Mississippi Today
Greenwood Leflore Hospital goes up for lease, again
Last summer, Greenwood Leflore Hospital was on the brink of closure and up for lease.
Now, despite applying for grants from the Legislature, closing several service lines and requesting a more lucrative hospital designation, the hospital is back to square one: it’s going up for lease again.
Greenwood’s hospital is co-owned by the city and county and has long been plagued with financial struggles, like many of Mississippi’s rural hospitals. During the pandemic, the hospital’s finances went from bad to worse, as costs went up and payments did not.
In an effort to stay open, Greenwood Leflore has closed several departments and services, including neurosurgery, urology and inpatient dialysis. Most recently, it shuttered its labor and delivery department and intensive care unit.
Interim CEO Gary Marchand told Mississippi Today in February that the hospital was running out of money and months away from closure.
However, thanks to a credit line increase from its owners and the passage of a statewide hospital grant program, Marchand said in April that the hospital would stay open until at least 2024.
In the meantime, in order to make the hospital more financially viable, leaders applied for Greenwood Leflore Hospital, which is currently classified as an acute care facility, to be converted to a critical access hospital. Critical access hospitals are reimbursed by Medicare at a higher rate.
But the hospital’s application has not yet been approved, and approval isn’t guaranteed — critical access hospitals must be located 35 miles from the nearest hospital, and South Sunflower County Hospital in Indianola is 28 miles away.
Marchand is hoping for a waiver because of transportation challenges in the Delta, but it could be months before he gets an answer from the federal government.
Until final approval, Marchand said the hospital needs a “plan B” to stay open.
“From Greenwood Hospital’s perspective, plan A is to get critical access hospital status and obtain long-term viability,” he said. “I think the owners … just wanted a backup plan.”
Hospital leaders are publishing an RFP, or request for proposal, on Aug. 29 in the local paper, the Greenwood Commonwealth, to solicit bidders to take over the hospital. This time around, the RFP includes an option to buy the hospital outright, not just lease it.
Greenwood Mayor Carolyn McAdams said she’s already heard from several “entities as far as California” about their interest in the hospital.
The space went up for lease last year, and the hospital was in discussions with the University of Mississippi Medical Center to lease the facility. But mere days before the deal was expected to be finalized, UMMC pulled out. A UMMC leader only cited “health care economics” as a reason.
At the time, Greenwood Leflore Hospital reportedly owed Medicaid millions in advance payments it got when the pandemic began, and UMMC did not want to take on those debts.
According to Marchand, an RFP for a lease with an option to purchase has a relatively short time frame for completion, which is why leaders went with that option last year — the hospital’s situation was dire.
Now, Greenwood Leflore Hospital can afford a little more time — though not much more. Marchand declined to get into specifics about the hospital’s finances.
“The hospital is still struggling,” McAdams said. “The city and county had to go in and do the $10 million line of credit so we could get through this process of applying for critical access without them having to worry every month if they were going to be able to meet payroll or not.”
According to a Greenwood Commonwealth article from Aug. 16, a consultant hired to advise community leaders about the hospital suggested that Greenwood Leflore Hospital cut administrative pay and base its physician pay on productivity.
Marchand said he was not considering making those changes.
Greenwood hasn’t gotten the money it was promised from the Legislature yet — because the grant money is coming from pandemic relief funds and not the state general fund, many hospitals have reported difficulties getting their hands on their allotted money and will only be able to claim part of it.
Greenwood was granted a little under a million. As of this week, they’ve received $0, according to Marchand.
“To my knowledge, they haven’t paid a single hospital,” he said.
No hospital has gotten that money yet, confirmed Kris Adcock, senior deputy at the Mississippi State Health Department. It’s not clear when it’ll be disbursed.
McAdams said hospital leaders are pursuing both an RFP and critical access designation, not one over the other, exhausting all options to ensure the facility’s survival.
“Every community needs a hospital,” she said. “We serve not only Greenwood but all the communities around us … There are a lot of people here who can’t go to Jackson. They can’t even get to Grenada. They need access to this hospital.
“Truly, it’s terrible, but we are not the only hospital struggling here. All of our community hospitals, especially in the Delta, are struggling with the same problem.”
One report puts nearly half of the state’s rural hospitals at risk of closure. In rural Mississippi, these closures could be especially devastating, both for these communities’ economic livelihood and Mississippians’ wellbeing.
McAdams said that without Medicaid expansion, the situation is only getting worse. Republican state leaders have steadfastly opposed expanding Medicaid to the working poor, despite support from the majority of Mississippians.
It’s essential that its hospital status is either changed or the facility is bought, Marchand said, and the window in which Greenwood Leflore Hospital can figure out a solution is quickly closing.
“I don’t think that we can cut any more service lines and be of service to this community,” he said.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
An ad supporting Jenifer Branning finds imaginary liberals on the Mississippi Supreme Court
The Improve Mississippi PAC claims in advertising that the state Supreme Court “is in danger of being dominated by liberal justices” unless Jenifer Branning is elected in Tuesday’s runoff.
