Mississippi Today
‘A no-brainer’: Why former Arkansas Gov. Mike Beebe successfully pushed Medicaid expansion
Shortly after President Barack Obama ushered the Affordable Care Act through Congress, the U.S. states expanding Medicaid were for the most part Democratic-dominated states in the northeast and west coast with a sprinkling of left-leaning midwestern states.
There was, however, a notable exception: ruby red Arkansas.
To this day, most of the 10 states that have refused to expand Medicaid are located in the South, so Arkansas and a few other notable exceptions continue to stand out.
Still, in 2013, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Beebe viewed expanding Medicaid as “a no-brainer” to provide health care coverage to primarily the working poor.
“But it was Obamacare and nearly every Republican opposes Obamacare philosophically, especially those in Southern states,” Beebe, who is now retired from politics and living in his hometown of Searcy in north central Arkansas, recently told Mississippi Today in an interview.
When Beebe proposed being one of the first states to expand Medicaid in 2013, he was a second-term Democratic governor with a Republican-majority Legislature. And to make matters even more difficult, the Arkansas Constitution requires a three-fourths vote of each legislative chamber to pass an appropriations bill, meaning a high threshold was needed to pass Medicaid expansion.
Still, Beebe set his sights on doing something historic in 2013 by expanding Medicaid.
“It is a no-brainer whether you are Democratic or Republican if you care about your people,” the veteran Arkansas politician said.
READ MORE: Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards: Medicaid expansion ‘easiest big decision I ever made’
In the South, only Kentucky and Louisiana have followed Arkansas’ lead in expanding Medicaid. North Carolina has recently expanded Medicaid, though it has not yet been enacted.
In Mississippi, Brandon Presley, who is trying to become the first Democrat elected governor since 1999, said if elected he will work to expand Medicaid despite having a Republican Legislature.
If elected, Presley might study how Beebe succeeded in expanding Medicaid despite some difficult obstacles.
In 2013, Beebe said he was able to prevail by first approaching moderate Republican businessmen and making the argument that Medicaid expansion was good for the state’s economy and its people — "people I called the working poor, who worked but could not afford health care and their employers did not provide it," he said.
Beebe can still rattle off all the arguments he used in 2013 to convince lawmakers to expand Medicaid. Many of those arguments have been used – unsuccessfully – in Mississippi.
But there has been no one advocating for expanding Medicaid in Mississippi with the bully pulpit that Beebe had in Arkansas as governor. Current Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves and Phil Bryant, his predecessor, were vocal in their opposition to Medicaid expansion.
Besides having the bully pulpit, Beebe had a vast knowledge of the workings of state government. He previously served as attorney general and for 20 years in the state Senate, including 10 of the 12 years that future President Bill Clinton served as governor. For many of those years, he was the leader of the Senate.
"I knew how to work the Legislature because I had been worked by the best," Beebe said matter of factly. "But I think the arguments carried the day."
Still, Beebe said, getting the expansion bill through the legislative process was difficult and took several votes. In the 100-member House the proposal, needing 75 votes, garnered 72 or 73 multiple times.
“I believe it finally passed with 77,” Beebe recalled. “It was the same in the Senate where there were 35 members.”
It passed in 2013 and went into effect in 2014.
A key to passage was the unique form of Medicaid expansion proposed by Beebe. Recognizing the difficulty in getting the proposal needing a three-quarters vote, through the Arkansas Legislature, Beebe proposed Medicaid expansion be offered through private health insurance companies instead of by a government entity.
Instead of money going to the government entity to pay the health care costs of those covered through expansion, the money would go to the private insurance companies that provided the health care coverage. Some Republicans could support the proposal under the pretense it was not expanding a government program.
The state of Arkansas would need a waiver from the federal government to approve such a unique plan.
“The Obama administration needed a win in a Southern state so they approved it,” Beebe said. Plus, it helped that Obama’s Health and Human Services Secretary was Kathleen Sebelius, whom Beebe knew from her time as governor of Kansas.
Beebe said the plan helped to attract more insurance companies to Arkansas, resulting in insurance premiums not skyrocketing in costs at a time when they were rising dramatically in the rest of the South. He reasoned that health care providers were not having to pass on costs to people who had insurance to pay for the people who received treatment, but had no means to pay for it.
He said that provided a powerful argument for expanding Medicaid. Another strong argument, Beebe said, is that if Arkansas did not expand Medicaid the citizens of the state would still be paying for the expansion in states like California and New York.
Expansion helped Arkansas hospitals and actually resulted in less costs for the state.
A lot has changed in Arkansas since Beebe was elected to his second term as the only governor in Arkansas history to win every county. Now, former Donald Trump spokesperson Sarah Huckabee Sanders is governor, but Beebe said he is not hearing anything about repealing Medicaid expansion, though it continues to be tweaked.
“They changed the name,” he said.
Beebe said it would be difficult to remove coverage for 300,000 Arkansans.
“Plus, the budget could not afford it,” Beebe said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
An ad supporting Jenifer Branning finds imaginary liberals on the Mississippi Supreme Court
The Improve Mississippi PAC claims in advertising that the state Supreme Court “is in danger of being dominated by liberal justices” unless Jenifer Branning is elected in Tuesday’s runoff.
