.

The new study is from Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health, a research group based at the University of California-San Francisco. The researchers surveyed more than 7,000 people ages 15 to 49 from December 2021 to January 2022 and another 7,000-plus from June 2023 to July 2023.

Of the respondents who had attempted self-managed abortions, they found the percentage who used the abortion pill mifepristone was 11 in 2023 — up from 6.6 before the Supreme Court ended federal abortion rights in 2022.

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One of the most common reasons for seeking a self-administered abortion was privacy concerns, said a study co-author, epidemiologist Lauren Ralph.

“So not wanting others to know that they were seeking or in need of an abortion or wanted to maintain autonomy in the decision,” Ralph said. “They liked it was something under their control that they could do on their own.”

Kristi Hamrick, vice president of media and policy at Students for Life Action, a national anti-abortion group, said she doesn’t believe the study findings, which she said benefit people who provide abortion pills.

“It should surprise no one that the abortion lobby reports their business is doing well, without problems,” Hamrick said in an emailed statement.

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Ralph said in addition to privacy concerns, state laws criminalizing abortion also weighed heavily on women’s minds.

“We found 6% of people said the reason they self-managed was because abortion was illegal where they lived,” Ralph said.

In the JAMA study, women who self-managed abortion attempts reported using a range of methods, including using drugs or alcohol, lifting heavy objects, and taking a hot bath. In addition, about 22% reported themselves in the stomach. Nearly 4% reported inserting an object in their body.

The term “self-managed abortion” may conjure images of back-alley procedures from the 1950s and ’60s. But OB-GYN Laura Laursen, a family planning physician in Chicago, said self-managed abortions using medication abortion — the drugs mifepristone and misoprostol — are far safer, whether done inside or outside the health care system.

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“They’re equally safe no matter which way you do it,” Laursen said. “It involves passing a pregnancy and bleeding, which is what happens when you have a miscarriage. If your body doesn’t have a miscarriage on its own, these are actually the medications we give women to pass the miscarriage.”

Since Roe‘s end, more than 20 states have banned or further restricted abortion.

——————————
By: Sarah Varney, KFF Health News
Title: Since Fall of ‘Roe,’ Self-Managed Abortions Have Increased
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/self-managed-abortions-increase-post-roe-dobbs-privacy-concerns/
Published Date: Fri, 02 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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