Improve Mississippi made the almost laughable claim in both radio commercials and mailers that were sent to homes in the court’s central district, where a runoff election will be held on Tuesday.
Improve Mississippi is an independent, third party political action committee created to aid state Sen. Jenifer Branning of Neshoba County in her efforts to defeat longtime Central District Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens of Copiah County.
The PAC should receive an award or at least be considered for an honor for best fiction writing.
At least seven current members of the nine-member Supreme Court would be shocked to know anyone considered them liberal.
It is telling that the ads do not offer any examples of “liberal” Supreme Court opinions issued by the current majority. It is even more telling that there have been no ads by Improve Mississippi or any other group citing the liberal dissenting opinions written or joined by Kitchens.
Granted, it is fair and likely accurate to point out that Branning is more conservative than Kitchens. After all, Branning is considered one of the more conservative members of a supermajority Republican Mississippi Senate.
As a member of the Senate, for example, she voted against removing the Confederate battle emblem from the Mississippi state flag, opposed Medicaid expansion and an equal pay bill for women.
And if she is elected to the state Supreme Court in Tuesday’s runoff election, she might be one of the panel’s more conservative members. But she will be surrounded by a Supreme Court bench full of conservatives.
A look at the history of the members of the Supreme Court might be helpful.
Chief Justice Michael Randolph originally was appointed to the court by Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, who is credited with leading the effort to make the Republican Party dominant in Mississippi. Before Randolph was appointed by Barbour, he served a stint on the National Coal Council — appointed to the post by President Ronald Reagan who is considered an icon in the conservative movement.
Justices James Maxwell, Dawn Beam, David Ishee and Kenneth Griffis were appointed by Republican Gov. Phil Bryant.
Only three members of the current court were not initially appointed to the Supreme Court by conservative Republican governors: Kitchens, Josiah Coleman and Robert Chamberlin. All three got their initial posts on the court by winning elections for full eight-year terms.
But Chamberlin, once a Republican state senator from Southaven, was appointed as a circuit court judge by Barbour before winning his Supreme Court post. And Coleman was endorsed in his election effort by both the Republican Party and by current Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who also contributed to his campaign.
Only Kitchens earned a spot on the court without either being appointed by a Republican governor or being endorsed by the state Republican Party.
The ninth member of the court is Leslie King, who, like Kitchens, is viewed as not as conservative as the other seven justices. King, former chief judge on the Mississippi Court of Appeals, was originally appointed to the Supreme Court by Barbour, who to his credit made the appointment at least in part to ensure that a Black Mississippian remained on the nine-member court.
It should be noted that Beam was defeated on Nov. 5 by David Sullivan, a Gulf Coast municipal judge who has a local reputation for leaning conservative. Even if Sullivan is less conservative when he takes his new post in January, there still be six justices on the Supreme Court with strong conservative bonafides, not counting what happens in the Branning-Kitchens runoff.
Granted, Kitchens is next in line to serve as chief justice should Randolph, who has been on the court since 2004, step down. The longest tenured justice serves as the chief justice.
But to think that Kitchens as chief justice would be able to exert enough influence to force the other longtime conservative members of the court to start voting as liberals is even more fiction.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1968
Nov. 24, 1968
Black Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver fled the U.S. to avoid imprisonment on a parole violation. He wrote in “Soul on Ice”: “If a man like Malcolm X could change and repudiate racism, if I myself and other former Muslims can change, if young whites can change, then there is hope for America.”
The Arkansas native began to be incarcerated when he was still in junior high and soon read about Malcolm X. He began writing his own essays, drawing the praise of Norman Mailer and others. That work helped him win parole in 1966. His “Soul on Ice” memoir, written from Folsom state prison, described his journey from selling marijuana to following Malcolm X. The book he wrote became a seminal work in Black literature, and he became a national figure.
Cleaver soon joined the Black Panther Party, serving as the minister of information. After a Panther shootout with police that left him injured, one Panther dead and two officers wounded, he jumped bail and fled the U.S. In 1977, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt, he returned to the U.S. pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of assault and served 1,200 hours of community service.
From that point forward, “Mr. Cleaver metamorphosed into variously a born-again Christian, a follower of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, a Mormon, a crack cocaine addict, a designer of men’s trousers featuring a codpiece and even, finally, a Republican,” The New York Times wrote in his 1998 obituary. His wife said he was suffering from mental illness and never recovered.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1867
Nov. 23, 1867
The Louisiana Constitutional Convention, composed of 49 White delegates and 49 Black delegates, met in New Orleans. The new constitution became the first in the state’s history to include a bill of rights.
The document gave property rights to married women, funded public education without segregated schools, provided full citizenship for Black Americans, and eliminated the Black Codes of 1865 and property qualifications for officeholders.
The voters ratified the constitution months later. Despite the document, prejudice and corruption continued to reign in Louisiana, and when Reconstruction ended, the constitution was replaced with one that helped restore the rule of white supremacy.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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