Improve Mississippi made the almost laughable claim in both radio commercials and mailers that were sent to homes in the court’s central district, where a runoff election will be held on Tuesday.
Improve Mississippi is an independent, third party political action committee created to aid state Sen. Jenifer Branning of Neshoba County in her efforts to defeat longtime Central District Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens of Copiah County.
The PAC should receive an award or at least be considered for an honor for best fiction writing.
At least seven current members of the nine-member Supreme Court would be shocked to know anyone considered them liberal.
It is telling that the ads do not offer any examples of “liberal” Supreme Court opinions issued by the current majority. It is even more telling that there have been no ads by Improve Mississippi or any other group citing the liberal dissenting opinions written or joined by Kitchens.
Granted, it is fair and likely accurate to point out that Branning is more conservative than Kitchens. After all, Branning is considered one of the more conservative members of a supermajority Republican Mississippi Senate.
As a member of the Senate, for example, she voted against removing the Confederate battle emblem from the Mississippi state flag, opposed Medicaid expansion and an equal pay bill for women.
And if she is elected to the state Supreme Court in Tuesday’s runoff election, she might be one of the panel’s more conservative members. But she will be surrounded by a Supreme Court bench full of conservatives.
A look at the history of the members of the Supreme Court might be helpful.
Chief Justice Michael Randolph originally was appointed to the court by Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, who is credited with leading the effort to make the Republican Party dominant in Mississippi. Before Randolph was appointed by Barbour, he served a stint on the National Coal Council — appointed to the post by President Ronald Reagan who is considered an icon in the conservative movement.
Justices James Maxwell, Dawn Beam, David Ishee and Kenneth Griffis were appointed by Republican Gov. Phil Bryant.
Only three members of the current court were not initially appointed to the Supreme Court by conservative Republican governors: Kitchens, Josiah Coleman and Robert Chamberlin. All three got their initial posts on the court by winning elections for full eight-year terms.
But Chamberlin, once a Republican state senator from Southaven, was appointed as a circuit court judge by Barbour before winning his Supreme Court post. And Coleman was endorsed in his election effort by both the Republican Party and by current Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who also contributed to his campaign.
Only Kitchens earned a spot on the court without either being appointed by a Republican governor or being endorsed by the state Republican Party.
The ninth member of the court is Leslie King, who, like Kitchens, is viewed as not as conservative as the other seven justices. King, former chief judge on the Mississippi Court of Appeals, was originally appointed to the Supreme Court by Barbour, who to his credit made the appointment at least in part to ensure that a Black Mississippian remained on the nine-member court.
It should be noted that Beam was defeated on Nov. 5 by David Sullivan, a Gulf Coast municipal judge who has a local reputation for leaning conservative. Even if Sullivan is less conservative when he takes his new post in January, there still be six justices on the Supreme Court with strong conservative bonafides, not counting what happens in the Branning-Kitchens runoff.
Granted, Kitchens is next in line to serve as chief justice should Randolph, who has been on the court since 2004, step down. The longest tenured justice serves as the chief justice.
But to think that Kitchens as chief justice would be able to exert enough influence to force the other longtime conservative members of the court to start voting as liberals is even more fiction.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1968
Nov. 24, 1968
Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver fled the U.S. to avoid imprisonment on a parole violation. He wrote in “Soul on Ice”: “If a man like Malcolm X could change and repudiate racism, if I myself and other former Muslims can change, if young whites can change, then there is hope for America.”
The Arkansas native began to be incarcerated when he was still in junior high and soon read about Malcolm X. He began writing his own essays, drawing the praise of Norman Mailer and others. That work helped him win parole in 1966. His “Soul on Ice” memoir, written from Folsom state prison, described his journey from selling marijuana to following Malcolm X. The book he wrote became a seminal work in Black literature, and he became a national figure.
Cleaver soon joined the Black Panther Party, serving as the minister of information. After a Panther shootout with police that left him injured, one Panther dead and two officers wounded, he jumped bail and fled the U.S. In 1977, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt, he returned to the U.S. pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of assault and served 1,200 hours of community service.
From that point forward, “Mr. Cleaver metamorphosed into variously a born-again Christian, a follower of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, a Mormon, a crack cocaine addict, a designer of men’s trousers featuring a codpiece and even, finally, a Republican,” The New York Times wrote in his 1998 obituary. His wife said he was suffering from mental illness and never recovered.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1867
Nov. 23, 1867
The Louisiana Constitutional Convention, composed of 49 White delegates and 49 Black delegates, met in New Orleans. The new constitution became the first in the state’s history to include a bill of rights.
The document gave property rights to married women, funded public education without segregated schools, provided full citizenship for Black Americans, and eliminated the Black Codes of 1865 and property qualifications for officeholders.
The voters ratified the constitution months later. Despite the document, prejudice and corruption continued to reign in Louisiana, and when Reconstruction ended, the constitution was replaced with one that helped restore the rule of white supremacy.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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